I^^^^P^fc^^^^aMtahgw 


jntoerstta  of  d* 
4d California  « 


/ 


THE   LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE 


OF 


RUFUS  KING 


VOLUME  IV. 


1801-1806 


Of  this  Letter-press  Edition 
750  Copies  ha  ve  been  Printed  for  Saie 


No.   Jo 


August,  1897 


.CALIFQB^ 


(fcuftASl  /6ny> 


Kur 


Rufus    King 


From  a  painting  by  Gilbert  Stuart,  1820 


THE   LIFE  AND    CORRESPONDENCE 

OF 

RUFUS  KING 

COMPRISING  HIS   LETTERS,  PRIVATE  AND  OFFICIAL 

HIS  PUBLIC   DOCUMENTS   AND 

HIS    SPEECHES 


EDITED  BY  HIS  GRANDSON 

CHARLES  R.  KING,  M.D.,  LL.D.  (Trin.) 

FELLOW   OF   THE  COLLEGE   OF   PHYSICIANS,    PHILADELPHIA,    AND 

MEMBER   OF   THE   NEW   YORK  AND   PENNSYLVANIA 

HISTORICAL    SOCIETIES 


VOLUME   IV. 
1801-1806 


NEW  YORK 
P.  PUTNAM'S   SONS 

&\t  Ihtuktrboeher  ^mss 
1897 


ffc.i. 


:^ 


COPYRIGHT,    1897 
BY 

CHARLES   R.   KING 


Ube  "ftnCcfeerbocfeer  Qveee,  "Hew  Kortt 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FOURTH  VOLUME. 

^  This  fourth  volume  presents  the  correspondence  to  the 
time  of  the  close  of  Mr.  King's  mission  to  Great  Britain, 
and  gives  an  account  of  several  interesting  events  which 
occupied  attention,  and  in  which  he  was  an  interested  actor. 
He  returned  to  the  United  States  finding  the  friends  with 
whom  he  had  been  closely  associated  before  his  departure 
for  Great  Britain  out  of  power,  the  political  principles  upon 
which  they  had  founded  the  government  discredited  and 
supplanted  by  others  of  which  they  saw  the  dangerous 
tendency ;  a  condition  of  things  which  made  many  loyal 
men  suggest  disloyal  expedients.  Mr.  King  was  not  of 
these  but  was,  indeed,  an  earnest  opposer  of  their  plans;  and 
when  he  came  home  untrammelled  by  personal  connection 
with  the  political  animosities  which  prevailed,  he  was  put  for- 
ward by  the  leaders  as  the  representative  of  the  old  Federal 
Party,  but  only  to  be  defeated.  The  circumstances  connected 
with  these  efforts  to  recover  power  will  be  found  explained 
in  the  correspondence.  The  relations  with  his  friend  Alex- 
ander Hamilton  ;  his  connection  with  the  duel  which  de- 
prived the  country  of  its  leading  statesman  ;  his  interest 
in  seeing  provision  made  to  relieve  the  family,  whose  head 
had  been  taken  away ;  are  all  clearly  stated,  showing  the 
warmth  of  his  friendship,  and  the  earnestness  with  which  he 
sought  to  avert  the  consequence  of  this  sad  event. 

The  threatened  attempt  of  some  of  the  New  England 
men  to  seek  relief  from  the  political  troubles  of  the  time  by 
severing  the  Union,  received,  as  will  be  seen,  his  positive 
rebuke,  as  it  had  received  that  of  Hamilton  and  of  other 
sound  men  of  the  Federal  party.     It  was  not  in  that  way 


100285 


VI  PREFACE    TO    THE   FOURTH   VOLUME. 

that  relief  was  to  be  found,  but  by  a  steadfast  adherence  to 
their  principles  and  earnest  appeals  to  the  patriotism  of  the 
people.  Without  going  into  detail  to  show  the  events  of  the 
period  covered  by  the  correspondence,  it  may  be  proper  to 
say  that  the  Louisiana  purchase  occupies  a  considerable 
space,  in  which  Mr.  King  in  his  letters  to  Mr.  Livingston 
lays  down  clearly,  in  reference  to  the  pending  negotiation 
with  France,  the  principle,  since  named  the  Monroe  doctrine 
— that  the  United  States  would  look  with  disfavour  upon  the 
attempt  of  any  European  nation,  but  Spain,  to  colonize  on 
its  borders.  There  is  another  subject  which  enlisted  the 
warm  sympathy  of  Mr.  King  during  his  residence  in  England, 
the  liberation  of  the  Spanish  American  colonies  from  the 
parent  state.  Full  correspondence  relative  to  this  will  be 
found  in  this  volume,  extending  over  several  years,  and  in 
which  its  projector  Genl.  Miranda  earnestly  sought  his  help, 
especially,  when,  despairing  of  the  often  promised  help  from 
the  British  Government  he  came  to  the  United  States  to  en- 
list, if  possible,  the  assistance  of  the  Government  and  of  indi- 
viduals to  enable  him  to  carry  out  his  plans.  Mr.  King,  much  as 
he  desired  to  help  him,  could  not  do  so,  because  the  expedition 
could  only  be  carried  out  by  an  infringement  of  the  laws  of 
the  United  States.  The  result  proved  his  wisdom ;  the 
parties  who  were  instrumental  in  sending  it  out  were,  in- 
dicted, though  not  convicted,  and  the  venture  disastrously 
failed. 

In  all  the  matters  adverted  to  in  the  following  paper,  are 
evinced  the  intelligent  understanding,  sound  judgment,  wise 
foresight  and  prudent  counsels  which  mark  the  life  of  Mr. 
King  and  the  love  of  his  country  which  was  never  shaken 
however  much  its  welfare  was  threatened. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  IV. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAGE 

Affairs  in  the  U.  S.—  Ames  to  King— Federal  Views— King  to  Gore— 
peace_King  to  Madison— Detention  of  Vessels  charged  with  break- 
ing Blockade  of  Havre— King  to  Madison— Public  Sentiment  about 
the  Peace— Patience  in  conducting  Negotiations  with  England— Con- 
versation with  Addington  regarding  them — The  Latter  thinks  the 
Peace  will  be  permanent— Mr.  Otto— His  Integrity  and  Discretion 
—King  to  Addington— Statement  relative  to  6th  Article— King  to 
Madison— Diplomatic  Changes— Cabot  to  King— Looks  for  Storms, 
others  more  hopeful— King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury— Vessels  detained 
for  breaking  Blockade— G.  Morris  to  King— On  the  Peace— King 
to  Lord  Grenville— Statement  of  Latter  in  H.  of  Lords,  charging 
Misrepresentation  and  Perjury  by  a  Foreign  Minister— Lord  Gren- 
ville to  King— Said  it  did  not  reflect  on  his  Character  or  Conduct- 
King  to  Secretary  of  State— Spain  ceded  Louisiana  to  France^-No^ 
Allusion  to  Louisiana  in  the  Negotiations  between  France  and  Eng- 
land—L.  Littlepage  to  King— Louisiana^King— Conference  with 
Lord  Hawkesbury,  relative  to  6th  Article— French  Expedition  to  St. 
Domingo — Also  concerning  Louisiana./ 1 

CHAPTER  II. 

Dinner  at  Addington's— Otto  and  Talleyrand— Wilberforce  on  Slave 
Trade  and  on  Pitt— Anecdote  about  Expedition  to  Egypt— Lord 
Molesworth  in  Denmark— King  to  Lord  Pelham— Complaint  against 
McDonough,  English  Agent  at  Tripoli— Inciting  War  against  the 
U.  S.— Lord  Pelham's  Answer— His  Conduct  unauthorized— He  is 
to  be  removed— King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury— Presses  for  a  Settle- 
ment of  Negotiations— King  to  Secretary  of  State— Expeditions  to 
^  St.  Domingo— Otto  to  be  Minister  to  the  U.  S.— King  to  R.  R.  Liv- 
ingston—Congratulations on  his  Arrival  at  Paris— Troup  to  King- 
Depressing  Effect  of  the  Peace— Duel  of  Hamilton's  Son— Anecdote 
of  Talleyrand  and  La  Foret— Gambling  in  English  Stocks— Genet 
wrote  his  own  Instructions— Sir  William  Parker  instead  of  curbing, 

vii 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 


permitted  Depredations  by  his  Officers  on  American  Commerce — 
King  to  Eaton — Presents  to  the  Bey — King  to  Addington — Delays  in 
Negotiations — J.  Q.  Adams  to  King — The  Peace  will  cause  Incon- 
venience— King  to  Hamilton — Letter  of  Condolence — Sedgwick  to 
King — Democratic  Influence  increased  in  New  England — Jefferson's 
Removals  have  not  hurt  his  Influence — Rupture  with  England  feared 
by  Jefferson's  Friends — They  aim  at  the  Destruction  of  the  Judiciary 
— King  to  Lord  Eldon — Presses  for  a  Settlement  of  Negotiations.    .       20 

CHAPTER  III. 

Hale  to  King — Comments  despondingly  on  the  President's  Message — 
Ames  to  King — On  the  Message — Virginia  to  Control — The  Peace 
will  not  calm  Agitation  in  U.  S. — King  to  Secretary  of  State — Ves- 
sels detained  for  breaking  Blockade  of  Havre  released  by  Executive 
Interference — Lord  Dunmore's  outrageous  Conduct  in  Virginia — 
Conversation  with  Lord  Hawkesbury-^French  Expedition  to  St.  Do- 
mingo-^Louisiana — French  desire  to  colonize  to  get  rid  of  per- 
turbed Spirits — Bonaparte  an  extraordinary  Character — King  to  Sec- 
retary of  State — St.  Croix  Boundary — Prize  Courts  in  the  West  Indies 
—  Impressed  Seamen — Peace  has  stopped  Impressments — Outrages 
against  Commerce  continue — W.  Pinkney's  Congratulations  on  sign- 
ing Convention  relative  to  6th  and  7th  Articles — Gore  to  King — On 
his  Trials  while  negotiating — King — Signature  of  the  Convention — 
King  to  Secretary  of  State — Sends  the  Convention — Mode  of  paying 
Claims — Maryland  Bank-Stock  Claim  soon  to  be  settled — King 
to  Madison — History  of  the  Negotiation — Discouraging  Delays — 
Looked  only  to  his  Duty — King  to  Secretary  of  State — Congress  at 
Amiens  probably  result  favorably  to  Peace — Mutiny  in  the  Fleet  for  V' 
the  W.  Indies.  .  38 

CHAPTER  IV. 

King  to  Madison — Asks  Permission  to  travel  on  the  Continent — King  to 
J.  Adams — Sending  a  Copy  of  the  Convention  just  signed — King  to 
Marshall — Explanation  of  the  Convention — King  to  Secretary  of 
State — Cession  of  Louisiana — Lord  Hawkesbury's  Views — King  to 
R.  R.  Livingston — Cession  of  Louisiana — Not  to  be  referred  to  at 
Amiens — Great  Britain  does  not  wish  it — King  suggests  a  temperate 
Statement  against  it  with  France — J.  Q.  Adams  to  King — Discus- 
sion of  the  President's  Message — Treasury  Report  pleasing — Prob- 
able Action  of  the  Administration — Aim  for  Popularity — King  to 
Secretary  of  State — Conference  with  Lord  Hawkesbury  relative  to 
the  Footing  of  our  Navigation  on  Return  of  Peace — To  discontinue 
countervailing  Duties — Harmony  of  England  and  continental  mari- 


CONTENTS. 


IX 


time  Nations  will  not  be  re-established  by  the  Peace— King  to  Lord 
Hawkesbury — Expediency  of  abolishing  alien  tonnage  Duty — King 
to  Secretary  of  State — Treaty  not  yet  signed— Fleet  from  Brest  not 
yet  sailed  for  St.  Domingo— Sweden  acceded  to  Convention  of  Pe- 
tersburg—Probable Change  of  Ministry  unfounded— Madison  to  King 
—Appointment  of  G.  W.  Ewing  as  Consul— King  to  Parker— Send- 
ing his  Son  James  to  School  at  Paris 53 

CHAPTER  V. 

King  to  Vansittart,  Secretary  of  State,  and  Madison— Discriminating 
Duties  on  commercial  Intercourse — England  prepared  to  abolish 
them— Commission  under  7th  Article  resumed  their  sittings— Sedg- 
wick to  King— Condition  of  Affairs  in  the  U.  S.  as  affected  by  Jef- 
erson's  Election— Ames  to  King—View  of  the  Future  not  cheering— 
King  to  Madison— Delay  of  Negotiations  at  Amiens— Believes  Peace 
will  be  concluded— Napoleon  at  Lyons  appointed  himself  President 
of  the  Italian  Republic— King  to  Secretary  of  State— McDonough, 
British  Agent  at  Tripoli,  exculpates  himself  from  Charges  against 
him — Debate  on  Bill  to  suspend  tonnage  and  countervailing  Duties 
— Definitely  settled  by  France  to  send  a  Colony  to  Louisiana,  unless 
Affairs  in  St.  Domingo  prevent— King  to  Secretary  of  State— Ardor 
for  Peace  abating  in  England— Fleets  to  be  put  in  Order.— Still  be- 
lieves there  will  be  Peace  chiefly  advantageous  to  France— King  to 
Secretary  of  State— Erving's  Appointment— King  to  Secretary  of 
State— Negotiations  at  Amiens  still  unsettled— Public  Opinion  in 
England  seems  to  favor  Rupture 68 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Presents  to  Bey  of  Tunis  sent — King  to  Livingston — Louisiana — To  pre- 
vent the  sailing  of  the  French  Fleet — Iron  or  Gold—Former  impos- 
sible— Gold  might  buy  Louisiana  by  fair  Purchase  with  Cash — 
Would  the  People  consent  ?— Suggests  other  Means — Nothing  will 
be  done  at  Amiens — General  Suggestions — Monroe  Doctrine — King 
to  Livingston — Explains  the  Convention  between  United  States  and 
England — Spaniards  have  fifteen  Millions  of  Dollars  in  West  Indies 
to  buy  Provisions  for  the  combined  Fleets— Hawkesbury  to  King- 
Announces  the  Signature  of  the  Definitive  Treaty — Lord  Lansdowne 
on  Louisiana — In  the  Discussions  relative  to  it  before  the  Treaty  of 
Peace  of  1783,  he  wished  England  to  retain  it— Cabot  to  King- 
Congratulates  him  for  the  Convention — Murray  to  King — Return 
Home  and  Reception — No  Chief  among  the  Federalists — Recom- 
mends him  to  stay  Abroad — King  to  Troup — Does  not  feel  any  Fear 
of  Reception  of  Convention  by  intelligent  and  reasonable  Men — Con- 


CONTENTS. 


trasts  France  and  England  in  Ability  to  raise  Money— King  to  Sec- 
retary of  State— Definitive  Treaty  conforms  in  the  Main  to  the  Pre- 
liminaries—If no  secret  Articles,  Indemnity  to  the  Prince  of  Orange 
not  given— Effect  of  Treaty  in  England— King  to  Secretary  of  State 
—Has  suggested  the  Appointment  of  Mr.  Merry  as  Successor  to  Mr. 
Liston 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Troup  to  King— Congressional  Acts— G.  Morris  on  Judiciary  Bill— Burr 
has  lost  Ground-Toast  at  a  Dinner— Jefferson  the  Idol-Business 
dull— Cabot  to  King— Distrusts  French  Fleets-Does  not  fear  French^ 
Settlement  in  Louisiana— Ames  to  King— France's  Project  of  getting, 
Louisiana  can  only  do  Good— Joy  at  Adjustment  with  Great  Britain 
of  the  Negotiation  about  the  Debts— J.  Hale  to  King— Glad  he  will 
remain  in  London— Federalists   more  confident— Louisiana  Project 
will  operate  well— King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury— Cession  of  Louisa 
ana   Effect  on  the  Navigation  of  the  Mississippi— How  far  is  Eng- 
land concerned  in  the  Cession-McHenry  to  King-Effect  of  Peace 
on  the  United  States— Measures  of  the  Administration  criticised— 
King  to  Vansittart— United  States  should  pay  no  higher  Duties  to 
export  British  Manufactures  than  other  Nations— King  to  Secretary 
of  State— Definitive  Treaty  ratified— Sweden  joins  Russia  and  Eng- 
land in  annulling  the  System  of  armed  Neutrality-King  to  Secretary 
of  State,  United  States  Funds— Means  taken  to  secure  their  Safety 
and  proper  Disbursement,  especially  in  Prize  Cases— The  Govern- 
ment having  now  made  other  Arrangements,  he  shall  no  longer  re- 
gard the  pecuniary  Affairs  under  his  Control— J.  Marshall  to  King 
—Congratulates  him  on  his  Settlement  of  the  Debt  Claims.       . 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

King  to  Secretary  of  State— Bill  imposing  Duties  on  Exports  and  Im- 
ports passed-King  to  Secretary  of  State-Has  asked  Lord  Hawkes- 
bury  for  a  confidential  Statement  of  Views  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment about  Louisiana  Cession— Lord  Hawkesbury  to  King— Confi- 
dential Answer— King  to  Hamilton— Louisiana  Cession— Troup  to 
King— American  Politics— Cabot  to  King— Sees  Danger  in  the  Euro- 
pean Peace— France  ambitious,  restless— King  to  Low— His  Opinion 
of  Samuel  Williams-King  to  Secretary  of  State-Debate  on  the 
Peace— Convention  between  Great  Britain  and  Russia— King  to  Sec- 
retary of  State-Embarrassment  with  Trade  through  French  Laws 
—Affairs  of  Bird  &  Co.  embarrassed— King  to  Dr.  Drury— Wishes 
his  Sons  advanced  as  much  as  possible— Drury  to  King— Does  not 


82 


102 


CONTENTS.  XI 


PAGE 


advise  pushing  them — Course  at  Harrow — Hamilton  to  King — He 
should  return  Home — Reasons  given — General  Opinion  of  Affairs  in 
the  United  States — Troup  to  King — Affairs  in  United  States,  espec- 
ially relative  to  Burr 119 

CHAPTER  IX. 

King  to  Secretary  of  State— Received  President's  and  Senate's  Approba- 
tion of  the  Convention — Sedgwick  to  King — Glad  he  will  return 
Home — Federalism  improving — District  of  Maine— King  to  Low — 
Confidence  in  Government  Funds — King  to  Madison — Thanks  for 
Permission  to  visit  France,  etc. — Will  leave  Mr.  Gore  Charge  with- 
out Expense  to  the  Public — King  to  Secretary  of  State— Commis- 
sion under  7th  Article  proceeding  satisfactorily — Has  postponed 
Discussion  of  the  Repeal  of  countervailing  Duty  on  Tobacco — King 
to  Erving — Claims  of  Seamen  for  Relief — King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury 
— Has  received  the  Convention  ratified,  etc. — King  to  Secretary  of 
State — Loan  by  Holland  paid  in  Part  to  France  to  release  Claims  of 
the  Prince  of  Orange — King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury — Demanding  Re- 
lease of  impressed  Seamen — King  to  Livingston — Floridas  possibly 
not  ceded — Free  Navigation  of  the  Mississippi  essential  to  United^ 
States— Floridas  must  belong  to  us— Interesting  Suggestion  relative 
to  them — Should  not  enter  into  a  Guaranty  as  to  their  Possession  by 
Spain — King  to  Secretary  of  State — Ratifications  of  Convention  ex- 
changed— King  to  Secretary  of  State — Morocco  declared  war  against 
the  United  States — Agricultural  Prospects  in  England  bad — King  to 
Troup — Going  to  the  Continent — King  to  Secretary  of  State — In- 
forming him  of  his  Expenditure  relating  to  the  Publication  of  Robin- 
son's Admiralty  Reports  and  why  incurred 137 

CHAPTER  X. 

King  to  Livingston — Has  sent  in  his  Resignation — King  to  Marshall — 
Plan  of  Settlement  by  the  Convention  completed  before  he  received 
the  Views  of  the  new  Administration,  though  approved  by  it — Has 
resigned  his  Office — King  to  R.  Southgate — Has  resigned  his  Office 
—King  to  Secretary  of  State— Resigns  his  Office  and  asks  to  return 
Home  in  the  Spring  in  a  Frigate— King  to  Madison — Desires  to  re- 
turn in  a  public  Vessel,  etc. — King  to  Secretary  of  State — Conference 
with  Lord  Hawkesbury  on  Maryland  Bank-Stock  and  West  India 
Trade— Hoped  to  settle  these  before  he  left— Louisiana,  etc.— Gore  V 
to  Lord  Hawkesbury — Boundaries  between  Territories  of  United 
States  and  Great  Britain — Troup  to  King — Burr  ruined  in  Politics 
and  Fortune — Sedgwick  to  King — Politics — Burr 152 


Xll  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

PAGE. 

Journey  of  King  to  the  Continent  of  Europe — Few  Details  of  it — Gore  to 
King — Correspondence,  and  about  the  Latter's  Sons — King  to  Caze- 
nove — Complaint  of  Livingston  against  Talleyrand — King  to  Erving 
— He  had  received  no  Faculty  to  grant  Passports  to  American  Citi- 
zens— Mr.  Gore  has — How  Slaves  captured  after  an  Insurrection  in  • 
Virginia  in  1800  might  be  disposed  of — President  Jefferson  to  King 
— Suggesting  sending  them  to  Sierra  Leone,  Africa — Also  expressing  * 
his  Satisfaction  with  Mr.  King's  Course  in  England — And  his  Desire 
for  peaceful  and  friendly  Relations  with  Great  Britain — Gore  to  the 
President — Answers  the  Letter  to  King,  giving  the  Refusal  of  the  • 
Company  to  receive  the  Blacks — J.  Q.  Adams  to  King — Condition 
of  Affairs  in  the  U.  S. — Strength  of  the  Administration  increasing.  .     163 

CHAPTER  XII. 

George  III.  to  King — On  his  not  being  presented  to  Bonaparte  in  Paris 
— Also  Precautions  taken  when  riding  on  cold  Days — Cabot  to  King 
— Affairs  in  Massachusetts — Murray  to  King — Talk  of  King  as  Can- 
didate for  the  Presidency — Democrats  blame  him  in  Maryland  as 
neglecting  the  Bank-Stock. — T.  Paine — Hotels  refused  to  receive 
him — W.  Hindman  to  King — Proposed  Presidential  Nomination — 
Maryland  Bank-Stock — King  to  Livingston — Insecurity  of  the  Peace 
— King  to  Secretary  of  State — War  might  be  renewed — No  Concert 
with  Austria  and  Russia — Cabinet  sees  no  material  Change  in  Con- 
tinental Powers  to  warrant  War — Difficulties  relative  to  Malta  and 
unsettled  commercial  Intercourse  with  France,  etc — King  to  Eaton 
— Hargrave's  Charges  for  Commission  in  purchasing  Jewels,  etc. ,  for 
Bey,  not  Right — Wilberforce  to  King — Distrusts  the  Ministry — 
King  to  Addington — Urges  Settlement  of  Maryland  Bank-Stock 
Question — King  to  Secretary  of  State — France  the  Arbiter  of  Peace.     179 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Troup  to  King — State  of  Parties — King  to  be  run  for  President  or  Vice- 
President — King  to  Parker  in  Paris — Inquiry  about  Schools  for  his 
elder  Sons — King  to  Secretary  of  State — In  new  Bill  to  be  intro- 
duced in  Parliament  Duties  will  remain  the  same  except  on  foreign 
Oils — Change  in  Corn  Laws — King  to  Erving  respecting  Charges — 
King  to  President  of  United  States — Resumes  the  Subject  of  Trans- 
portation of  Slaves  to  Sierra  Leone — Little  Hope  of  Success  in  ob- 
taining Permission  to  send  them  there — Thanks  him  for  his  Apprecia- 
tion of  his  Services,  etc. — King  to  Erving — No  Danger  that  Mr. 
Williams  will  embarrass  him  or  injure  the  Public — King  to  Madison 


CONTENTS.  xiii 


—Acknowledging  Refusal  of  a  public  Vessel  for  his  Return  and  ask- 
ing for  Letters  of  Recall  before  April  ioth—  Madison  to  King- 
Cause  of  Refusal— Reasons  given  by  the  President  for  this  Refusal— 
The  Decision  really  a  wise  one.         ......  102 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Troup  to  King— Spanish  Officers  at  New  Orleans  violating  the  Treaty—*' 
Jefferson's  Message  an  Opiate— King  to  Vansittart— Duty  on  Oil 
proposed  would  materially  injure  U.  S.  in  withdrawing  skilled  Sea- 
men—King to  Wilberforce— Urges  granting  Permission  to  send 
emancipated  Slaves  to  Sierra  Leone— Wilberforce  to  King— Import- 
ance of  cultivating  Friendship  between  their  two  Countries — Mary- 
land Bank-Stock— King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury  and  Sir  Stephen  Cot- 
trell  relative  to  contagious  Fever  on  Board  of  Vessel  to  carry  Ameri- 
can Seamen  to  the  U.  S.— King  to  Erving,  on  the  same  Matter- 
King  to  Gallatin— Exchange  with  Holland  and  England— How  best 
to  make  Remittances— King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury— Claims  equal 
Participation  in  the  West  India  Trade— King  to  Governor  of  Mary- 
land, relative  to  Communications  about  the  Bank-Stock— J.  Jay  to 
King— Domestic  Afflictions  have  prevented  writing— Sedgwick  to 
Hamilton— Federalists  should  hold  the  State  Governments— King 
for  Governor  of  New  York— King  to  Secretary  of  State— No  further 
Progress  in  Settlement  of  pending  Questions— French  Troops  pos** 
sibly  going  to  Louisiana— King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury— His  Govern- 
ment wishes  Settlement  of  Questions  with  England— King  to  Secre- 
tary of  State— Failure  of  Bird,  Savage,  and  Bird— King  to  Gallatin 
— Same  Subject— Propositions  to  Sir  Francis  Baring.        .         .         .203 

CHAPTER  XV. 

King  engages  a  Country  House  near  New  York— King  to  Vansittart— 
Demands  Restoration  of  Wines  and  Spirits,  Remains  of  Stores  on 
Merchant  Vessels  seized  by  the  Customs'  Officers— King  to  Bird,  Sav- 
age and  Bird— How  Balances  to  be  settled— King  to  Sir  F.  Baring- 
Terms  of  Money  Arrangement— Baring  to  King— Answer— King  to 
Livingston— Monroe  appointed  Envoy,  etc.,  to  France— King  to 
Gallatin— Arrangement  with  Sir  F.  Baring  as  Financial  Agent  of  the 
U.  S.— King  to  Secretary  of  State— Northeast  Boundary  Line — King 
to  Livingston— Relative  to  the  Closure  of  the  Port  of  New  Orleans7 
—King  to  Livingston— The  King's  Message  to  Parliament  looks  to 
War— Measures  taken— Effect  on  the  U.  S.— Especially  with  refer- 
ence to  Louisiana— King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury— Vessels  of  U.  S. 
from  New  Orleans  denied  Entry  because  a  Spanish  Port*-Asks  him 
to  remove  this  Impediment— King  to  Secretary  of  State— Expedition 


XIV  CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

to  Louisiana  will  not  proceed — King  to  Secretary  of  State — War 
more  probable — France's  Demands — England's  Preparations — King 
to  Secretary  of  State — England's  Answer — Malta — Cabot  to  King — 
Affairs  in  U.  S. — Regrets  King's  Return — King  to  Secretary  of 
State — France's  Answer  to  England — War  inevitable.        .         .         .     220 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

King  to  Livingston — France's  Alternative  War  or  Evacuation  of  Malta 
— For  Latter  England  requires  Security — King's  Successor  not  yet 
named — King  to  Secretary  of  State — Question  before  the  Commis- 
sioners under  7th  Article  relative  to  awarding  Interest  during  its  Sus- 
pension— King  to  P.  Sansom — Acknowledges  Kindness  from  Ameri- 
can Merchants — King  to  Secretary  of  State — France's  Answer  to 
Lord  Hawkesbury — Vindicating  Conduct  of  France — England  will 
continue  to  occupy  Malta — War  will  probably  ensue — King  to  Liv- 
ingston— Neither  France  nor  England  would  care  to  begin  the 
Assault — King  to  C.  Abbot — How  to  preserve  Public  Records — 
King  to  Secretary  of  State — No  Change — War  inevitable — England 
without  Ally — In  Case  of  War,  England  should  seek  to  benefit  Neu- 
tral Commerce — Mr.  Addington  said  England  might  attempt  to  oc- 
cupy New  Orleans — King  objected — Might  involve  Misunderstand- 
ing— King  to  Livingston — England  will  not  Evacuate  Malta — Affairs 
so  critical,  hopes  his  Successor  will  arrive  before  his  Departure — 
King  to  Secretary  of  State — French  Answer  called  Evasion — De- 
cision for  War  remains  for  France 233 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury — Convention  for  Boundaries — King  to  Liv- 
ingston— Notes  between  England  and  France — Hopes  he  has  definite 
Principles  respecting  Louisiana  in  Case  of  War — Gallatin  to  King — 
Arrangements  with  Barings  satisfactory — King  to  Secretary  of  State 
— Maryland  Bank-Stock — Ownership  settled — King — Memorandum- 
Book — Taking  Leave  of  the  King — Conversation  with  Lord  Hawkes- 
bury respecting  Contraband — Notes  and  Negotiations  between  Eng- 
land and  France — Ambassadors  of  each  receive  their  Passports — 
Early  Information  communicated  by  King  to  English  Government — 
Dinner  at  the  Duke  of  Portland's — Not  England  but  Bonaparte  has 
shown  bad  Faith  in  the  non-Execution  of  the  Treaty — Conference 
with  Addington — England  would  be  satisfied  with  the  Cession  of 
Louisiana  to  the  U.  S. — Russian  Offer  of  Mediation  refused — Con- 
ferences with  Lord  St.  Vincent  relative  to  Impressment — No  satis- 
factory Result  obtained — Last  Conferences  between  England  and 
France — Ambassadors  of  each  receive  their  Passports — King  to  Earl 


CONTENTS.  XV 


PAGB 

St.  Vincent— Regrets  the  Failure  of  Negotiations  to  put  an  End  to 
Impressment— Gore  to  King— Confirms  this  Failure— King  to  Secre- 
tary of  State — Condition  of  Negotiations  relative  to  Impressment 
— Neutral  Flag — Colony  Trade— South  America — King  to  Lord 
Hawkesbury — Communicates  Purchase  of  Louisiana*-Lord  Hawkes- 
bury  to  King — Response  to  above — The  King's  Pleasure  at  the  In- 
telligence— Complimentary  Remarks  on  the  whole  Course  of  King's 
public  Mission 245 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

King  sails  from  England— Reasons  for  asking  Permission  to  return  Home 
— Suggested  to  Madison  the  Revision  of  the  Commercial  Treaty 
with  Great  Britain— No  Notice  taken  of  it— No  new  Work  entrusted 
to  him — King  to  Hamilton,  asking  his  Opinion  as  to  his  return — 
Hamilton  to  King — Thinks  it  advisable — Presence  Home  useful — 
Party  in  Power  hostile  to  the  Interests  of  the  Country — He  may  suffer 
in  their  Disrepute,  holding  Office  under  them — King  to  J.  Marshall 
and  to  Dr.  Southgate,  announcing  his  Resignation — King  continues 
to  press  pending  Questions  for  Settlement — N.  E.  and  N.  W.  Boun- 
daries of  the  U.  S. — Impressment — The  State  of  Maryland's  Bank- 
Stock — King  left  without  appointing  a  Charge  d' Affaires,  not  having 
been  instructed  to  do  so — Gore  to  Madison — Will  look  after  the 
Affairs  of  the  U.  S.  until  King's  Successor  arrives — Gore  to  King — 
Explains  his  Reasons  for  this  Conduct — Gore  to  King — Defends  him- 
self from  a  Charge  of  delaying  Proceedings  of  the  Convention — Re- 
fuses to  grant  Passports — Monroe  has  received  his  Commission — Boys 
well— King  to  John  Adams— State  of  Affairs  when  he  left  London,     264 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Arrival  in  New  York  and  Reception  by  Citizens— Cabot  to  King — Wel- 
come Home — Confidence  in  England — Louisiana's  Cession  a  goocT 
Thing  for  France — Madison  to  King — Not  Necessary  as  a  Tribute  of 
Respect — Written  Communications  sufficient — Gallatin  to  King — 
Baggage  free  from  Duty — Thanks  for  his  Manner  of  transacting  the 
Business  of  his  Department — Jay  to  King — Congratulations  on  his 
Return— Hale  to  King— Congratulations,  etc.— J.  Q.  Adams  to  King 
— Thanks  for  Favors  rendered  in  London — Cabot  to  King — Pleased 
with  Firmness  of  British  Government— J.  Adams  to  King— Thanks 
for  sending  Papers— His  Conduct  in  England  satisfactory  to  him  and 
honorable  and  beneficial  to  his  Country — King  to  Gore — Cession  of 
great  Importance  giving  Control  of  the  Mississippi — Offer  to  go  to 
Washington — Sedgwick  to  King — Wishes  to  see  him  Governor  of 
N.  Y. — Gov.  Mercer  to  King — Thanks  him  for  Zeal,  Ability,  and 


XVI  CONTENTS. 


Perseverance  in  Maryland's  Behalf— Gore  to  King — State  of  Com- 
mission's Work — Monroe  expected — Public  Dinner  to  King — King 
to  Gore — Does  not  yet  know  his  Successor — Gore  to  King — Rebellion 
in  Ireland — English  Confidence  rises — Monroe  arrives  in  London — 
King  to  Gore — Livingston  or  Monroe  to  succeed  him — The  Papers 
say  Doubts  arise  as  to  the  Utility  and  Prudence  and  Constitutional- 
ity of  the  Louisiana  Purchase — King  to  Gore — Hears  Nothing  more 
of  his  Successor — Washington  not  a  safe  Residence  in  Summer — Yel- 
low Fever  in  N.  Y. — Objections  to  certain  Articles  in  the  Louisiana 
Convention 27§ 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Gore  to  King— Congratulates  him  on  his  Arrival  in  N.  Y.— Boys  well- 
Affairs  in  Europe— Monroe  knows  little  that  passes  in  London — Gore 
to  King— Miranda  desires  to  quit  England  for  Trinidad— Affairs  in 
Europe — Trouble  with  Ewing— King  to  Gore— Astonished  by  Eng- 
land enrolling  the  Militia— No  reliable  Opinions  of  Congress  rela- 
tive to  Louisiana — Search  for  a  Farm — Gore  to  King — His  Boys  in 
England — Livingston's  Memorial — South  America — St.  Domingo — 
Gore  to  King — Boys'  Behaviour  excellent — Anticipates  a  gloomy 
Winter — England  duped  by  Spain — Monroe  has  received  no  Dis- 
patches since  his  Arrival  in  London — Gore  to  King — Wishes  he 
might  settle  near  Boston — Miranda— Gore  to  King— Merry  sails  un/ 
instructed  relative  to  St.  Domingo — Monroe  thinks  it  a  good  Place 
for  emancipated  Negroes — Threatened  Invasion  of  England — Liv- 
ingston to  King — Has  as  yet  no  Advices  from  U.  S.  of  Reception  of 
the  Convention  by  the  Government — Regrets  that  it  has  not  yet  been 
considered— State  of  Europe— Has  not  yet  received  his  Cong/.         .     296 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Gore  to  King— Miranda  to  be  dispatched  to  Trinidad— Breach  between 
Monroe  and  Livingston— Monroe  in  England— English  Fears  of  Ful- 
ton's Boat — Colony  Trade — King  to  Gore — Approves  of  Gore's  Con- 
duct in  Connection  with  his  Commission — Light  in  which  Louisiana 
Treaty  is  viewed  in  the  U.  S. — Livingston's  Memorial  indiscreet — 
Monroe  should  have  explained  the  Sentiments  of  his  Government — 
Gore  to  King— Schools  in  France  for  his  Boys— Volunteers  in  Eng- 
land training— Russia  may  interfere  for  Spain— Louisiana— ^Monroe 
—Madison  does  not  notice  his  Communications — Maryland  Bank- 
Stock— Miranda  not  permitted  to  sail— No  new  Treaty  with  G.  B.  at 
Present — King  to  Gore— Louisiana  Treaty  ratified — Conduct  of  Spain 
causes  much  Speculation— He  knows  little  of  public  Affairs— King 
to  Pickering — Slavery  in  Louisiana,  should  not  Effort  be  made  toj 


CONTENTS.  xvii 


prevent  it  ? — Would  alter  the  Constitution  to  confine  Representation 
and  Taxation  to  free  Inhabitants — King  to  Gore — Proceedings  in 
Congress — Jerome  Bonaparte  in  America — Account  of  their  Friends 
— King  to  Gore — Government  will  take  Possession  of  Louisiana —    "^ 
Gore  to  King — Claims  an  Outfit — Alarm  of  Invasion  subsiding —    ^ 
Monroe  presents  a  Memorial  on  Impressment  of  Seamen.  .         .     313 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

Boundaries  Convention  with  England — Madison  to  King — King  to  Madi- 
son— Answer  removing  Objections — Madison  to  King — Mr.  Merry's 
etiquette  Claims — Gore  to  King — Personal — Louisiana — Bonaparte's 
Invasion  of  England — Livingston's  Position — Ingersoll  to  King — 
House  in  New  York — King  to  Ingersoll — House  rented  and  occu- 
pied— Gore  to  King — Cornwallis  watching  Brest — King's  Views  rela- 
tive to  Louisiana — King  to  Gore — Invasion  of  England — Louisiana 
Convention — Col.  Burr  and  the  Federalists — Miranda — Merry — Gore 
to  King — Merry  and  sombre  Dispatches — Lord  Hawkesbury's  Opin- 
ion— Government  seem  to  consider  this  a  studied  Affront — Erving 
told  Memorials  were  not  received  from  Consuls — Gore  to  King — 
The  King's  Sickness — Maryland  Bank-Stock  adjusted — Gore  about 
returning  Home 329 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Grievances  and  Suggestions  of  certain  Federalists  for  a  Separation  of  the 
New  England  States — Proposal  to  nominate  King  for  Governor  of 
the  State  of  New  York — Hamilton  to  King — Urging  him  to  allow 
himself  to  be  nominated — King  to  Hamilton — He  declines — Plan  of 
Separation  of  the  Northern  States — Pickering — Cabot — Wolcott — 
Conversation  with  King  about  a  Separation — J.  Q.  Adams — Conversa- 
tion with  King  on  the  Same — Hamilton's  Views  adverse  to  the  Plan 
— Pickering  to  King — Louisiana— «Judge  Pickering's  Trial — Picker- 
ing to  King — Plan  of  Separation — King  to  Pickering — Protection  of 
Seamen — Cabot  to  King — Experiment  of  Separation  of  the  States.    .     346 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Settlement  of  the  Accounts  of  King  during  his  Mission — Letters  from  the 
Secretary  of  Treasury,  A.  Gallatin — Secretary  of  State,  J.  Madison 
— Auditor  of  Treasury,  R.  Harrison — R.  King 372 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

Burr  disappointed — Sought  Revenge  by  Death  of  Hamilton — King's  Con- 
nection with  the  Duel  between  them — Charges  against  him  of  Cold- 


XVU1  CONTENTS. 


ness  of  Heart  and  of  not  endeavoring  to  prevent  the  Duel  examined 
and  disproved — King  to  C.  King,  denying  a  Statement  by  Dr.  Mason 
— C.  King  to  R.  King — Interview  with  Dr.  Mason — Report  Incor- 
rect— W.  Wallace  to  King — Result  of  the  Duel — Pendleton  to  King 
— Hamilton  mortally  wounded — Correspondence  with  Gen.  Clarkson 
relative  to  the  Duel — Pitcairn  to  King — Deplores  the  Death  of  Ham- 
ilton  389 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Embarrassment  of  General  Hamilton's  pecuniary  Affairs — G.  Morris's 
Statement — King  to  Friends  in  Boston — They  proposed  giving  Lands 
bought  of  T.  Pickering  to  the  Heirs  of  General  Hamilton — Deed 
for  them  to  be  given  by  the  Purchasers — King  to  Cabot — Statement 
of  the  Debts  and  Subscription  in  New  York — Gore  to  King — Deeds 
made  out — J.  A.  Hamilton's  Account — Letter  to  Major  Popham — 
King  to  Gore — Plan  to  purchase  Hamilton's  Estate — Gift  of  Land 
by  Gen.  Schuyler  to  his  Daughter — Share  of  her  Father's  Estate — 
Charge  against  King  in  the  Alexandria  Expositor — King's  Letter  to 
Editor — Copy  of  the  Article — J.  Crowe,  England,  to  King — Denies 
the  truth  of  the  Article — Dinsmore,  Editor,  to  King — Will  publish  a 
Refutation — King  to  Dinsmore — Wishes  no  Apology,  but  the  Truth 
published. 403 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

King's  Journey  to  Boston  and  District  of  Maine — Dinners  at  Salem  and 
Newburyport  and  Portland — Return  to  Boston — Public  Dinner  there 
— Elections  of  Presidential  Electors  and  for  a  Senator  of  the  United 
States  from  New  York — King  defeated  in  Both — W.  L.  Smith  to 
King — Friendly  Wishes — Livingston  to  King  relative  to  French 
Negotiations — Lafayette  to  King — Introducing  General  Moreau — 
Miranda's  Project.  417 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Gore  to  King — About  Pinkney  of  Md. — King  to  Gore — Personal — J.  A. 
Smith  to  King — Mission  to  Russia — On  public  Affairs  in  U.  S. — 
C.  King  to  King — Hard  Winter — Personal — Pickering  to  King — 
Trial  of  Judge  Chase — King  to  Pickering — Judge  Chase — Senate 
Business — Pickering  to  King — Arguments  of  Chase's  Counsel — Ran- 
dolph's Speech  on  Georgia  Claims — St.  Domingo  Bill-*Pickering  to 
King — Acquittal  of  Judge  Chase — Pickering  to  King — Nomination 
of  Attorney  General — Burr's  retiring  Speech — King  to  W.  Hope — 
Desires  to  place  his  Second  Son   in  his  House — King  to  Samuel 


CONTENTS.  xiX 


Chase — Congratulations  on  the  Result  of  his  Trial — Chase  to  King — 
Thanking  him  and  stating  Points  in  the  case  and  the  Attack  on  the 
Judiciary — Gore  to  King — Federalism  will  soon  disappear — Living- 
ston to  King — With  Letter  from  Talleyrand  relative  to  a  Collection 
of  Works  of  Art  to  be  placed  in  the  Museum  at  N.  Y. — King  to  Gore 
—Current  Events — Lord  Suffolk  to  King — British  Affairs — Gore  to 
King — Commercial  Ventures     ........     436 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

King  to  Gore — Miranda  about  to  sail — Monroe's  Failure  in  Spain — Yellow 
Fever  in  N.  York — King  at  Rockaway — His  Son  James — Pitcairn  to 
King — Seizure  of  American  Vessels — Gore  to  King — British  Interfer- 
ence with  Trade  of  U.  S. — Would  it  have  been  so,  if  King  had  been 
in  England? — W.  Vaughan  to  King — War  in  Disguise — Neutral's 
Rights — King  to  Gore — New  Coalition  in  Europe — Effect  on  Ameri- 
can Trade — Wilberforce  to  King — Sends  War  in  Disguise — Acting 
on  the  System  recommended  indispensable  to  England — Miss  O. 
Southgate — Opinion  of  King — King  to  his  Sons  in  Paris — King  to 
Morris — Celebration  of  25th  November — Pickering  to  King — Treaty 
with  Tripoli — Gore  to  King — Miranda  cannot  expect  Help — Boston  * 
Merchants  fear  Depredations  on  Commerce — Suggest  King  as  Minis- 
ter to  England — Gore  to  King — President's  Message — Breck  to  King 
— Bank  of  U.  States — Pickering  to  King — No  great  Measures  before 
Congress — King  to  Gore — Merchants  alarmed — Proposal  to  urge  his 
Appointment  to  England — King  to  Pickering — President's  Foreign 
Policy 454 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

Gore  to  King — Negotiations  with  England — King  as  Minister — Pickering 
to  King — Logan's  Motion  relative  to  St.  Domingo  Trade — Parker 
to  King  about  his  Sons — Napoleon's  change  of  Rulers  in  Europe — 
King  to  Gore — England's  Pretensions  about  Colonial  Trade — Affairs 
in  Washington — Troup  to  King — Clinton  carries  the  Council — Tracy 
to  King — Report  on  Spoliation — King  to  Pickering — Desires  to 
know  the  Plan  of  Government — Public  Anxious — Pickering  to  King 
— Might  as  well  search  for  Plan  in  Chaos — Detail  of  Opinions  in 
Washington,  relative  to  Florida  Purchase — Pickering's  own  Views — 
Objected  on  Ground  of  the  Immorality  and  Impolicy  of  the  Measure — 
Pickering  to  King — Arguments  against  the  Purchase  of  Florida  as 
proposed  in  the  secret  Appropriation  Bill — Jefferson  incapable  of 
managing  Affairs  in  Trouble — Negotiations  with  Great  Britian — 
King  to  Pickering — Disclaims  the  Authorship  of  the  Answer  to  War 
in  Disguise — Troup  to  King — Coalition  of  Clinton  and  the  Burrites  .     475 


XX  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Pickering  to  King — Answer  of  "War  in  Disguise"  by  Morris — Anecdote 
relative  to  and  Criticism  of  Answer — Tracy  to  King — Speculations 
about  Answer — Fatal  Effects  of  Democracy — King  to  Pickering — 
Miranda — Denunciations  by  the  President's  Friends — Tracy  to  King 
— Armstrong  elected — Pickering  to  King — Sends  Capt.  Lewis'  Nar- 
rative— Remarks  thereon — Smith's  Bill  to  encourage  Shipping  and 
Navigation — Asks  King's  Views — King  to  Pickering — European 
News — Estimate  of  England — Pickering  to  King — Caramelli — Mir- 
anda— King  to  Pickering — Sundry  Subjects — Pickering  to  King — 
Death  of  Pitt — Relaxation  of  British  commercial  Regulations — 
Might  make  satisfactory  Arrangements  with  G.  B. — Speculations 
upon  Monroe  and  Madison,  as  to  the  next  Presidency — King  to  Pick- 
ering— Disapproves  of  Bills  on  Non-importation  of  British  Products — 
Gore  to  King — Animadversions  against  the  Government — Gore  to 
King — Reasons   for   re-entering   public  Life — Pickering  to  King — 

"y  Armstrong's  Application  of  the  Louisiana  Fund — N.  Webster  to 
King — Should  Legislatures  express  Opinions  on  the  Conduct  of  the 
Government      ...........     49° 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

Miranda  to  King — Expects  to  embark  for  Trinidad — Asks  for  Help — King 
says  unauthorized — Further  Communications — King  to  Madison — 
Communicates  confidentially  Miranda's  Plans — Miranda  sails  for  N. 
York — Vansittart  to  King — England's  Dealings  with  Miranda — Pre- 
sent Views  of  public  Men  in  England — King  to  Secretary  of  State — 
Sends  him  Vansittart's  Letter  for  the  President  to  read — Miranda  to 
Gore — Account  of  his  Preparations  to  sail  for  Trinidad — Urging  him 
to  assist  him — King  to  Gore — Miranda's  Arrival  in  N.  York  and  his 
Plans — Madison  to  King,  acknowledging  Receipt  of  his  Letters — 
Miranda  to  King,  urging  him  to  ask  his  Friends  to  contribute  Money 
for  him — Declined  by  King — Miranda  to  King — He  sails — Estimate 
of  Mr.  King's  Action  in  the  Matter — Help  in  Congress  invoked  by 
Miranda's  Friends  against  Prosecution — King  to  Gore — How  his 
Name  mixed  with  the  Enquiry — King  to  Vansittart  .         .         .         .5*7 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

Tudor  to  King— Carrying  Ice  to  the  W.  Indies— Dr.  Romeyn  to  King — 
Election  as  Manager  of  the  American  Bible  Society— King  to 
Romeyn — Declines  the  Office,  though  approving  the  Object  of  the 
Society — Action  of  the  Episcopal  Church  to  circulate  the  Bible  with 
the  Common  Prayer  Book — Gore  to  King — Pinkney  to  London  to 


CONTENTS.  XXI 


PAGE 

assist  Monroe — King  receives  Degree  of  LL.D.  from  Dartmouth, 
Williams,  and  Harvard  Colleges — Trustee  of  Columbia  College — S. 
Smith  to  King — Death  of  his  Son — Tudor  to  King — Failure  of 
Application  relative  to  Ice  Monopoly — Speculations  on  European 
Affairs — Williams  to  King — British  and  American  Commissioners 
said  to  have  made  a  Treaty — King  on  an  Outrage  against  personal 
Liberty,  in  the  Case  of  Alexander,  a  Lawyer  in  N.  Orleans  arrested  * 
by  Gen'l  Wilkinson  ..........     533 

Appendix  I — Bribery  in  Politics 551 

Appendix  II — Interview  between  Gallatin  and  King — 1803     .        .        .553 

Appendix  III — Mary  King  to  C.  King 556 

Appendix  IV — King  to  Hamilton 558 

Appendix  V — Louisiana.     Rights  under  the  Convention  of  Purchase       .     559 

Appendix  VI — Louisiana.     Value  of  the  Acquisition  and  Effect  on  the 

Political  Union 567 

Appendix  VII — Cession  of  Louisiana.     The  Price,  Merits  of  Negotiating 

Ministers,  and  Policy  of  Purchase 571 

Appendix  VIII — To  page  407.     Hamilton's  Estate        ....     575 

Appendix  IX — To  page  485.     Miranda  and  the  Sailing  of  the  Leander  .     577 

Appendix  X— Review  of  the  Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States       .     586 


THE    LIFE    AND    CORRESPONDENCE    OF 
RUFUS    KING. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Affairs  in  the  U.  S.—  Ames  to  King— Federal  Views— King  to  Gore— Peace- 
King  to  Madison— Detention  of  Vessels  charged  with  breaking  Block- 
ade of  Havre— King  to  Madison— Public  Sentiment  about  the  Peace- 
Patience  in  conducting  Negotiations  with  England— Conversation  with 
Addington  regarding  them— The  Latter  thinks  the  Peace  will  be  perma- 
nent—Mr. Otto— His  Integrity  and  Discretion— King  to  Addington— 
Statement  relative  to  6th  Article— King  to  Madison— Diplomatic  Changes 
—Cabot  to  King— Looks  for  Storms,  Others  more  hopeful— King  to  Lord 
Hawkesbury— Vessels  detained  for  breaking  Blockade— G.  Morris  to 
King— On  the  Peace— King  to  Lord  Grenville— Statement  of  Latter  in 
H.  of  Lords,  charging  Misrepresentation  and  Perjury  by  a  foreign  Min- 
ister—Lord Grenville  to  King— Said  it  did  not  reflect  on  his  Character  or 
Conduct— King  to  Secretary  of  State— Spain  ceded  Louisiana  to  France- 
No  Allusion  to  Louisiana  in  the  Negotiations  between  France  and  Eng- 
land—L.  Littlepage  to  King— Louisiana— King  Conference  with  Lord 
Hawkesbury,  relative  to  6th  Article— French  Expedition  to  St.  Domingo— 
Also  concerning  Louisiana. 

At  the  beginning  of  this  fourth  volume  it  is  well  to  look 
over  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  United  States,  tho'  perhaps 
this  has  only  an  indirect  interest  in  shaping  the  actions 
of  Mr.  King  abroad,  for  his  now  long  residence  in  England 
prevented  him  from  taking  any  personal  share  in  the  cur- 
rent events  at  home.  His  correspondence  with  old  personal 
and  political  friends,  however,  kept  him  well  informed  on 


VOL  IV— I 


RUFUS  KING.  [1801 


what  was  passing  among  them,  and  he  was  thus  enabled  to 
understand  the  changes  in  political  matters  that  were  daily 
taking  place,  and  especially  with  regret  to  learn  that  the 
principles  of  the  government,  which  he  had  so  faithfully 
sought  to  establish,  were  gradually  changing  under  the  new 
administration  in  a  way  that  boded  no  good  to  the  country. 
Among  these  most  valued  and  intelligent  correspondents  was 
Fisher  Ames,  who  gives,  in  the  first  letter  presented  below, 
a  clear  statement  of  the  affairs  in  the  country  and  a  well- 
considered  view  of  the  opinions  of  their  old  federal  friends 
under  the  changes  which  were  taking  place,  which  they 
deprecated  but  could  not  check. 


F.  Ames  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  October  27th,  1801. 
Dear  Sir  : 

While  Mr.  Gore  *  is  on  the  Continent,  I  may  be  allowed  to 
address  a  letter  to  you,  and  if  I  could  give  either  clear  or  comfort- 
ing information  about  our  affairs  I  might  hope  that  my  letters  wd. 
be  acceptable  to  you  without  that  excuse.  But  Democracy  rides 
the  high  horse.  Bradley  is  chosen  a  Vermont  Senator,  yet  they 
say  the  assembly  of  that  State  is  federal.  Others  say  that  all 
goes  there  by  barter  and  that  offices  are  trucked  off  to  Feds  & 
Jacobins  without  much  discrimination,  provided  the  high-con- 
tracting parties  find  their  individual  amount  in  it.  Royal  Tyler  is 
a  Judge  of  their  Supreme  Court,  Israel  Smith  Ch.  Justice.  A 
motley  bench  which  ought  to  try  per  mediatatem. 

N.  Jersey  is  said  to  be  democratic.  Delaware  has  a  demo. 
Governor  chosen  by  the  people.  Connecticut  still  shews  a  bold 
face,  and  vaunts  of  its  Federalism  which  I  fear  is  losing  ground — 
yet  so  slowly  that  the  pendulum  may  swing  back  again  before  the 
Demos  get  the  majority.  N.  Hampshire  still  chuses  Gilman,  yet 
their  "  intriguans  "  intend  to  run  Langdon  as  soon  as  the  full- 

*  During  the  suspension  of  the  sitting  of  the  Commission  under  the  Seventh 
Article  of  the  Treaty  with  Great  Britain,  Mr.  Gore,  a  member  of  the  Commit- 
tee, made  a  visit  to  the  Continent  of  Europe. 


i8qi]  life  and  correspondence. 


ness  of  time  has  come — which  is  expected  to  be  next  spring. 
Here,  Govr.  Strong  will  be  rechosen,  but  the  most  zealously  fed- 
eral parts  of  the  state  are  leavening  and  souring  with  the  same 
fermentation  that  in  other  parts  has  passed  beyond  the  vinous 
almost  to  the  putrid.     Where  Jacobinism  triumphs,  it  is  probable, 
it's  numbers  do  not  increase— but  it's  insolence  does,— and  the 
Feds  in  those  places  yield  the  ground  to  them  with  less  contest 
than  formerly.    So  that  on  a  fair  calculation  of  force,  we  are  weak 
indeed.     New  England  ought  to  be  roused  and  all  our  efforts 
ought  to  be  directed  to  saving  the  remnants  of  federalism  ;  our 
life  and  being  would  be  lost,  if  the  skill  of  our  masters  had  been 
equal  to  the  felicity  of  the  conjuncture  when  they  conquered  us. 
They  had  only  to  promise  well— indeed  they  did— and  to  keep  on 
promising  smoothly,  which  they  have  not  done,  easy  as  the  task 
was.     Instead  of  it,  they  write  foolish  letters  of  excuse  for  them- 
selves and  inculpating  the  Feds  as  a  Sect.     There  is  hardly  any- 
thing that  a  skilful  statesman  may  not  do,  but  there  is  very  little 
he  can  say.     This  prating  vain  letter*  has  certainly  alarmed  the 
Feds,   who   consider  it   as   a   manifesto    announcing  a   violent 
Jacobin   administration.      And    the    knowing   ones   among   the 
Jaco'.  think  it  stiff.     Already  they  whisper  that   little  B.  alone 
has   the   needed   energy   of  character,   and   party   for  him  will 
be  form'd  whenever  it   can   be  employed  with  effect.      In   the 
mean  time  he  will  push  his  Captain  forward  to  do  obnoxious 
things,  and  when  resentments  are  concentered  on  him,  then  per- 
haps he  will  think  the  Feds  despairing  of  victory  will' only  seek 
revenge.     To  secure  which,  he  will  be  wanted.     It  is  indeed  evi- 
dent that  a  govt,  too  democratic  in  it's  structure,  or  a  people  too 
democratic  in  their  notions  to   support  any  energetic  form,  will 
breed  endless  factions.     We  have  hoped  that  our  system  was,  as 
Mr.  Jefferson  says  very  sagely,  the  strongest  in  the  world  and  that 
we  are  the  people  the  fittest  in  it  for  such  a  system.     I  presume 
not  to  decide  so  grave  a  question.     I  think  however  our  experi- 
ence soon  will.     In   New  York  the  rights  &  the  property  of  the 
city  and  state  are  subject  to  the  vice  and  folly  and  poverty  of  the 
society.     The  like  will  be  brought  about  in  every  other  state  as 
in  Pennsylvania  unless  the  quill  shall  be  found  a  weapon  of  power 

*  Probably  Jefferson's  New  Haven  letter. 


RUFUS  KING.  [180: 


enough  to  counteract  the  progress  we  have  commenced.  Even 
that  weapon  will  be  wielded  by  champions  who  do  not  think  all 
is  at  hazard.  The  popular  consolation  still  is  as  much  as  ever 
that  all  goes  well — Prosperity  smiles  on  everybody — Wealth  in- 
creases, and  the  New  men  promise  to  make  great  savings.  The 
displacing  a  few  exasperates  a  few  hundreds,  who  soon  forget 
their  anger  and  the  circumstances  and  occasion  of  it.  Those 
who  affect  great  concern  for  the  people  will  be  the  men  to  have 
popular  power  committed  to  them  and  newspaper  writers  will  fail 
as  formerly  in  the  attempt  to  make  the  understanding  of  those 
who  will  not  reason  an  overmatch  for  the  blind  impulses  of  those 
who  can  only  feel.  Accordingly  as  I  see  the  propensities  of 
things,  as  I  estimate  the  feebleness  of  the  means  to  hinder  their 
further  and  fatal  decline,  judge  whether  I  am  sanguine  as  to  the 
effect  of  Federal  Gazettes.  Yet  I  think  despair  ought  not  to  be 
confessed — still  less  circulated.  Soon  if  the  evil  apprehended 
should  be  deemed  inevitable,  which  is  rather  more  than  my  belief 
— yet  a  certain  manner  of  meeting  it  is  necessary — otherwise  it 
will  come  with  aggravation.  We  must  openly  and  zealously  and 
with  all  our  skill  labor  to  prevent  it.  We  must  honestly  and 
faithfully  cling  to  the  Govt  and  Constitution  and  to  the  rules  of 
virtue  and  real  patriotism  to  the  last  ;  so  that  our  fall,  if  fate  de- 
crees it,  shall  be  incontestibly  due  to  our  political  adversaries, 
not  to  ourselves.  As  what  is  best  and  what  is  practicable  are 
points  depending  on  events,  and  not  to  be  foreseen  or  decided 
before  they  happen,  we  shall  thus  stand  ready  to  act  as  may  be 
proper — we  shall  keep  ourselves  united  with  the  public  sentiment 
and  when  danger  is  obvious,  the  good  and  able  will  feel  an  im- 
pulse as  strong  as  we  vainly  wish  to  inspire  beforehand.  There- 
fore the  Gazettes  are  now  of  importance  and  the  Feds  are 
preparing  this  kind  of  ammunition  in  Pennsylvania,  N  York  & 
Boston.  Such  gazettes  will  keep  alive  all  the  yet  surviving  respect 
for  principles,  and  if  the  Jacos.  in  Congress  are  not  callous  may 
check  their  most  outrageous  designs.  It  is  however  obvious  to 
me  that  charges  of  violating  the  constitution  affect  the  Jacos.  very 
little,  while  you  know  that  the  Feds  when  in  power  were  exceed- 
ing affected  by  them — even  when  palpably  false  and  frivolous — 
as  if  the  Feds  were  rather  cowards  who  feared  to  be  indicted  for 
breaking  the  Constitution,  not  really  lovers  of  it  who  will  not 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  5 

suffer  any  others  to  do  it.  The  bold  liberties  taken  with  the 
power  of  displacing  and  appointing  are  abuses  if  not  infractions — 
yet  as  the  Jacos.  care  little  for  principles  and  as  the  Feds  are 
averse  to  making  a  great  clamor  for  what  to  most  persons  will 
appear  a  little  thing,  I  do  not  expect  much  check  from  that 
source.  On  the  contrary,  I  expect  a  repeal  of  the  late  Judicial 
Law  and  an  ousting  of  the  new  Circuit  Judges  will  be  received 
with  patience  by  all,  and  with  approbation  with  some  federalists. 
If  repealing  a  law  will  deprive  a  Judge  of  his  office  and  salary, 
there  will  be  no  independence  of  the  Judiciary  on  the  Legislature. 

As  to  the  views  and  plan  of  politics  of  the  ruling  party  in  re- 
spect to  foreign  nations  and  to  their  own  ultimate  objects  all  is 
but  conjecture.  Probably  one  great  man  is  a  Democrat  and 
thinks  the  extremes  of  Democratic  principles  are  wise  principles. 

Madison  certainly  knows  better  and  yet  there  ever  was  a  strange 
vein  of  absurdity  in  his  head.  But  the  second  has  no  such  non- 
sense, Jacobinism  now  uses  and  urges  Democracy,  as  it  did  in 
France — We  are  now  in  the  Roland  &  Condorcet  act  of  our 
Comedy — Whether  we  go  on  to  the  Danton  and  Robespierre  acts 
depends  on  time  and  accident  and  not  on  the  discernment  energy 
or  force  of  the  Feds.  This  I  sometimes  hope  ;  Jacobins  will  not 
hold  power  contentedly  only  for  fair  honest  purposes  and  they 
cannot  proceed  to  use  it  to  any  very  profitable  extent  for  any 
other,  without  rousing  a  late  opposition  that  would  delay  if  not 
prevent  the  crisis — They  cannot  oppress  and  rob  without  our 
knowing  ;  and  the  oppressed  will  not  be  coaxed.  Excuse  my 
running  on  thus  into  infinite  space.  I  stand  again  on  old  firm 
ground  when  I  assure  you  of  my  cordial  regard  with  best  respects 
to  Mrs  King — 

Yours  &c. 


R.  King  to  C.  Gore,  Paris. 

London,  Oct.  30,  1801. 
.  .  .  The  K.'s  speech  &  the  addresses  you  will  see  in  all  the 
papers.  Sheridan  has  in  a  sentence  expressed  a  very  just  notion 
of  the  public  opinion  ;  "  the  peace  everybody  is  glad  of,  but  no- 
body proud  of."  There  will  be  an  animated  Debate  in  both 
houses  on  Tuesday  next.     ...     In  respect  to  our  affairs  here, 


RUFUS  KING.  [1801 


they  remain  as  they  were  when  I  last  wrote  to  you.  At  present 
we  cannot  gain  a  hearing — every  one  is  armed  with  weapons  of 
attack  or  defence  for  the  Battle  of  next  week.  This  over,  per- 
haps we  may  again  find  a  moment  for  our  affairs.     .     .     . 


R.  K. 


R.  King  to  Mr.  Madison. 

Private. 

London,  Oct.  31,  1801. 
Dear  Sir  : 

It  is  confidently  believed  that  a  considerable  Expedition  com- 
posed of  land  and  sea  forces  is  preparing  in  France  and  will  soon 
proceed  to  St.  Domingo  and  perhaps  to  the  Mississippi.  Should 
Toussaint  resist,  our  commerce  may  experience  fresh  embarrass- 
ments in  the  West  India  Seas.  On  this  account  among  others 
the  presence  of  our  Minister  at  Paris,  becomes  more  and  more 
desirable. 

To  my  surprise  the  Ship  Frederick  of  New  York,  the  first  of 
our  vessels  detained  upon  the  charge  of  having  broken  the 
Blockade  of  Havre  de  Grace,  was  two  days  ago  tried  and  con- 
demned in  the  High  Court  of  Admiralty.  I  had  been  assured 
that  the  trial  of  these  vessels  should  stand  over,  until  the  Cabinet 
should  find  time  to  consider  the  subject,  and  I  had,  moreover, 
reason  to  expect  that  an  intimation  would  be  given  to  the  Judge, 
that  under  all  circumstances  these  vessels,  at  least  such  of  them 
as  had  not  been  warned,  ought  to  be  discharged.  As  soon  as  I 
heard  of  this  sentence,  I  called  on  Sir  Wm.  Scott  (to  whom  I  had 
already  sent  a  copy  of  my  correspondence  with  Lord  Hawkesbury 
concerning  the  Blockade  of  Havre)  who  told  me  that  not  having 
received  the  communication  he  had  expected  from  the  Govern- 
ment when  the  case  of  the  Frederick  came  on,  he  intimated  the 
expediency  of  suffering  it  with  such  other  cases  as  were  in  similar 
circumstances,  to  stand  over  ;  that  the  King's  advocate  who  on  a 
former  day  had  stated  an  expectation  that  he  might  receive  par- 
ticular instructions  respecting  these  cases,  signified  his  readiness 
to  acquiesce,  but  that  the  claimant's  counsel  pressed  for  a  trial, 
and  he  could  do  no  otherwise  than  condemn  the  vessel  and  cargo. 
The  other  vessels  will  not  be  tried  before  the  Cabinet  has  decided 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  J 

whether  it  will  interfere  ;  and  that  this  decision  may  no  longer  be 
delayed  I  have  required  Lord  Hawkesbury  explicitly  to  inform 
me  whether  it  is  intended  to  make  the  cases  of  these  vessels  a 
subject  of  ministerial  consideration.  Should  the  Cabinet  inter- 
fere, the  vessels  will  be  discharged  with  their  cargoes  ;  if  it  de- 
cline, or  delay  to  do  so,  I  shall  put  my  correspondence  with  Lord 
Hawkesbury  into  Mr.  Erving's  hands  with  directions  to  deliver  it 
to  the  advocate  of  the  claimant  to  be  used  on  the  Trials. 

With  great  respect  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  James  Madison,  Esq. 
[Private.) 

London,  Nov.  2d,  1801. 
Dear  Sir  : 

The  Newspapers,  among  which  is  the  Porcupine,  the  paper  of 
the  new  opposition,  which  Mr.  Dawson's  repeated  disappoint- 
ments enable  me  to  add  to  those  I  had  before  delivered  to  him, 
afford  a  pretty  just  view  of  the  public  sentiment  concerning  the 
Peace.  Mr.  Sheridan  in  a  single  sentence  has  happily  expressed 
this  sentiment — "  It  is  a  Peace  everybody  is  glad  of,  and  nobody 
proud  of."  Of  the  old  Ministry  Mr.  Windham  (the  friend  of 
Burke,  and  the  Legatee  of  his  opinions  respecting  the  French 
Revolution)  in  one  house,  and  Lord  Grenville  in  the  other,  will 
censure  the  Preliminaries  ;  but  a  very  large  majority  of  both 
houses  will  approve  them  :  there  are  notwithstanding  some  able, 
reflecting  and  influential  men,  both  in  and  out  of  Parliament,  who 
behold  with  deep  concern  the  decided  superiority  that  France  has 
obtained  over  all  her  adversaries,  and  which  in  their  opinion  en- 
dangers the  repose  and  independence  of  every  State  in  Europe. 
The  Peace  according  to  these  gentlemen  is  only  the  end  of  the 
first  Punic  war  ;  and  tho'  they  may  not  live  to  see  the  last,  they 
make  no  secret  of  their  apprehension  that  it  will  prove  fatal  to 
the  independence  of  their  country.  I  have  this  morning  seen 
Mr.  Addington,  and  had  an  opportunity  of  explaining  to  him  the 
extraordinary  situation  of  the  negotiation  respecting  the  6th  Arti- 
cle. The  light  in  which  he  sees  the  subject,  encourages  me  to  ex- 
pect that  the  business  will  yet  take  a  satisfactory  turn  ;  in  the 


RUFUS  KING.  [1801 


meantime    I    am   pressing   Lord    Hawkesbury   for   a    definitive 
answer. 

I  am  no  stranger  to  the  feelings  which  would  be  gratified  by  a 
more  peremptory  mode  of  discussion  ;  but  having  from  a  pretty 
thorough  acquaintance  with  the  subject,  become  strongly  im- 
pressed with  the  policy  of  our  getting  rid  of  a  controversy  which 
nobody  seems  willing  to  examine  and  in  which  we  have  to  en- 
counter much  interested  misrepresentation  ;  I  am  led  to  doubt 
the  suggestion  of  every  measure  that  would  afford  a  Pretext  to 
decide  the  Question,  upon  which  we  are  at  issue  upon  any  other 
than  its  true  principles  ;  and  it  is  to  considerations  of  this  sort, 
that  I  must  refer  myself,  for  the  justification  of  the  yet  unex- 
pected stock  of  Patience,  with  which  I  have  pursued  the  settle- 
ment of  this  unpleasant  discussion. 

With  sentiments  of  sincere  Respect  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


On  the  2d  of  November  a  conversation  *  upon  the  state 
of  the  American  negotiations  was  held  with  Mr.  Addington, 
which  was  followed  the  next  day  by  a  private  note  to  him 
from  Mr.  King  presenting  the  steps  by  which  it  had  reached 
its  present  condition.  This  note  is  dated  on  the  3d,  and 
follows.  Mr.  King  states  that  the  conversation  then  turned 
to  politics. 

Mr.  A.  was  evidently  contented  with  the  state  of  parties.  The 
King  was  at  first  staggered  but  finally  acquiesced  by  saying  as  he 
had  no  allies  upon  the  Continent  the  best  must  be  done  that 
could  be.  The  Prince  of  Wales  had  written  to  him  that  he 
should  have  his  full  support,  and  Lord  Camden,  who  some  days 
ago  appeared  decided  to  oppose,  had  just  written  to  him,  to  say 
he  shd.  go  out  of  town  on  Tuesday  when  the  Preliminaries  are  to 
be  discussed  and  that  he  shd.  give  Mr.  Addington  his  support. 

Speaking  of  Windham,  he  did  credit  to  his  integrity,  sincerity 
and  disinterestedness,  and  added  that  he  shook  hands  with  him  at 
court  with  the  observation  of  Sir  Wm.  Temple  "  friends  here  but 
enemies  at  Breda,"  alluding  to  the  debate  upon  the  Preliminaries, 
to  which  Windham  replied  enemies  nowhere. 
*  Memorandum  Book. 


l8oi]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE. 


Of  Ld.  Grenville  Mr.  A.  spoke  with  displeasure,  and  was  willing 
to  impart  his  and  the  Marquis  of  B.'s  opposition  to  factions  and 
interested  views.  Lord  Grenville  was  already  tired  of  retirement 
&c.  ;  but  he  miscalculated  &  his  views  are  understood.  It  was 
utterly  inconsistent  that  he  who  negotiated  at  Lille  should  censure 
the  minister  who  had  concluded  the  Peace.  Lord  Radnor  was  a 
particular  man,  he  shd.  a  priori  have  inferred  his  opposition. 
Lord  Carnaervon  was  a  wild  and  irregular  character.  The  whole 
Bench  of  Bps.  with  the  exception  of  Rochester  would  support 
him.  He  felt  that  he  deserved  support.  If  the  war  had  gone  on, 
could  he  have  abridged  the  power  of  France,  could  he  have  de- 
livered any  of  the  Dominions  which  had  fallen  under  its  govern- 
ment ?  If  not,  why  prolong  the  war,  especially  when  he  found  he 
could  not  make  another  campaign  without  bringing  upon  his 
country  an  additl.  permanent  burthen  of  two  millions  annually. 
Add  to  that,  the  probability  that  France  wd.  have  completely 
overrun  Spain  and  Portugal  and  made  irruptions  into  other 
States.  For  it  wd.  have  been  necessary  even  for  Bonaparte  to 
have  employed  his  army  abroad  in  order  to  get  rid  of  the  expence 
of  maintaining  it  at  home. 

That  on  the  whole,  he  was  in  hopes  the  Peace  wd.  be  perma- 
nent, and  he  did  not  perceive  anything  in  the  relative  condition 
of  the  countries  wh.  made  it  more  likely  than  on  former  occasions 
to  be  of  short  duration.  If  it  shd.  not  continue  wd.  not  G.  Br. 
be  better  able  to  measure  herself  apart  with  France,  than  she  wd. 
have  been  had  the  war  continued  another  year  or  two,  which  wd. 
have  enormously  increased  the  public  burthen  and  weakened  and 
exhausted  those  resources  upon  wh.  the  public  safety  must  depend 
in  the  event  of  a  future  war. 

Speaking  of  the  Negotiator,  he  thanked  me  for  the  character  I 
had  early  given  him  of  Mr.  Otto,  and  said  he  had  found  it  to  be 
perfectly  merited.  That  the  King  had  lately  expressed  himself 
favourably  respecting  him  and  intimated  a  wish  that  he  might  be 
the  Ambassador  here.  Mr.  A.  then  said  two  circumstances  re- 
specting him  were  highly  creditable  to  his  integrity  and  discretion 
—one  that  he  certainly  did  not  gamble  in  the  stocks  and  the  other 
that  he  had  not  any  intercourse  with  the  discontented  people  of 
G.  Britain.     Jos.  Bonaparte  he  expected  wd.  be  the  Ambassador. 


IO 


RUFUS  KING.  [1801 


R.  King  to  Mr.  Addington. 

Private. 

Nov.  3,  1801. 

Mr.  King  sends  him  a  statement  of  the  "  Origin,  Changes 
and  present  state  of  the  Negotiation  concerning  the  6th 
Article  of  the  American  Treaty  of  1794-" 

1799,  December.  As  soon  as  the  Commission  in  America  under 
the  Sixth  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  T794,  discontinued  its  meetings, 
the  American  Government  proposed  to  that  of  Great  Britain  an 
explanatory  Article  for  the  regulation  of  its  future  Proceedings. 

1800,  April.  The  British  Government  declined  agreeing  to  the 
proposed  explanatory  Article,  but  offered  to  accept  a  Sum  of  be- 
tween one  and  two  millions  in  satisfaction  of  the  Debts  contracted 
before  the  Peace  of  1783  ;  to  abolish  the  American  Commission, 
and  take  upon  itself  the  distribution  of  the  Money  among  the 
British  Creditors.  This  offer  was  not  accompanied  by  a  proposal 
in  like  manner  to  convert  the  American  Claims  under  the  Seventh 
Article  of  the  Treaty  of  1794  into  a  definite  sum  ;  on  the  contrary, 
it  was  explicitly  declared  that  the  Commission  in  London,  charged 
with  the  examination  of  these  Claims,  should  be  suspended  only 
until  a  settlement  could  be  made  respecting  the  Commission  in 
America. 

1800,  August.  The  Government  of  the  United  States  declined 
the  proposal  of  giving  a  sum  in  satisfaction  of  the  Debts,  and 
offered  a  Sum  in  satisfaction  of  the  Claims  of  the  Creditors  upon 
the  American  Government,  leaving  the  Creditors  to  pursue  the 
recovery  of  their  debts  in  the  ordinary  Course  of  the  Judiciary. 

At  this  Stage  the  British  Government  inquired  if  the  American 
Minister  were  authorized  to  convert  the  American  Claims  upon 
the  British  Government  into  a  definite  Sum,  and  abolish  the 
Commission  in  London  in  like  manner  as  it  was  proposed  to 
abolish  that  in  America  ;  and  on  receiving  an  explicit  answer  in 
the  negative,  a  discussion  was  immediately  commenced  for  the 
purpose  of  ascertaining  the  Sum  to  be  given  in  satisfaction  of  the 
Claims  upon  the  American  Government,  and  most  certainly  with 
the  mutual  expectation  that,  this  Sum  being  agreed  upon,  the 
Commission  in  London  would  be  free  to  proceed  in  ascertaining 
the  amount  of  the  American  Claims  upon  the  British  Govern- 
ment. 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  \\ 


1801,  August.  After  a  tedious  discussion,  this  sum  has  been 
mutually  ascertained  and  settled,  as  well  as  the  Terms  of  its  Pay- 
ment ;  It  follows,  therefore  as  a  matter  of  course,  and  good  faith 
requires,  that  the  Commission  in  London  should  be  at  Liberty  to 
proceed  in  the  execution  of  its  duties. 


R.  King  to  James  Madison,  Esq. 

Private. 

London,  Nov.  5,  1801. 
Dear  Sir  : 

The  War  having  ended  has  given  occasion  to  a  review  of  the 
diplomatic  Corps  of  this  Country,  but  few  of  which  have  lately 
been  in  service  ;  and  I  hear  that  Mr.  Liston  will  be  sent  to  Hol- 
land, instead  of  returning  to  America.  Mr.  Jackson,  who  was 
Secretary  of  Legation  at  the  Hague  and  at  Madrid  before  the 
war,  and  who  was  named  Ambassador  to  the  Porte  soon  after  its 
commencement,  but  did  not  proceed  to  Constantinople,  has  been 
appointed  Min.  plenipo.  to  France  and  will  reside  at  Paris  during 
the  Congress  at  Amiens. 

As  soon  as  the  definitive  Treaty  shall  be  concluded,  Lord 
Whitworth  (formerly  in  Russia)  will  go  as  Ambassador  to  Paris, 
and  Mr.  Jackson  as  Mr.  Liston's  successor  to  America. 

With  great  Truth  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


G.  Cabot  to  R.  King. 

Nov.  6,  1 801. 
My  Dear  Sir  : 

Perhaps  there  never  were  six  months  of  more  perfect  tran- 
quillity than  we  have  last  enjoyed  ;  yet  like  the  Seaman  who 
calls  a  Summer  day  in  the  winter  Season  a  weather  breeder  I  look 
for  Storms.  I  am  however  less  solicitous  than  formerly  about  all 
these  things.  While  I  hoped,  &  believed  it  possible,  to  save  our 
country  from  the  terrible  evils  of  Democracy  I  was  full  of  anxiety, 
but  perfectly  convinced  as  I  am  now,  that  no  human  means  cou'd 
have  prevented  them  I  reconcile  myself,  as  Nature  kindly  dis- 


12 


RUFUS  KING.  [1801 


poses  us,  to  all  unavoidable  events. — We  are  going  the  course 
decreed  by  the  Author  of  man  for  every  popular  State.     .     .     . 

Our  friend  A.  lately  put  into  my  hands  a  letter  for  you  which 
I  thought  so  good  as  to  deserve  transcribing  that  it  might  have 
two  chances  of  arriving — my  son  therefore  made  a  copy  which  I 
now  enclose. — You  will  see  by  it  that  he  adheres  to  the  good  old 
maxim  of  never  despairing  of  the  Commonwealth  yet  if  you  observe 
his  details  I  think  you  will  determine  that  his  faith  is  not  only 
without  evidence  but  in  fact  against  it.  Indeed  I  sometimes 
believe  that  a  few  hundred  of  such  men  as  he  is,  properly  dis- 
tributed thro'  our  Country,  might  save  it,  but  we  have  only  one 
in  this  quarter  &  not  many  elsewhere.  After  all  I  have  said  to 
chill  your  hopes  I  ought  to  say  that  the  more  enlightened  part  of 
our  society  think  more  justly  &  more  alike  than  at  any  former 
period  &  from  thence  some  good  expectations  are  formed. 

Yours  truly, 

G.  C. 


R.  King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  Nov.  ii,  1801. 
My  Lord  : 

I  had  the  honour  on  the  28th  ulto.  to  recall  to  your  Lordship's 
recollection  the  several  representations  which  I  had  before  made 
to  you  in  behalf  of  the  American  Ships  and  Cargoes,  detained  in 
their  passage  to  the  Port  of  Havre  de  Grace  ;  the  greater  part  of 
these  vessels  has  been  nearly  three  months  in  the  Ports  of  Eng- 
land, during  which  time  the  Crews,  tho'  engaged  on  war  wages, 
have  been  kept  together  in  daily  expectation  of  an  answer  from 
your  Lordship  to  my  repeated  applications  in  their  favour. 

As  I  cannot  consistently  with  a  due  regard  to  the  Interest  and 
Rights  of  the  Owners  of  these  Ships  and  Cargoes,  recommend  to 
their  Masters  to  remain  here  with  their  respective  Crews,  at  the 
enormous  expence  which  attends  their  detention,  without  a  cer- 
tainty that  their  cases  will  be  examined  without  farther  delay,  I 
take  the  liberty  again  to  request  your  Lordship's  answer  to  the 
representations  I  have  made  on  their  behalf. 

With  great  consideration  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  1 3 

G.  Morris  to  R.  King. 

MorrisaniA  13  Novr.,  1801. 

Dear  Sir  : 

I  am  much  oblig'd  by  yours  of  the  twentieth  of  last  December 
which  I  ought  sooner  to  have  acknowledged  but  my  Hermitage 
offers  nothing  to  communicate  to  a  Man  in  the  Great  World. 

I  never  believed  that  the  Northern  League  would  last  long. 
Indeed  I  ventured  to  predict  the  speedy  Dissolution  of  it  and  to 
ground  some  Reasonings  as  to  our  affairs  on  that  Position.  I  do 
not  now  believe  that  Peace  will  soon  be  made.  Necessity,  or  the 
Feebleness  of  Soul  which  calls  Difficulty  by  that  Name,  may  pro- 
cure the  assent  of  the  British  Ministers  to  an  armed  Truce  under 
the  Semblance  of  Peace  ;  but  if  they  leave  France  in  Possession 
of  her  present  Dominion  and  Authority  they  reduce  their  Country 
to  the  Rank  of  a  secondary,  perhaps  a  dependent  Power.  This 
seems  so  evident  that  it  is  wonderful  Buonaparte  did  not  propose 
an  uti  possidetis  as  the  Ground  Work  of  a  Treaty.  If  it  be  said 
that  War  is  necessary  to  him,  one  would  think  he  might  turn  his 
Arms  North  Eastward  :  for  if  Austria,  Russia  and  Prussia  have 
not  the  Good  Sense  to  aid  England  in  restoring  the  Ballance  of 
Power,  the  two  first  might  be  induced  to  agree  with  the  first 
Consul  on  eating  up  the  last.  No  more  convenient  Morsel  could 
be  found  nor  any  which  would  better  cut  up  into  Indemnities. 
But  whether  the  War  shall  now  continue  or  the  Parties  agree  to 
take  a  short  breathing  Time  ;  one  of  two  things  seems  inevitable  ; 
either  that  a  Grand  Alliance  be  formed  against  France,  as  at  the 
Beginning  of  the  last  Century,  or  that  all  other  Powers  submit  to 
her  Domination.  The  part  we  may  act  must  depend  much  on 
Circumstances,  but  I  question  whether  our  present  Administra- 
tion (tho'  quite  as  able  as  the  last)  be  equal  to  the  Business, 
which  they  will  probably  have  to  manage.  I  hope  they  may,  and 
rely  much  on  the  scriptural  Assurance  that  Heaven  tempers  the 
Wind  to  the  shorn  Lamb.     .     .     . 

Believe  me  ever  and  truly  yours 

Gouvr.  Morris. 


14  RUFUS  KING.  [1801 

R.  King  to  Lord  Grenville,  &c.  &c. 

Gr.  Cumberland  Place,  Nov.  14,  1801. 
My  Lord  : 

In  the  Morning  Chronicle  of  to-day  your  Lordship  is  stated  to 
have  said  in  the  debate  of  last  evening  in  the  House  of  Lords, 
that  while  you  were  in  his  Majesty's  service  "  a  foreign  Minister 
had  by  misrepresentation,  and  the  most  flagrant  perjury,  been  in- 
structed to  complain  of  the  conduct  of  a  British  official  of  high 
reputation,  and  on  enquiry  it  was  found  to  be  most  grossly  false, 
and  the  charge  scandalous."  It  having  been  my  duty  during  my 
residence  in  this  country,  as  the  Minister  of  the  United  States,  to 
prefer  various  complaints  founded  upon  proofs  of  delinquency 
against  certain  of  the  King's  naval  officers,  I  take  the  liberty  of 
requesting  your  Lordship  to  inform  me,  whether  the  complaint 
alluded  to  by  your  Lordship,  in  the  House  of  Lords,  was  made  by 
the  Minister  of  the  U.  S.  and  if  so,  that  you  would  have  the  good- 
ness to  mention  the  date  of  the  complaint,  and  the  Tribunal  be- 
fore which  the  falsehood  and  perjury  ascribed  to  it  were 
established. 

With  high  consideration  and  respect,  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


Ld.  Grenville  to  R.  King. 

Camelford  House,  Nov.  14,  1801. 
Dear  Sir  : 

If  an  accurate  report  were  made  of  what  I  said  last  night  in  the 
House  of  Lords,  you  would,  I  am  sure,  see,  what  I  trust  you  would 
readily  believe  even  without  this  assertion  of  it,  that  no  part  of 
my  speech  did,  or  could,  in  the  smallest  degree  reflect  on  your 
character,  or  conduct,  to  both  which  I  have  always  borne,  both  in 
public  and  in  private,  the  testimony  of  that  sincere  esteem  and 
respect  which  I  feel  towards  you. 

Having  said  this,  which  was  no  less  due  to  my  own  feelings 
than  to  your's,  you  must  allow  me  to  add  that  I  cannot  think  it 
consistent  with  my  duty  as  a  Peer  of  Parliament  to  enter  into  any 
particular  explanations  with  a  foreign  Minister,  respecting  an  un- 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  1 5 

authorized  publication  in  a  newspaper,  of  opinions  supposed  to 
have  been  delivered  by  me  in  my  place  in  the  House  of  Lords. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  sincere  respect  &  regard 
Dear  Sir  your  most  faithful  &  most  obedient  humble  Servant. 

Grenville. 
Rufus  King  Esq.  &c,  &c,  &c. 

This  letter  is  thus  endorsed  in  R.  King's  handwriting. 

Lord  Grenville,  Nov.  14,  1801 — In  consequence  of  this 
answer  I  deemed  it  expedient  to  consult  with  my  corps,  and  after 
stating  the  subject  to  Count  Woronzow,  who  was  of  opinion  that 
this  Reply  was  satisfactory  and  that  I  could  not  require  of  Ld. 
Gr.  to  enter  into  fuller  explanations,  I  concluded  to  suffer  the 
Business  to  stop  here — purposing  however  to  express  any  opinion 
to  Ld.  Gr.  of  the  unfitness  of  his  Language  when  I  next  meet 
him. 

Having  myself  heard  his  Speech,  I  know  it  to  have  been  as 
exceptional  as  stated  in  the  Morng.  Chronicle. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State.     No.  42. 

London,  Nov.  20,  1801. 
Sir  : 

If  the  annexed  copy  of  the  Treaty  *  between  France  &  Spain, 
respecting  the  establishment  of  the  Prince  of  Parma  in  Tuscany, 
be  genuine,  of  which  I  have  no  reason  to  doubt,  you  will  perceive 
the  value  which  these  Powers  seemed  to  have  placed  upon 
Louisiana  ;  the  cession  whereof  to  France  is  confirmed  by  the 
5th  article  of  this  Treaty. 

I  am  in  hopes  that  I  shall  be  able  to  obtain  and  send  you  a 
copy  of  the  Treaty  ceding  Louisiana  to  France  ;  this  would 
enable  us  to  determine  whether  it  includes  New  Orleans  and 
the  Floridas. 

There  is  doubtless  an  understanding  between  England  and 
France  in  respect  to  the  expedition  now  nearly  ready  to  proceed 
to  Saint  Domingo  ;  and  I  think  I  am  not  mistaken  in  the  belief, 
whatever  may  be  the  intentions  of  France  in  respect  to  the 
occupation  of  Louisiana,  that  no  part  of  the  Forces  now  collect- 
*  See  p.  19  of  this  volume  for  Article  5. 


1 6  RUFUS  KING.  [1801 

ing,  and  which  are  going  to  St.  Domingo,  will  be  employed  for 
this  purpose. 

It  is  not  a  little  extraordinary  that  during  the  whole  negotiation 
between  France  and  England,  not  a  word  was  mentioned  on 
either  side,  respecting  Louisiana,  though  this  Government  was 
not  ignorant  of  the  views  of  France  in  this  quarter. 

With  perfect  respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 

R.  King  to  Lord  Eldon,  &c. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  Nov.  22,  1801. 
My  Lord  : 

With  view  of  explaining  the  origin  and  progress  of  the  discus- 
sion in  which  I  have  now  for  upwards  of  two  years  been  engaged, 
on  the  subject  of  the  Sixth  Article  of  our  Treaty  of  1794,  I  have 
drawn  up  the  enclosed  Paper,*  which  I  ask  the  favour  of  your 
Lordship  to  peruse. 

I  wished  to  have  made  it  shorter,  but  could  not  without  omit- 
ting what  appeared  to  be  material  to  the  elucidation  aimed  at.  If 
I  be  not  altogether  mistaken  the  Point  upon  which  the  Business 
continues  to  be  delayed,  will  appear  to  your  Lordship,  from  the 
perusal  of  this  Paper,  in  a  light  somewhat  different  from  that  in 
which  you  have  before  seen  it,  and  I  am  willing  to  hope  that  it 
may  have  some  influence  in  bringing  the  affair  to  a  satisfactory 
conclusion.  With  perfect  consideration  &  respect  &c. 

Rufus  King. 

P.S.  I  shall  be  obliged  to  your  Lordship  to  put  the  Paper  into 
Lord  Hawkesbury's  hands  after  you  shall  have  read  it. 


Lewis  Littlepage  to  R.  King. 

Private. 

Philadelphia,  28th  of  Novbr.,  1801. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  never  forgotten  the  important  conversation  which  passed 
between  us  the  last  time  we  met  in  St.  James's  Park.  In  a  con- 
versation which  I  had  with  the  President  about  a  week  past,  I 

*  The  paper  alluded  to  above,  covers  nearly  six  pages  of  folio. 


1801]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  1 7 

mentioned  the  affair  in  question  to  him.  He  told  me  he  had  been 
informed  of  it  for  four  months,  that  it  would  be  unfortunate,  but 
what  were  the  means  of  prevention  ?  That  question  you  may- 
suppose,  I  was  ill  prepared  to  answer,  totally  ignorant  as  I  am,  of 
the  politics  and  resources  of  my  own  County.  I  have  here  met 
with  our  Vice  President  Col.  Burr,  with  whom  I  spoke  a  little  on 
the  same  subject.  He  assured  me  that  he  had  long  studied  it, 
had  conversed  upon  it  with  Toman  and  Talleyrand,  in  this 
Country,  had  his  opinion  irrevocably  fixed  upon  it,  but  could  not 
declare  to  me  what  that  opinion  was,  except  in  presence  of  the 
President.  So  far  for  external  politics.  With  respect  to  our 
internal  affairs  the  President  thinks  himself  sure  of  a  Majority 
in  both  houses.  With  respect  to  changes  he  is  less  precipitate 
than  many  expected.  I  believe  he  does  not  mean  to  descend  to 
the  lower  offices.  I  was  happy  to  hear  him  speak  in  high  terms 
of  you,  and  can  assure  you  his  opinion  of  you  is  general  in  this 
Country.  I  am  surprised  at  the  conditions  of  Peace  between 
England  and  France.  For  Heaven's  sake  let  me  know  how  it 
came  to  pass. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  high  respect  &c 
Sir,  &c 

Lewis  Littlepage. 
Endorsed  by  R.  King 

"  Ans'd  Mar.  22nd  private  ;  (probably  1802) 
Subject  generally  state  of  Exped'n  to  Louisiana — in  wh.  Eng. 
will  not  interfere  and  concern'g  wh.  the  public  welfare  must  be 
promoted  or  risqued  by  our  own  Exertions  or  omission." 


Mr.  King  having  asked  for  a  conference  with  Lord 
Hawkesbury  it  took  place  on  Nov.  25,  1801.* 

I  began  by  saying  I  had  desired  to  see  him  chiefly  with  regard 
to  the  negotiation  about  the  6  &  7  articles  ;  stated  my  solicitude 
for  its  conclusion,  and  that  I  must  present  a  note  upon  the  subject 
in  case  it  was  not  likely  soon  to  be  again  taken  into  consid'n. 

He  said  the  Chancellor  was  much  engaged  in  his  Court,  but 
that  he  hoped  soon  to  have  an  opportunity  of  conversing  with 
*  Memorandum  Book. 

VOL.  IV.— 2 


1 8  RUFUS  KING.  [1801 

him,  &c  ;  and  then  repeated  what  Hammond  had  before  men- 
tioned to  me,  that  Lord  Grenville  said  he  had  agreed  to  nothing 
wh.  committed  the  Government,  and  moreover  that  the  Commis- 
sion under  the  7  art.  going  on  was  a  circumstance  wh.  wd.  natu- 
rally have  an  influence  (which  it  had  not  had  as  Lord  H. 
observed)  in  deciding  upon  the  sum  for  wh.  the  6  article  shd.  be 
commuted. 

I  told  his  Lordship  that  I  had  drawn  up  a  paper  upon  this  sub- 
ject wh.  was  in  the  Chancellor's  hands  with  a  request  that  it  shd. 
be  sent  to  him,  &  that  I  felt  persuaded  that  it  w'd  shew  the 
business  in  its  true  light  and  prove  that  the  discussion  upon  the 
6  art.  proceeded  upon  the  basis  of  that  article's  being  commuted 
and  the  7  article's  being  executed. 

I  then  enquired  concerning  the  Expedition  to  San  Domingo, 
preparing  in  the  French  Ports.  Asked  if  it  wd.  proceed  before 
the  definitive  Treaty  ;  if  its  object  were  approved  by  Eng.  and 
whether  Louisiana  formed  a  part  of  it. 

He  replied  that  an  understanding  existed  with  respect  to  the 
Expedition  to  St.  Domingo  ;  intimated  that  the  Expedition  cd. 
not  wait  for  the  defin.  Treaty.     On  the  subject  of  Louisiana  not 

\a  word  had  passed  during  or  since  the  negotiation  with  France 
abo.  Louisiana — he  would  not  speak  positively  and  what  he  did 
say  was  confidential,  but  he  shd.  rather  conclude  that  no  part  of 
the  Expedition  now  preparing  was  destined  for  Louisiana.  Spain 
had  certainly  ceded  Louisiana.  But  he  did  not  exactly  compre- 
hend the  Territory  included  under  that  Term. 

I  said  by  Louisiana  without  other  words  one  wd.  understand 
only  lands  west  of  the  Mississippi  ;  but  we  apprehended  the 
Floridas  and  New  Orleans  likewise  to  be  ceded.  We  then  turned 
to  a  map  and  I  pointed  out  to  L.  H.  the  boundaries  of  Louisiana 
as  I  understood  them  making  the  Mississippi  on  the  East  and  the 
River  Norde  on  the  West  the  limits.  He  asked  where  New 
Orleans  was  and  I  pointed  it  out  to  him,  and  also  explained  the 
ancient  claim  of  the  Limits  of  Louisiana  and  such  as  was  ad- 
vanced before  the  7  years'  war — adding  that  the  Treaty  of  Paris 
in  1762*  gave  the  countries  east  of  the  Mississippi  to  England, 
leaving  Louisiana  solely  on  the  west  of  that  River.  I  then 
enlarged  upon  the  value  and  importance  of  Louisiana  to  Fr., 
provided  New  Orleans  &  the  Floridas  were  added.     His  Lord- 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  1 9 


ship  seemed  to  have  never  considered  the  subject,  and  remarked 
that  it  must  be  a  very  long  time  before  a  country  quite  a  wilder- 
ness could  become  of  any  considerable  value. 

I  observed  that  we  saw  the  subject  in  a  different  light  and  were 
desirous  that  this  region  shd.  remain  in  the  quiet  hands  of  Spain, 
and  then  asked  if  Spain  shd.  continue  to  desire  it,  as  well  as  we, 
and  we  shd.  employ  such  influence  as  we  might  have  to  engage 
France  to  relinquish  the  cession,  whether  England  wd.  cooperate 
at  Amiens  by  using  her  influence  in  favour  of  the  restoration  of 
this  country  to  Spain.  Lord  H.  said  he  wd.  give  me  no  answer 
on  that  point,  adding  what  he  had  before  asserted  that  they  had 
taken  no  notice  of  the  cession  &  he  would  not  think  that  it  wd. 
soon  become  of  importance. 

Speaking  of  the  act  of  cession,  he  said  that  they  had  seen  a 
copy  of  it  &  on  my  asking  for  a  copy  he  said  he  wd.  give  it  to  me. 
(He  sent  me  the  copy  of  a  Treaty  between  Fr.  &  Sp.  of  March 
1801,  securing  Tuscany  to  the  Prince  of  Parma,  and  wh.,  re- 
ferring to  the  cession  of  Louisiana,  confirms  it  * 

*  Traite  signe  a  Madrid  le  21  Mars  1801  par  le  Prince  de  la  Paix  et  Lucien 
Bonaparte. 

The  fifth  Article  of  this  Treaty  reads  thus  :  "  Ce  Traite  etant  en  consequence 
de  celui  deja  conclu  entre  Le  Premier  Consul  et  S.  M.  E.  par  le  quel  le  Roi  cede 
a  la  France  la  Possession  de  la  Louisiane  les  Parties  Contractantes  conviennent 
4'effectuer  le  dit  Traite  et  de  s'arranger  a  l'egard  de  leurs  Droits  respectifs." 


CHAPTER  II. 

Dinner  at  Addington's — Otto  and  Talleyrand — Wilberforce  on  Slave  Trade 
and  on  Pitt — Anecdote  about  Expedition  to  Egypt — Lord  Molesworth  in 
Denmark — King  to  Lord  Pelham — Complaint  against  McDonough,  Eng- 
lish Agent  at  Tripoli — Inciting  War  against  the  U.  S. — Lord  Pelham's 
Answer — His  Conduct  unauthorized — He  is  to  be  removed — King  to 
Lord  Hawkesbury — Presses  for  a  Settlement  of  Negotiations — King  to 
Secretary  of  State — Expeditions  to  St.  Domingo— Otto  to  be  Minister  to 
the  U.  S. — King  to  R.  R.  Livingston — Congratulations  on  his  Arrival 
at  Paris — Troup  to  King — Depressing  Effect  of  the  Peace — Duel  of  Ham- 
ilton's Son — Anecdote  of  Talleyrand  and  La  Foret — Gambling  in  English 
Stocks — Genet  wrote  his  own  Instructions — Sir  William  Parker  instead  of 
curbing,  permitted  Depredations  by  his  Officers  on  American  Commerce — 
King  to  Eaton — Presents  to  the  Bey — King  to  Addington — Delays  in  Ne- 
gotiations— J.  Q.  Adams  to  King — The  Peace  will  cause  Inconvenience — 
King  to  Hamilton — Letter  of  Condolence — Sedgwick  to  King — Demo- 
cratic Influence  increased  in  New  England — Jefferson's  Removals  have 
not  hurt  his  Influence — Rupture  with  England  feared  by  Jefferson's 
Friends — They  aim  at  the  Destruction  of  the  Judiciary — King  to  Lord 
Eldon — Presses  for  a  Settlement  of  Negotiations. 

Nov.  27.  1801. 
Nov.  27.  1801.*     Dined  at  Mr.  Addington's  with  eight  or  ten 
individuals,  his  personal  friends  he  called  them  ;  Otto  &  myself 
the  only  strangers.     In  my  morning  ride  I  fell  in  with  Mr.  Addi- 
son ;  we  rode  together  and  conversed  on  different  subjects.   .   .    . 
He  said,  speaking  of  Mr.  Otto,  what  he  had  before  told  me  that 
his  conduct  had  been  most  excellent  and  correct  ;  for  him  and 
his  colleagues  to  have  acted  with  fairness  in  respect  to  the  funds 
was  precisely  their  duty  :  but  Otto  had  not  been  precisely  in  the 
same  situation,  yet  he  was  persuaded  that  he  had  abstained  with 
as  much  discretion  and  as  entirely  as  they  themselves  had.     I 
*  Memorandum  Book. 
20 


1801J  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  21 

observed  that  it  was  certainly  very  creditable  to  Otto,  but  that  it 
had  surprised  me  that  Talleyrand  had  not  made  use  of  his  knowl- 
edge to  job  in  the  Eng.  funds.  Without  replying,  Mr.  Addington 
in  a  sort  of  ejaculation,  said  he  was  glad  Lord  Cornwallis  had  left 
Paris  for  Amiens  ;  as  he  believed  things  wd.  do  better  at  a  dis- 
tance from  that  Man  !     (Talleyrand) 

One  of  two  inferences  may  be  made  from  these  words — either 
that  Talleyrand  was  not  trusted  by  Bonaparte  in  the  negotiation 
carried  on  by  Otto  in  London  and  might  not  be  in  that  to  be 
entered  upon  at  Amiens  ;  or  that  the  ex-Bishop  had  already 
gained  an  influence  over  Lord  Cornwallis.  Sitting  by  Wilber- 
force  at  Dinner  I  glanced  at  the  latter  interpretation  which  I 
thought  he  assented  to — and  in  a  loose  conversation-  with  Ham- 
mond I  perceived  the  same  idea  was  admitted  by  him.  But  Otto 
some  time  since  told  me  that  certain  of  his  dispatches  were  sent 
with  unbroken  seals  to  Bonaparte. 

Wilberforce  told  me  that  he  had  not  much  hopes,  that  the 
Article  abolishing  the  Slave  Trade  would  be  inserted  in  the  de- 
finitive Treaty.  Lord  Cornwallis  knew  &  cared  little  about  it, 
but  wd.  act  fairly,  whereas  Malmesbury,  knowing  the  King's  opin- 
ion, like  a  mere  courtier  as  he  was,  wd.  be  sure  to  defeat  any 
hopes  wh.  might  exist  in  its  favour.  Addington  was  well  enough 
disposed,  as  well  as  others  of  his  colleages,  but  Hawkesbury  par- 
took of  his  Father's  sentiments  on  this  topic  and  he  had  fairly 
told  him  that  so  long  as  he  entertained  these  principles  he  W. 
would  never  look  upon  him  with  the  friendship  he  desired  to  do. 
Wilberforce  seemed  to  think  (in  wh.  I  believe  he  is  quite  mistaken) 
that  Bonaparte  was  disinclined  or  lukewarm,  on  account  of  his 
wife,  who  is  a  Creole  ! 

MR.    PITT. 

Wilberforce  spoke  in  high  terms  of  Mr.  Pitt  and  especially  with 
regard  to  his  disinterestedness  and  support  of  the  new  Ministry — 
adding  that  before  he  went  out  of  office,  he  sent  for  him  W.  and 
explained  his  intentions,  as  well  in  regard  to  his  own  resignation 
as  the  forming  of  one  new  Ministry,  asking  him  what  he  thought 
of  his  project.  W.  replied  that  he  approved  of  it  and  encouraged 
him  to  persevere.  Pitt  replied  that  he  was  glad  to  receive  his 
approbation  especially  as  others  had  told  him  the  new  min.  wd. 


22  RUFUS  KING.  [1801 

not  do,  and  desired  him  to  counteract  that  opinion.  Mr.  P.r 
said,  Wilberforce,  is  the  only  one  of  the  old  ministry  who  wd. 
have  made  the  Peace  the  new  Ministry  has  done  and  he  has  acted 
nobly  in  supporting  them. 

Speaking  of  the  Expedition  to  Egypt  he  lamented  that  they  had 
been  so  misled  by  Canning's  foolish  Book  (referring  to  the 
Preface  and  Notes  to  Bonaparte's  intercepted  Letters).  Had 
Menou  been  an  able  instead  of  a  weak  General,  they  shd.  have 
been  defeated  &  disgraced  at  Aboukir  :  and  after  all  Providence 
had  saved  them,  for  poor  Abercrombie  (who  was  certainly  brave 
and  whose  gallant  death  shd.  cover  all  his  errors)  was  most  com- 
pletely surprised  by  the  French  in  the  morning  in  which  he  was 
mortally  wounded  ! 

Anecdote. 

Lord  Molesworth,  the  Eng.  Envoy  in  Denmark,  wrote  an  acct. 
of  that  Country  which  unveiled  the  tyranny  of  its  Government. 
Scheel,  the  Dan.  Envoy  in  Eng.,  complained  to  King  William  of 
this  Publication  and  demanded  reparation  &c.  The  King  who 
was  attached  to  Lord  Molesworth  evaded  the  complaint  of  Scheel 
who  renewed  his  representation  and  added  that  for  such  like 
offense  committed  by  the  Dan.  Envoy  in  England,  his  Dan. 
Majesty  wd.  cut  off  the  offender's  head  and  send  it  to  the  offen- 
der's ally. 

King  William  good  humouredly  expressed  his  acknowledgments 
and  said  that  such  were  not  the  laws  of  England  and  that  he  wd. 
command  Lord  Molesworth  to  put  in  his  book  what  were  the 
laws  of  Denmark  upon  this  subject. 


King  to  Lord  Pelham. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  Nov.  28,  1801. 
My  Lord  : 

It  seems  not  the  least  extraordinary  of  the  wonderful  things  of 
the  age  in  which  we  live,  when  reforms  of  almost  every  sort,  and 
in  every  direction,  have  been  aimed  at,  and  powerful  Leagues  to 
effect  them  have  been  formed  and  dissolved  on  all  sides,  that  no 
one  has  thought  of  a  confederacy  to  repress  the  piratical  practices 


i8oi]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE. 


23 


of  the  States  of  Barbary,  which,  at  the  very  doors  of  the  great 
Nations  of  Europe,  have  for  so  many  Centuries  laid  them  with  the 
rest  of  the  commercial  world,  under  Contribution. 

It  is  true  Great  Britain,  on  account  of  her  naval  superiority, 
feels  this  Evil  but  lightly  ;  but  were  it  permitted  to  others  to  ex- 
press an  opinion  on  this  head,  it  might  be  said,  that  the  reason 
why  she  does  not  feel  it  more  heavily  is  precisely  that  which 
should  free  her,  as  well  as  the  rest  of  the  World,  from  feeling  it 
at  all. 

For  these  Reflections,  I  ought,  however,  to  crave  your  Lord- 
ship's indulgence,  though  in  Truth  they  are  not  altogether  foreign 
to  the  particular  object  of  this  Letter,  which  serves  to  communi- 
cate to  your  Lordship  the  enclosed  complaint  against  the  British 
Agent  residing  at  Tripoli.  The  Bey  of  Tripoli  has  lately  declared 
War  against  the  United  States,  which,  in  consequence  thereof, 
have  been  compelled  to  send  a  squadron  of  Frigates  into  the 
Mediterranean  to  protect  their  Commerce  and  curb  the  cruisers 
of  this  Regency. 

Bryan  McDonough,  the  British  Agent  at  Tripoli,  has,  as  we  are 
informed,  materially  contributed  by  his  misrepresentations  and 
influence  over  the  Bey,  to  engage  him  to  make  war  upon  the  United 
States.  In  addition  to  the  information  derived  from  the  American 
Consuls  at  Tripoli  and  Tunis,  Commodore  Dale,  Commander  of  the 
American  Ships  in  the  Mediterranean,  after  particular  inquiry 
confirms,  in  the  fullest  manner,  the  complaint  against  McDonough. 

It  will  naturally  occur  to  your  Lordship,  that  this  complaint, 
from  its  nature,  does  not  admit  of  exact  Proof,  since  it  is  from 
various  and  connected  circumstances  only  that  we  are  enabled  to 
satisfy  ourselves,  in  cases  of  this  sort,  that  our  suspicions  are  well 
founded  :  in  the  present  instance,  however,  although  we  cannot 
accompany  the  complaint  against  his  Majesty's  Agent  at  Tripoli, 
with  such  Proofs  as  would  judicially  establish  his  Guilt,  it  is  my 
duty  to  state  to  your  Lordship  that  the  evidence  of  delinquency 
is  such  as  to  convince  us  that  the  war  in  which  we  are  engaged 
with  Tripoli  has  been  excited  by  the  false  and  unfriendly  represen- 
tations of  this  agent,  if  not  chiefly  produced  by  his  mischievous 
influence  over  the  mind  of  the  Bey.  How  far  his  malignant 
views  may  have  been  promoted  by  his  abuse  of  his  public  charac- 
ter is  matter  of  conjecture  ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  his 


24  RUFUS  KING.  [1801 

influence,  whatever  it  may  have  been,  must  have  arisen  principally 
from  his  official  situation. 

Relying,  as  we  do,  upon  his  Majesty's  friendship  and  Justice, 
I  flatter  myself  that  this  complaint  will  meet  with  a  ready  and 
impartial  consideration  ;  and  that  his  Majesty  will  not  only  mani- 
fest his  displeasure  at  this  highly  criminal  and  injurious  Proceed- 
ing, but  that  he  will  moreover  give  explicit  instructions  to  his 
Consuls  and  agents  throughout  the  States  of  Barbary,  to  pursue 
for  the  future  a  conduct  in  respect  to  the  United  States  and  their 
affairs,  conformable  to  the  harmony  and  good  understanding  that 
so  happily  subsists  between  our  respective  Countries.* 

With  the  most  perfect  consideration  &c  &c 

Rufus  King. 


Lord  Pelham  to  R.  King. 

Whitehall  Dec,  5,  1801. 
Sir: 

I  have  received  the  honor  of  your  Letter,  dated  28th.  ulto.,  in- 
closing a  Copy  of  one  from  Mr.  William  Eaton,  Consul  for  the 
American  States  at  Turin,  to  Mr.  Magra,  his  Britannic  Majesty's 
Consul  General  at  the  same  place,  in  which  the  conduct  of  Mr. 
Bryan  McDonough  at  Tripoli  is  stated  as  highly  reprehensible. 

It  is,  I  should  hope,  unnecessary  to  assure  you  that  any  con- 
duct observed  by  Mr.  McDonough  hostile  to  the  interests  of  the 
American  Government  in  the  Barbary  States  is  totally  unauthor- 
ized, and  that  every  possible  disposition  is  felt  by  the  British 
Government  to  preserve  in  every  quarter  that  harmony  and  good 
understanding,  which  so  happily  subsists  between  it  and  the 
United  States  of  America. 

Were  Mr.  McDonough  likely  to  continue  in  his  present  station, 
the  circumstances  of  the  charges  against  him  (although  the 
authenticity  of  them  rests  merely  on  the  assertion  of  Mr.  Eaton) 
should  certainly  undergo  a  full  investigation,  but  as  he  is  almost 
immediately  to  be  superseded,  such  investigation  is  unnecessary. 
Lest,  however,  from  any  accidental  cause,  his  supercession  should 
not  take  place  as  soon  as  it  is  intended,  a  Letter  shall  be  imme- 
diately written  to  him,  cautioning  him  against  persisting  in  the 

*  To  this  is  appended  a  report  from  Com.  R.  Dale,  stating  the  charges 
against  B.  McDonough. 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  25 

conduct  he  is  charged  with,  and  his  successor  shall  be  fully  ap- 
prized of  the  friendly  sentiments,  entertained  by  the  British 
Government  towards  the  American  States. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  &c 

Pelham. 


R.  King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury. 

Private. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  Nov.  30,  1801. 
My  Lord  : 

If  your  Lordship  will  advert  to  the  really  unpleasant  situation 
in  which  I  am  placed  by  the  great  and  continued  delay  of  the 
settlement  concerning  the  6th  article  of  our  Treaty,  I  am  per- 
suaded you  will  be  disposed  to  do  justice  to  my  encreased  solici- 
tude upon  the  subject.  Preserving  always  a  due  confidence  in 
the  assurances  which  have  given  me  reason  to  expect  a  satisfac- 
tory conclusion  of  this  affair,  I  have  from  month  to  month  and 
from  year  to  year  (for  it  is  near  three  years  that  the  business  has 
been  depending)  endeavored  to  satisfy  my  Government  in  respect 
to  this  unusual  and  inconvenient  Delay. 

Having  nothing  to  add,  or  to  alter  upon  a  subject  we  have  so 
fully  considered,  and  as  I  thought  settled,  I  may  without  further 
apology,  appeal  to  your  Lordship's  impartiality  for  my  justifica- 
tion in  claiming,  as  it  is  my  duty  to  do,  a  final  decision  of  this 
affair.  The  season  of  the  year  offers  but  few  opportunities  to 
America  ;  the  regular  mail  for  New  York  will  be  made  up  in  the 
course  of  this  week,  and  I  am  anxious  to  give  to  my  Government 
positive  and  explicit  information  upon  this  subject.  I  will  only 
add,  that  I  shall  be  happy  to  be  enabled  to  say,  that  the  business 
is  finally  and  satisfactorily  closed. 

With  perfect  respect  &c,  &c, 

Rufus  King. 


26  RUFUS  KING.  [1801 

R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  43. 
Sir: 

London  Nov.  30  1801. 

It  is  understood  that  Lord  Cornwallis  will  leave  Paris  for 
Amiens  in  the  course  of  a  day  or  two,  and  as  soon  as  the  Minis- 
ters of  France,  Spain,  Portugal  and  Holland  shall  arrive  there, 
that  the  negotiation  of  the  definitive  Treaty  will  be  commenced. 
As  the  principal  Points  were  settled  in  the  Preliminaries,  and 
those  of  inferior  note  have  been  since  discussed  at  Paris,  the  pre- 
vailing opinion  seems  to  be  that  not  much  time  will  be  required 
to  bring  the  negotiation  to  a  conclusion. 

The  expedition  to  St.  Domingo  has  not  yet  sailed  ;  but  as  Eng- 
land has  really  a  squadron  of  ten  or  twelve  ships  of  the  Line, 
which  is  to  be  sent  immediately  to  the  Jamaica  station,  it  is  sup- 
posed that  the  French  Expedition  will  proceed  as  soon  as  it  shall 
be  ready  and  without  waiting  for  the  definitive  Treaty. 

Mr.  Otto  has  received  notice  that  he  will  be  sent  as  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  to  the  United  States,  tho'  in  consequence  of  Mr. 
Jackson's  appointment  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  England  at 
Paris  during  the  Congress  at  Amiens,  Mr.  Otto  may  receive  a 
corresponding  appointment  here,  so  that  neither  he  nor  Mr.  Jack- 
son, who  will  probably  succeed  Mr.  Liston  in  America,  will  be  at 
liberty  to  leave  Europe  before  the  spring. 

Nothing  decisive  has  yet  taken  place  respecting  the  6th  and  7th 
Articles  of  our  Treaty  with  this  Country  ;  I  shall,  however,  be 
able  to  send  you  more  explicit,  and,  I  am  willing  to  hope,  more 
satisfactory  information  upon  this  subject,  in  the  course  of  the 
next  month. 

I  have  called  Lord  Hawkesbury's  attention  to  the  subject  of 
the  Trade  between  the  English  West  Indies  and  our  Ports,  which, 
without  timely  regulations,  may  be  liable  to  great  embarrassment 
upon  the  return  of  Peace  ;  but  he  is  at  present  so  engaged,  that  I 
have  not  yet  been  able  to  bring  the  subject  fairly  under  consider- 
ation :  I  shall  resume  at  the  first  moment  I  perceive  a  favorable 
opening  to  do  so. 

Notwithstanding  the  fine  and  abundant  Harvests  of  this  Coun- 
try, Corn  continues  to  be  dear  and  in  the  opinion  of  all  judges 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  2J 

will  so  far  maintain  the  high  price  that  the  ports  will  be  open 
throughout  the  year. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem,  &c,  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Robert  R.  Livingston,  &c,  &c. 

London,  Dec.  3,  1801. 
Dear  Sir  : 

The  French  papers  having  announced  your  arrival  at  L'Orient, 
in  the  early  part  of  the  last  month,  I  conclude  that  you  have  be- 
fore this  time  reached  Paris,  and  therefore  avail  myself  of  the 
earliest  opportunity  to  offer  you  my  cordial  congratulations  on 
your  mission,  and  to  express  my  earnest  hope  that  its  success  may 
in  every  respect  correspond  with  the  favourable  anticipations,  in 
which  the  public,  as  well  as  all  those  who  have  the  satisfaction  of 
knowing  you,  have  beforehand  indulged  themselves. 

The  return  of  Peace  will  serve  to  render  your  residence  in 
Europe  more  agreeable,  not  only  by  the  good  humour  and  polite- 
ness it  may  be  expected  to  reestablish,  but  by  relieving  you  from 
the  endless  detail  of  business,  in  which  you  would  have  unavoid- 
ably been  engaged  by  a  continuation  of  the  war. 

The  distance  between  us  is  so  inconsiderable,  that  I  promise 
myself  the  pleasure  of  frequently  hearing  of  your  welfare  ;  and 
Mrs.  King,  who  unites  with  me  in  sincere  regards  to  Mrs.  Living- 
ston, likewise  joins  me  in  the  offer  of  our  services  in  any  way  in 
which  they  may  be  made  useful  to  you  or  any  part  of  your  family. 
With  great  Respect  &  Esteem,  &c,  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  Troup  to  R.  King. 

New  York,  5th  December,  1801. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  We  received  the  account  of  peace  between  Great 
Britain  and  France  in  this  city  on  the  20th  ulto,  via  Boston.  It 
instantly  operated  almost  like  the  hand  of  death  upon  all  busi- 
ness. I  had  two  auctions  on  that  day  on  hand  at  the  Coffee 
House  :  one  of  Sir  Wm.  (Pulteney's)  real  property  in  this  city  ; 


28  RUFUS  KING.  [1801 

the  other  of  lands  in  my  hands  as  an  executor  of  an  insolvent 
estate.  There  were  several  other  auctions  depending.  All  was 
knocked  up,  instead  of  being  knocked  down  !  Not  a  hid  was 
given  ;  every  thing  was  buzz  and  confusion  in  the  Coffee  House. 
Ships  have  fallen.  Wheat,  corn  and  flour  have  been  constantly 
on  the  fall  !  In  short  all  business  dull  and  nearly  at  a  stand.  I 
hear  however,  of  no  bankruptcies,  and  much  serious  mischief  does 
not  seem  to  be  apprehended.     .     .     . 

For  twelve  days  past  the  city  has  been  much  agitated  with  a 
duel  *  between  Hamilton's  oldest  son  Philip  and  a  Mr.  Eacher — a 
brother  lawyer  of  mine  and  a  violent  and  bitter  democrat.  .  .  . 
Young  Hamilton  was  mortally  wounded  and  soon  after  died. 
Never  did  I  see  a  man  so  completely  overwhelmed  with  grief  as 
Hamilton  has  been.  The  scene  I  was  present  at,  when  Mrs. 
Hamilton  came  to  see  her  son  on  his  deathbed  (he  died  about  a 
mile  out  of  the  city)  and  when  she  met  her  husband  and  son  in 
one  room,  beggars  all  description  !  Young  Hamilton  was  very 
promising  in  genius  and  acquirements,  and  Hamilton  formed  high 
expectations  of  his  future  greatness  !  ...  At  present  Hamil- 
ton is  more  composed  and  is  able  again  to  attend  to  business  ; 
but  his  countenance  is  strongly  stamped  with  grief.  Eacher  has 
not  since  made  his  appearance  at  the  bar.  There  is  a  general 
current  of  opinion  agt.  him,  except  amongst  the  violent  demo- 
crats. Very  truly  yours, 

R.  T. 


Talleyrand  and  La  Foret.  f 

London,  Dec.  7,  1801. 
Otto  called  upon  me  in  the  evening  to  mention  that  he  had 
received  credentials  as  Min.  Plenip.  to  this  Court,  and  to  make 
inquiry  respecting  the  mode  of  dress,  presentation,  &c.  After 
going  over  this  subject  we  talked  of  various  others  and  among 
them  I  spoke  of  the  reputation  he  had  established  by  keeping  his 
secret  so  well  and  not  gambling  in  the  Eng.  funds  during  the 
negotiation,  and  then  observed  that  tho'  I  understood  him  well 
enough  and  could  account  for  his  discretion,  which  was  so  very 

*  See  vol.  iii.,  p.  33.  f  Memorandum  Book. 


l8oi]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  29 

commendable,  I  could  not  tell  how  Talleyrand  &  La  Foret, 
especially  the  first,  were  kept  back  and  restrained,  for  they  must 
have  known  all  that  was  doing.  Otto  made  no  scruples  about 
Talleyrand's  character  and  likewise  admitted  that  La  Foret  was 
fond  of  money  and  liked  speculation,  &c.  In  America  he  was 
always  engaged  in  little  bargains  and  calculating.  Indeed  it  must 
be  owing  to  something  of  this  sort  that  he  had  been  sent  to 
Munich  as  minister — a  place  no  ways  equal  to  that  he  held  in  the 
Post  office.  But  he  was  Talleyrand's  man  and  agent  and  very 
likely  had  been  engaged  in  some  affair  wh.  made  it  expedient  to 
send  him  away  from  Paris.  As  to  the  negotiation  here  it  was 
curious,  early  at  the  time  of  the  proposed  armistice.  The  first 
proposition  which  he  received  from  France  to  be  made  to  the 
Brit.  Govt,  arrived  at  3  o'clock  p.m.;  before  8  o'clock  it  was 
known  in  the  City,  or  rather  he  knew  it  was  there  known  as  soon 
as  8  o'clock,  and  might  have  been  sooner  known,  &  the  purport 
of  it  appeared  in  the  Morning  Post  ;  all  this  before  he  had  made 
his  communication  to  the  Brit.  Govt.  In  his  very  next  dispatch, 
Otto  said,  he  took  notice  of  this  circumstance,  justified  himself 
and  expressed  surprise  how  the  intelligence  should  have  got  air. 
In  a  future  stage  of  the  discussion,  the  purport  of  an  important 
dispatch  was  actually  known  on  the  Exchange  of  London  and 
produced  a  rise  of  2  per  cent  in  the  funds  before  he,  Mr.  Otto, 
received  it.  In  his  next  dispatch  to  his  Govt,  he  stated  this  ex- 
traordinary fact  and  protested  against  the  injury  to  his  own  char- 
acter, wh.  wd.  immediately  proceed  from  it.  In  reply  he  was  told 
that  there  could  have  been  no  disclosure  thro'  any  of  the  officers 
of  the  Bureau,  as  the  dispatch  was  written  by  Mr.  Talleyrand 
himself  and  not  trusted  to  any  of  his  Secretaries.  After  this 
complaint,  Otto  remarked,  an  attempt  was  immediately  made  and 
persisted  in  to  take  the  business  out  of  his  hands,  and  that  under- 
standing the  motive,  he  had  to  employ  the  best  means  in  his 
power  to  prevent  the  success  of  the  intrigue. 

During  the  late  negotiation  the  Parties  were  doubtless  re- 
strained by  the  resistance  they  had  before  met  with  !  !  !  Otto 
said  he  had  been  offered  a  share  in  a  concern  by  wh.  Talleyrand 
was  to  gain  ^200,000  Stg,  himself  ;£  100,000  Stg,  and  the  English 
concurred,  he  knew  not  how  much,  but  he  had  peremptorily 
refused. 


30  RUFUS  KING.  [1801 

Genet. 

Otto  told  me  that  Genet  was  the  author  of  his  own  instructions, 
wh.  he  published  in  America  ;  being  a  favorite  of  Brissot,  who 
with  the  Commee.  of  his  day  was  engaged  in  a  thousand  affairs, 
he  was  desired  to  draw  a  sketch  of  his  own  Instructions,  wh.  were 
brought  at  a  late  hour  of  the  day,  read  over  with  haste  &  signed. 
Besides  Genet  was  a  known  Royalist  and  in  all  his  conduct  in 
America  played  a  part  !  !  ! 

Admiral  Sir  William  Parker. 

This  Admiral  was  sent  to  Halifax,  as  Lord  Spencer  told  me, 
because  he  was  believed  to  be  a  prudent  officer  and  would  curb 
the  plundering  spirit  of  the  squadron  stationed  on  our  coast. 

Instead  of  his  conduct  corresponding  with  this  character,  he 
turned  out  to  be  an  avaricious  and  disobedient  Commander — and 
during  his  command  increased,  instead  of  curbing,  the  depreda- 
tion on  American  trade.  Captain  Pelew  of  the  Cleopatra  was  one 
of  the  most  vexatious  of  those  under  Parker's  command.  On  my 
complaint,  Lord  Spencer  recalled  Pelew,  but  Parker  instead  of 
obeying  and  sending  him  home,  gave  him  leave  to  make  a  cruise 
after  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies  and  Gulf  of  Mexico,  where  he 
ran  the  Cleopatra  ashore  and  was  obliged  to  return  to  Halifax, 
where  her  repairs  cost  upwards  of  ^8,000  Stg. 

Parker  also  under  the  pretence  of  sending  seven  or  eight  re- 
fractory soldiers  who  were  condemned  at  Halifax  to  serve  in  the 
fields  as  convicts  or  slaves  in  Jamaica,  sent  the  America,  a  74, 
with  them  to  the  West  Indies  with  orders  to  cruize  for  Spaniards 
in  the  Gulf  of  Florida,  where  she  was  lost.  Parker  for  these  in- 
stances of  disobedience  and  for  sending  the  America  off  her 
station,  was  lately  brought  to  a  Court  Martial  at  Portsmouth  and 
acquitted  ;  owing  as  Nepean  told  me  to  the  base  spirit  of  gain, 
with  wh.  the  majority  of  the  court  was  influenced— a  spirit,  said 
he,  which  has  done  us  more  mischief  than  can  be  imagined,  wh. 
not  only  excited  the  resentment  of  for.  and  neutral  States,  but 
occasioned  the  Mutiny  wh.  well  nigh  ruined  the  Brit.  Navy. 

The  system  of  secrecy  as  to  the  votes  of  the  members  of  a 
Court  Martial  must  be  done  away  with  as  it  serves  to  protect 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  3 1 

base  men  and  cover  base  principles.  An  Act  of  Parliament 
must  be  made  for  this  purpose  and  Sir  Wm.  Scott  had  engaged  to 
go  into  a  thorough  reform  of  the  Prize  Courts  in  order  thro'  them 
to  check  these  depredations. 


R.  King  to  William  Eaton,  Tunis. 

London,  Dec.  10,  1801. 
Sir: 

The  Jewels  for  the  Bey  being  finished,  and  Mr.  Hargraves  pur- 
posing to  embark  in  an  English  Frigate,  which  sails  in  a  day  or 
two,  for  Algiers,  I  have  concluded  to  send  them  to  you  by  him, 
without  waiting  for  the  arms,  which,  though  in  great  forwardness, 
will  not  be  completed  in  less  than  two  months.  Randall  & 
Bridge,  the  King's  Jewellers,  who  have  executed  this  commission, 
have  assured  me  that  the  Jewels  should  be  most  carefully  and 
securely  packed,  so  that  I  hope  you  will  receive  them  speedily, 
and  in  good  condition  ;  the  invoice  of  these  articles  you  have 
enclosed.  As  soon  as  the  arms  are  finished,  they  shall  likewise 
be  forwarded  to  you.  The  Cloths,  as  I  have  before  advised  you, 
have  been  shipped  and  will,  I  expect,  reach  you  before  Mr. 
Hargrave's  arrival. 

The  Cloths  and  Silks  first  sent,  tho'  unsuitable  for  the  purpose 
for  which  they  were  purchased,  may  sell  for  sufficient  to  reimburse 
their  cost  and  charge,  especially  as  the  silks  were  supplied  at 
reduced  prices. 

Mr.  McDonough  will  no  longer  remain  at  Tripoli  ;  his  succes- 
sor will  be  instructed  to  observe  in  respect  to  the  United  States 
and  their  affairs  a  conduct  conformable  to  the  good  understand- 
ing and  harmony  subsisting  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain.  With  great  respect  &c  &c 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Mr.  Aldington. 

Private. 

Gr.  Cumberland  Place,  Dec.  11,  1801. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Will  you  do  me  the  favour  to  inform  me  whether  the  business, 
concerning  which  I  have  but  too  perseveringly  resorted  to  you, 


32  RUFUS  KING.  [1801 

has  yet  been  decided  by  the  Cabinet  ?  The  delays  which  have  so 
long  prevailed,  are  doubtless  such  as  belong  to,  and  are  usual  in 
affairs  of  this  nature.  Experience  has  taught  me  that  I  had 
formed  erroneous  estimates  of  these  matters,  and  I  am  now  con- 
vinced of  what  I  suspect  others  have  long  since  been,  that  I  con- 
sulted my  zeal  rather  than  my  prudence,  when  I  was  prevailed 
upon  to  engage  in  a  service,  for  which  every  day  of  my  life  shows 
me  my  own  incapacity.  I  however  console  myself  that  a  little 
more  time  and  patience  will  bring  me  my  relief.  I  entreat  you, 
my  dear  Sir,  to  pardon  these  observations,  which  are  by  no  means 
designed  to  draw  from  you  the  slightest  notice  of  the  occasion  of 
them,  but  merely  to  excuse  myself  in  your  good  opinion  for  the 
endless  trouble  that  it  has  been  my  misfortune  (for  such  I  shall 
always  think  it)  to  give  you. 

I  am,  Dr.  Sir,  your  obliged  &  faithful  Svt. 

R.  K. 
Note.  Ansd.    There  had  been  a  decision  of  the  Cabinet,  which 
Lord  Hawkesbury  would  communicate. 


J.  Q.  Adams  to  R.  King. 

Quincy,  11  December,  1801. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Since  I  wrote  you  last,  (13  October)  I  have  been  to  the  city  of 
Washington,  and  brought  home  my  wife  and  child — We  have 
spent  a  fortnight  here  with  my  father,  and  in  a  few  days  expect  to 
get  settled  in  Boston. 

At  New.  York,  on  my  return  home,  I  first  heard  of  the  peace 
concluded  between  France  and  England,  which  was  very  unex- 
pected here,  as  it  appears  to  have  been,  even  in  London.  Its  in- 
fluence upon  our  affairs  public  and  private  will  no  doubt  be 
important  and  not  in  every  respect  favourable.  Much  partial 
inconvenience  is  to  be  foreseen  ;  but  if  the  enterprise  and  in- 
dustry of  our  country  is  checked  in  one  quarter,  I  believe  it  will 
soon  make  its  way  in  another.  The  prices  of  goods  have  gener- 
ally fallen,  and  some  unremunerative  stagnation  of  commerce  must 
ensue.  Our  merchants  and  ship-builders,  however,  anticipate  a 
temporary  advantage  from  the  want  of  vessels  in  France,  where 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  33 

they  hope  to  find  a  good  market  for  many  of  their  supernumerary 
ships. 

Our  internal  affairs  continue  to  present  an  aspect  of  great  tran- 
quillity. The  Session  of  Congress  must  have  commenced,  but  we 
have  not  yet  received  the  President's  speech. 

About  a  fortnight  since,  General  Hamilton's  eldest  son  was 
killed  in  a  duel  with  a  Mr.  Eacker.  He  is  said  to  have  been  a 
young  man  of  great  promise.* 

Faithfully  your's 

John  Quincy  Adams. 

The  letter  of  condolence  of  Mr.  King  to  his  friend,  Gen- 
eral Hamilton,  written  on  January  12,  1802,  is  here  given, 
though  out  of  date. 

R.  King  to  Hamilton. 

Both  as  a  friend  and  a  father  I  do  most  unfeignedly  partici- 
pate and  condole  with  you  in  the  heavy  affliction  that  has  fallen 
upon  your  family.  It  would  be  altogether  vain  for  me  to  have 
recourse  to  the  usual  topics  of  consolation.  In  so  severe  a 
calamity  it  must  be  sought  for  among  the  treasures  of  your  own 
mind,  which  nature  has  so  eminently  endowed  ;  and  after  a  while 
it  will  likewise  be  found  in  the  promising  branches  of  your 
family  which  remain,  to  recall  to  your  remembrance  as  well  as  to 
console  you  for  the  loss  you  have  suffered. 

With  most  faithful  regard  &  attachment,  &c. 


T.  Sedgwick  to  R.  King. 

Stockbridge,  14  December,  1801. 
My  Dear  Sir  : 

.     .     .     I  am  retired  to  private  life  and  as  yet  I  am  rejoiced 

that  I  am  so.     The  little  prospect  of  benefit  which  I  saw  from 

any  thing  that  I  could  do,  the  injury  which  my  private  concerns 

*  In  the  Life  of  Hamilton,  vol.  vii.,  p.  499,  an  account  of  this  duel,  with  the 

circumstances  which  led  to  it,  is  given.     The  young  man  was  only  nineteen 

years  of  age,  but  warmly  interested  in  the  political  questions  of  the  day,  the 

discussion  of  which  involved  his  father's  name  and  character,  and  brought  on 

the  quarrel  which  resulted  in  his  death. 
VOL.  iv — 3 


34  RUFUS  KING.  [1801 

sustained  by  my  absence,  and  the  importance  of  my  presence  to 
the  welfare  of  my  family,  at  the  same  time  afforded  cogent  motives, 
&  justified,  in  my  opinion,  a  conformity  of  conduct  to  them. 

I  confess  to  you,  my  dear  sir,  that  I  have  been  disappointed  in 
the  effect  produced  in  New  England  by  the  election  of  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson. I  did  believe  that  his  known  hostility  to  the  federal 
measures,  which  are  essential  to  its  prosperity,  &  not  less  so  his 
enmity  to  those  institutions  which  habit,  and  as  I  supposed  prin- 
ciple had  endeared  to  the  people,  would,  at  the  same  time,  have 
checked  the  progress  of  democracy,  lessened  the  number  of  its 
adherents,  and  infused  into  the  well  disposed  a  spirit  of  union 
among  themselves,  &  of  exertion  against  their  adversaries  ;  but, 
instead  of  this,  democratic  influence  has  increased,  as  I  believe, 
in  every  state.  This,  as  I  think,  is  owing,  more  than  to  any  other 
cause,  to  the  spirit  of  avarice,  which  has  been  fostered  not  only 
by  the  general  course  of  public  events,  but  by  the  measures  of 
the  government,  and  the  addresses  which  have  openly  &  con- 
stantly been  made  to  this  odious,  degrading  &  sordid  passion. 
Every  puny  prater  who  talks  much  of  the  interest  of  the  people, 
the  necessity  of  public  economy,  and  the  importance  of  calcu- 
lating every  public  measure  on  the  principle  of  taking  the  least 
portion  possible  of  "  the  fruits  of  labor  from  the  mouth  which 
earns  it,"  is  sure  of  an  affectionate  reception  from  the  people. 
Even  well  meaning  men,  perceiving  the  effects  of  these  delusive 
professions,  have  employed  them,  as  instruments  to  acquire  popu- 
larity. Hence  every  warm,  and  generous,  and  manly  sentiment 
is  stifled  ;  and  hence  national  degradation  on  one  hand,  and  the 
glory  of  our  country,  on  the  other,  have  become  unmeaning  & 
unintelligible  expressions.  The  decrease  of  public  burdens  is 
represented,  as  certain,  from  the  election  of  Mr.  J. 

There  is  another  circumstance  which  is  equally  discouraging. 
The  aristocracy  of  virtue  is  destroyed  ;  personal  influence  is  at 
an  end.  No  length  nor  degree  of  popular  service,  neither  the 
most  shining  talents,  nor  the  most  and  disinterested  conduct,  give 
anything  like  weight  and  authority  to  character.  What  means 
are  there,  then,  of  regaining  power  by  the  federalists  ?  When- 
ever the  federal  systems  shall  be  broken,  and  the  feebleness  which 
must  result  from  a  complete  relaxation  shall  be  felt,  the  people 
may  remember  those  men  whose  wise  counsels  have  once  saved 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  35 

them  from  ruin  &  again  place  the  government  in  their  hands.  .  .  . 
But  should  the  blunders  &  folly  of  the  Philosophers  consign  them 
again  to  insignificance,  how  long  will  the  federalists  be  able  to 
defend  themselves  against  those  means  which  have  been  found 
sufficient  for  the  destruction  of  their  influence  ?     .     .     . 

I  do  not  think  that  Mr.  J n  has  lost  any  influence  by  his  re- 
movals from  office.  There  is  nothing  more  mischievous  &  mon- 
strous than  the  principle,  and  it  is  avowed,  on  which  this  conduct 
rests.  It  is,  palpably,  rendering  the  aggregate  of  the  emoluments 
of  all  the  offices,  holden  at  the  pleasure  of  the  president,  a  mass 
of  electioneering  corruption.  And  yet  there  is  a  wonderful  tran- 
quillity prevailing  on  the  avowal  and  practice  of  this  conduct. 
There  was  a  time  when  the  resentment  of  the  people  of  Connecti- 
cut would  have  been  roused,  almost  to  frenzy,  by  removing  such 
men  as  Chester,  Goodrich  and  Whittlesey,  from  important  offices, 
to  fill  them  with  such  as  Thirley,  Bishop  and  Wolcott,  let  the 
motive  have  been  whatever  it  might  ;  but  on  this  occasion,  tho'  a 
most  detestable  motive  is  declared,  no  great  degree  of  sensibility 
seems  to  be  excited  among  even  good  men  ;  and  so  far  from 
ruining  the  President's  influence,  the  number  of  Jacobin  voters  at 
the  last  congressional  election,  in  that  state,  was  greater  than  at 
any  former  election. 

Amidst  all  the  unpleasing  reflections  which  are  presented  to 
the  mind  there  is  one  which,  to  me,  affords  consolation.  You 
will  not  be  removed.  There  is  nothing,  unless  I  am  greatly  de- 
ceived, that  the  leaders  of  that  party,  a  certain  little  great  man 
excepted,  view  with  more  horror  than  a  rupture  with  G.  Britain. 
Yet  do  they  consider  that  dreaded  event  as  not  improbable. 
They  will,  therefore,  avoid  everything  that  may  furnish  evidence 
to  charge  them  with  an  intention  to  produce  it.  They  will  not, 
therefore,  remove  a  federalist  from,  to  send  a  democrat  to,  the 
court  of  London.  And  I  do  most  sincerely  hope,  tho'  there  is 
not  on  earth  a  man  whom  I  more  wish  to  see,  that  it  may  not  be 
too  disagreeable  to  you  to  continue  there. 

But  what  will  be  the  course  of  conduct  which  this  administra- 
tion will  pursue  ?  As  I  have  told  you  heretofore  it  will  be  the 
object  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  ambition  to  reduce  in  practice  the 
administration  of  this  government  to  the  principles  of  the  con- 
federation.    .     .     . 


36  RUFUS  KING,  [1801 

The  revenue  is  so  abundant  that,  even,  should  all  our  expenses 
be  continued,  it  will  probably  be  supposed  that  some  of  the  most 
unpopular  taxes  may  be  repealed.  Perhaps  the  salt  duty  will  be 
considered  as  the  most  grateful  sacrifice.     .     .     . 

There  is  nothing  which  the  party  more  anxiously  wish  than  the 
destruction  of  the  judicial  arrangements  made  during  the  last 
session,  because  of  the  impediments  which  that  throws  in  the  way 
of  their  rapid  progress  to  the  ultimate  goal  of  democratic  reform. 
It  is  certain  that  a  demolition  of  this  system  is  contemplated  by 
the  President ;  for  the  Secy,  of  state  has  written  to  the. marshals 
or  clerks  of  all  the  eastern  districts,  &  I  suppose  of  all  the  dis- 
tricts, to  report  to  him,  the  number  of  actions  which  have  been 
determined  in  those  courts,  &  the  number  now  depending — the 
object  undoubtedly  is  to  show  how  much  money  is  paid  for  how 
little  business.  Yet  it  is  said,  with  what  truth  I  know  not,  that 
some  of  the  party  are  of  opinion  that  the  Judges  who  are  ap- 
pointed cannot  be  displaced  by  a  repeal  of  the  law.  This,  I 
believe,  is  certain  that  a  repeal  will  not  be  attempted,  unless  it 
can  be  assured  beforehand  that  a  majority  in  both  houses  can  be 
obtained,  in  favor  of  the  measure.  I  am  not,  myself,  satisfied 
that  a  repeal  of  the  law  would  be  unconstitutional,  for  that  would 
imply  that  a  rational  reform  of  the  judicial,  under  circumstances 
which  might  reasonably  be  expected,  would  be  impracticable  ; 
but  I  shall  be  happy  if  such  doubts,  however  founded,  shall  pre- 
vent so  inauspicious  a  procedure.     .     .     . 

What  will  be  the  result  of  peace  in  Europe  I  know  not — in 
this  country  the  effect  must  have  a  considerable  influence  on 
almost  all  descriptions  of  persons.  Except  those  whose  depen- 
dence for  support  is  on  salaries,  there  will  be  a  general  decrease 
of  the  means  of  expense,  and  a  consequent  reduction  of  the  prices 
of  all  property.  How  far  this  will  create  discontent,  and  what 
will  be  the  direction  of  it,  you  can  conjecture. 

I  am  ever  sincerely  yours. 


R.  King  to  Lord  Eldon. 

Great  Cumbd.  Place,  Dec.  17, 1801. 
My  Lord  : 

I  take  the  liberty  to  send  you  enclosed  a  Draught  of  the  pro- 
posed convention  as  it  was  settled  in  our  former  Conferences 


l8oi]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  37 

with  the  addition  of  a  new  article  founded  upon  the  demand  that 
the  payments  on  your  side  should  be  made  by  Installments  corre- 
sponding with  those  to  be  made  in  America. 

With  perfect  Respect  &c. 

R.  K. 


R.  King  to  Lord  Eldon. 

Great  Cumbd.  Place,  Dec.  21,  1801. 
My  Lord  : 

I  called  in  Downing  Street  today  in  hopes  that  Lord  Hawkes- 
bury  would  be  prepared  to  give  me  a  definitive  answer  concerning 
the  Draught  of  the  Convention  which  by  your  Lordship's  permis- 
sion I  took  the  liberty  to  send  you.  But  as  he  had  not  seen  it  he 
could  say  nothing  upon  the  subject.  Will  you  have  the  goodness 
to  send  the  Draught  to  Lord  Hawkesbury,  with  such  alterations 
as  you  may  think  proper  to  make  upon  it. 

Being  desirous  to  finish  this  affair  before  the  interruption  of 
the  Holidays,  I  pray  you  to  pardon  the  solicitude  with  which  I 
pursue  it. 

With  great  Respect  &  Esteem,  &c,  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Hale  to  King — Comments  despondingly  on  the  President's  Message — Ames 
to  King — On  the  Message — Virginia  to  Control — The  Peace  will  not  calm 
Agitation  in  U.  S. — King  to  Secretary  of  State — Vessels  detained  for 
breaking  Blockade  of  Havre  released  by  Executive  Interference — Lord 
Dunmore's  outrageous  Conduct  in  Virginia — Conversation  with  Lord 
Hawkesbury— French  Expedition  to  St.  Domingo — Louisiana  — French 
desire  to  colonize  to  get  rid  of  perturbed  Spirits— Bonaparte  an  extra- 
ordinary Character — King  to  Secretary  of  State— St.  Croix  Boundary — 
Prize  Courts  in  the  West  Indies — Impressed  Seamen — Peace  has  stopped 
Impressments— Outrages  against  Commerce  continue— W.  Pinkney's  Con- 
gratulations on  signing  Convention  relative  to  6th  and  7th  Articles — Gore 
to  King— On  his  Trials  while  negotiating— King— Signature  of  the  Con- 
vention—King to  Secretary  of  State — Sends  the  Convention— Mode  of 
paying  Claims— Maryland  Bank  Stock  Claim  soon  to  be  settled— King  to 
Madison— History  of  the  Negotiation — Discouraging  Delays— Looked  only 
to  his  Duty— King  to  Secretary  of  State— Congress  at  Amiens  probably 
result  favorably  to  Peace — Mutiny  in  the  Fleet  for  the  W.  Indies. 

The  two  following  letters  will  show  the  views  of  leading 
Federalists  inspired  by  the  Message  of  President  Jefferson 
to  Congress,  and  are  therefore  full  of  interest,  conveying,  as 
they  did  to  Mr.  King,  the  gloomy  forebodings  that  filled 
their  minds  as  to  the  future  of  the  country  under  its  new 
rulers. 

Joseph  Hale  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  Dec.  19,  1801. 
Dear  Sir  : 

We  yesterday  received  the  enclosed  message.  This  mode  of 
testifying  his  homage  of  respect  to  the  National  Legislature,  the 
President  has  preferred  to  that  which  custom  &  habit  had  already 
sanctioned.  Would  to  God  !  that  in  this  manner  only  his  admin- 
istration were  distinguished  from  that  of  his  predecessors  ! 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  39 

The  Genevan  &  American  Philosophers  you  will  find  more  bold 
in  experiment  than  wise  &  intelligent  as  statesmen.  In  their 
visionary  brains  the  amount  of  our  revenue  by  import  is  calculated 
even  to  a  cent  for  preceding  years.  Its  surplus  is  to  astonish  the 
citizens.  The  armistice  lately  signed  at  London  is  to  produce 
general  &  perpetual  harmony  between  Nations.  Our  government 
is  only  to  state  its  claims  upon  other  nations  to  have  them  at  once 
recognized  &  improved.  The  wild  principles  of  uproar  &  misrule 
which  have  given  elevation  &  political  consequence  to  our  exist- 
ing administration  are  philosophically  speaking  to  produce  tran- 
quillity &  subordination  in  an  inverse  ratio  to  their  tendency 
towards  anarchy  &  confusion.  Our  nation  is  to  derive  conse- 
quence from  being  stript  of  every  national  attribute  &  from  the 
sovereignty  &  independence  of  the  several  estates.  Our  National 
credit  is  to  be  supported  by  withdrawing  the  sources  of  revenue 
by  which  alone  it  can  be  maintained.  The  independence  of  our 
Judiciary  is  to  be  confirmed  by  being  made  wholly  subservient  to 
the  will  of  the  legislature  &  the  caprice  of  Executive  visions. 
The  farmer  at  the  toil  of  his  ploughshare  is  to  learn  military  tac- 
tics &  when  diking  his  meadows  the  principles  of  fortification. 
To  crown  all,  a  National  character  is  to  be  derived  from  freely 
admitting  to  the  rights  of  citizenship  the  "  unhappy  fugitives  " 
from  law  &  justice  of  every  other  nation  upon  earth.  Such  is  my 
brief  comment  upon  the  inclosed  text.  Gloomy  apprehensions 
may  have  rendered  me  unfit  to  give  an  opinion  upon  the  subject. 
Your  knowledge  &  experience  will,  I  hope  for  the  welfare  of  our 
country,  enable  you  to  entertain  more  agreeable  reflections  than 
at  this  moment  irresistibly  impress  my  mind.  As  under  adverse 
prospects  we  are  inclined  to  seek  consolation,  so  in  the  present 
instance  I  am  disposed  to  repose  with  a  degree  of  confidence  on 
the  habits  &  principles  of  New  England  &  the  virtue,  intelligence, 
&  patriotism  of  men  of  talents  &  influence  throughout  our  coun- 
try. Their  temperate,  still  voice  may  for  a  time  be  drowned  in 
the  clamours  of  democratic  frenzy,  but  their  energies  must  &  will 
eventually  impress  &  correct  the  public  sentiment  &  acquire  ad- 
ditional momentum  from  the  unreasonable  tho'  natural  checks  & 
opposition  of  weak  &  unprincipled  men. 

Your  friend  &  obed  servt. 

Joseph  Hale. 


40  RUFUS  KING.  [1801 

•F.  Ames  to  R.  King. 

December  20th,  1801. 

My  dear  Sir  : 

The  new  President's  speech  is  out,  he  calls  it  a  message.  This 
difference  is  pretended  to  be  important  to  save  time,  money  and 
ceremony.  Is  not  this  philosophy,  dignity  &c  &c.  The  message 
announces  the  downfall  of  the  late  revision  of  the  Judiciary  ; 
economy,  the  patriotism  of  the  shallow  and  the  trick  of  the  am- 
bitious— It  proposes  that  Congress  shall  legislate  in  every  case  to 
the  very  rim  and  outside  edge  of  its  power — lest  executive  dis- 
cretion should  take  its  place  and  usurp  its  powers.  Therefore 
the  items  for  appropriation  are  to  be  designated  specifically.  In- 
stead of  laying  down  rules  of  conduct,  Congress  is  to  apply  these 
rules  in  detail  and  is  to  be  president,  as  to  army,  navy  and  taxes, 
the  U.  S.  Gov't  has  little  to  do,  and  is  to  be  dismantled  like  an 
old  ship.  For  it  is  evident  that  the  state  gov'ts  are  to  be  ex- 
hibited as  alone  safe  and  salutary.  Thus  Congress  is  to  do  every- 
thing instead  of  the  heads  of  departments.  Committees  instead 
of  Cong.  The  sovereign  people  are  to  be  excited  to  controul 
these  and  Virginia  is  to  be  as  strong  as  the  union  is  made  weak. 

I  am  full  of  commentary  on  this  ample  text,  but  you  will  not 
need  my  help  to  make  your  own.  Those  who  lean  for  support  on 
one  state,  and  on  exciting  the  passions  of  the  people  to  weaken 
every  obstacle  to  the  domination  of  that  state,  will  understand 
their  part.  You  will  see  a  broad  hint  about  the  carrying  Trade. 
Expect  Madison's  resolutions  over  again  and  the  pretty  plan  of 
the  Report  on  the  privileges  and  restrictions  of  our  Commerce. 

You  will  see  perhaps  by  some  of  the  Mass'tts  papers  that  the 
Farmer,  alias  Atty  General  U.  S.,  alias  Lincoln  is  outrageously 
agt.  the  federalists  and  the  whole  body  of  the  Clergy  and 
denounces  the  wrath  of  The  People  unless  they  abstain  from 
their  evil  ways.  The  peace  (between  France  and  England)  will 
not  calm  the  agitations  of  this  country  :  its  terms  present  France 
as  an  object  both  of  terror  &  admiration.  Unless  Buonaparte 
shd.  die,  her  exorbitant  power  will  be  consolidated  so  as  to  over- 
turn Europe  first,  then  the  World.  But  his  life  is  precarious.  I 
am  surprised  at  the  kind  of  admiration  lavished  by  wise  men  on 
this  adventurer  ;  allow  him  heroism — allow  him  genius — yet  his 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  4 1 


admirers  invest  him  with  qualities  which  he  has  given  little  evi- 
dence that  he  possesses.  Political  sagacity  is  ascribed  to  him  as 
if  he  excelled  Pitt  and  Thugut  and  all  the  old  statesmen  of  old 
Govts.  The  vis  major  requires  very  little  of  it.  .  .  .  I  can- 
not conceive  of  a  long  duration  of  peace,  when  all  that  exists  is 
prodigious  and  out  of  nature.  Ambition  sees  no  obstacles  and 
it's  victims  can  have  no  shelter.  Is  not  Europe  as  much  a  prey 
as  Italy  was  to  Rome  after  the  war  with  Pyrrhus  ?  Spain,  Portu- 
gal, Holland  and  Italy  are  so  many  provinces  of  France. 

This  state  affords  no  matter  of  news.  It  is  quiet,  but  soon  to 
be  agitated  by  the  intrigues  to  bring  in  Gerry  Governor.  The 
National  Egis,  a  paper  at  Worcester,  is  set  up  for  that  end. 
Lincoln  is  said  to  have  formed,  as  well  as  promoted,  the  plan,  but 
when  there  was  a  call  for  money,  he  was  off.  It  is  hoped  by  print- 
ing frothy  nonsense  in  that  county  to  revolutionize  the  state. 
What  sense  we  have  is  no  match  for  our  prejudice  and  nonsense, 
and  soon  or  late,  the  contest  will  turn  against  us.  I  omitted  to 
say  that  the  Farmer  in  his  Egis  modestly  and  consistently  rails 
agt.  the  Palladium  as  a  gazette  that  is  supported  by  the  Federalists, 
and  the  Clergy. 

Yrs  &c 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  45. 

London,  Dec.  23,  1801. 
Sir  : 

In  consequence  of  a  letter  written  by  lord  Hawkesbury  to  Sir 
John  Nicholl,  the  King's  Advocate,  a  copy  of  which  is  annexed, 
a  sentence  of  restitution  has  been  given  by  the  High  Court  of 
Admiralty  in  favour  of  all  the  American  Ships  and  Cargoes,  de- 
tained on  their  passages  to  Havre  de  Grace,  except  the  Ship 
Frederick  and  Cargo,  of  New  York,  whose  Agents,  contrary  to 
my  instructions,  brought  on  her  trial  before  the  interference  in 
her  favour,  which  we  had  reason  to  expect  on  the  part  of  this 
Government.  As  an  appeal  has  been  made  in  this  case,  perhaps 
the  sentence  of  condemnation  may  be  reversed  in  the  Court  of 
Appeals. 

These  cases  are  not  more  remarkable  on  account  of  the  Execu- 


42  RUFUS  KING.  [180I 

tive  intervention,  by  which  a  restitution  has  been  attained,  than 
for  the  singular  circumstance  that  the  Claimants'  best  interests 
and  wishes  have  been  against  their  own  success  ;  inasmuch  as  a 
recurrence  to  the  insurance  offices  would  have  been  a  less  loss 
than  will  now  attend  the  adventures  from  the  fall  of  markets  in 
consequence  of  the  Peace. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c 

Rufus  King. 


To  His  Majesty's  Advocate  General. 

Copy. 

Downing  Street,  November  23,  1801. 
Sir  : 

Mr.  King,  the  American  Minister  at  this  Court,  having  repre- 
sented to  me  that  several  American  Vessels,  destined  for  the  Port 
of  Havre,  have  been  recently  captured  off  that  Port,  and  that  the 
Owners  of  these  Vessels  and  their  Cargoes  were  from  special  cir- 
cumstances ignorant  of  the  Blockade  of  the  Port  and  of  the 
notification  thereof,  at  the  period  of  their  departure  from  the 
Ports  of  the  United  States,  and  of  their  respective  captures  ;  I 
have  it  in  command  to  desire  you  to  signify  to  the  Judge  of  the 
High  Court  of  Admiralty,  that  considering  the  ignorance  of  the 
Blockade  of  Havre  de  Grace  (notwithstanding  the  notification 
thereof)  under  which  the  American  Vessels  lately  taken,  were 
going  to  that  Port,  and  the  special  circumstances  which  have 
occasioned  such  ignorance  ;  and  considering  also  the  communi- 
cations which  had  passed  upon  the  subject  between  Mr.  King, 
the  Minister  of  the  United  States  and  his  Majesty's  Servants 
previous  to  the  capture  of  those  Vessels,  it  is  his  Majesty's 
pleasure  that  all  the  Rights  and  Interests  which  may  belong  to 
him  in  such  captured  Vessels  and  their  Cargoes  shall  be  given  up 
and  released,  and  that  the  proprietors  thereof,  who  were  really  so 
ignorant  of  the  Blockade  shall  be  relieved  as  far  as  by  law  they 
may  from  any  penalties  to  which  their  property  would  otherwise 
be  exposed  on  account  of  its  being  destined  to  a  Blockaded 
Port. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  &c 

Hawkesbury. 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  43 

Lord  Dunmore.* 

Sir  Andrew  J.  Hammond,  who  commanded  the  naval  force  on 
board  of  wh.  Lord  Dunmore,  with  Gov.  Eden  of  Maryland,  took 
refuge  told  me  that  not  4  Genn.  of  the  Country  joined  Lord 
Dunmore,  indeed  he  said  he  remembered  none  but  Warmely  ; 
that  the  negroes  carried  off  were  about  700  ;  that  those  who 
adhered  to  Lord  Dunmore  were  chiefly  Scotchmen  from  the 
shores  of  Virginia.  When  he  left  the  Chesapeake  on  Sir  Wm. 
and  Lord  Howe's  arrival  at  N.  York,  he  had  near  150  transports 
with  Lord  Dunmore  and  his  adherents  on  board  ;  that  Dunmore 
wished  to  have  burned  and  destroyed  the  country  ;  that  he  re- 
sisted it  and  proposed  to  him  the  plan  to  leave  the  Chesapeake 
and  to  send  his  Lps.  adherents  to  St.  Augustine,  Bermudas  & 
Halifax,  wh.  he  did. 

That  owing  to  the  attacks  of  the  Provincials  he  cd.  not  water 
the  Transports  and  was  obliged  to  go  up  the  Potomac  with  all  the 
empty  casks  he  cd.  collect  to  take  in  fresh  water.  It  was  on  this 
expedition,  which  was  solely  for  water,  that  Dunmore  wanted  to 
land  and  burn  Brent  or  Brett's  house  on  the  Potomac.  This  he, 
Hammond,  resisted  till  the  Provincials  assembled  on  the  shore 
and  fired  upon  &  wounded  two  or  three  of  his  men  and  killed  one 
as  they  passed  in  their  boats  from  ship  to  ship.  Dunmore  then 
renewed  the  proposal  of  landing,  to  wh.  he  consented,  &  Lord 
Dunmore  landed  with  about  1000  men,  drove  the  Provincials 
killing  18  or  20,  burned  Brent  or  Brett's  house,  &c,  and  laid 
waste  the  country  for  five  miles  round,  reembarking  in  the  evg. 
with  a  trifling  loss.  In  the  night  a  boat  came  to  them  from 
Alexandria,  offering  to  pilot  them  and  serve  as  guides  to  burn 
Alexandria  &  Gen.  Washington's  house.  Dunmore  was  eager  to 
embark  at  12  o'clock  that  night  ;  he  opposed,  said  the  burning  of 
houses  &  towns  wd.  not  serve  to  reconcile  America  &  Engd.,  and 
to  Dunmore's  great  mortification  informed  him  that  so  far  from 
permitting  the  expedition  agt.  Alexandria,  he  wd.  the  next  morn- 
ing weigh  anchor  and  return  down  the  Chesapeake,  wh.  he  said 
he  did  tho'  not  more  than  f  of  the  water  casks  had  been  filled. 

Afterwards  he  said  that  Genl.  Washington  whom  he  knew  per- 
sonally &  had  before  passed  a  week  or  more  with  him  at  Mount 
Vernon,   sent  his  Aid  de  Camp  Hamilton  to  thank  him  for  his 
forbearance  and  moderation  when  near  Alexandria. 
*  Memorandum  Book. 


44  RUFUS  KING.  [1801 

Hawkesbury.* 

Dec.  26,  1801. 

Called  on  Ld.  Hawkesbury  and  delivered  to  him  the  draught  of 
a  Convention  including  the  articles  before  settled  concerning  the 
6th.  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  1794,  &  an  addl.  one  respecting  the 
Commission  under  the  7th.  Article.  I  had  before  sent  him  this 
last  article,  but  now  delivered  the  entire  draught.  He  said  he 
wd.  take  the  earliest  opportunity  to  see  Ld.  Eldon,  and  on  my 
explaining  the  objections  to  the  awards  being  paid  into  the  Bank 
&c,  as  had  been  proposed,  he  appeared  to  acquiesce  and  approve 
the  modification  I  had  suggested. 

The  conversation  took  a  turn  towards  general  politics.  He 
asked  my  opinion  of  the  success  of  the  Fr.  Exp.  to  St.  Domingo, 
wh.  gave  me  an  opportunity  to  speak  of  the  force  sent  ;  wh.  he 
said  they  were  told  by  the  Fr.  Govt,  would  be  15  ships  of  the  line 
and  20,000  troops.  I  said  the  best  hopes  of  success  were  placed 
in  managing  Toussaint,  who  was  ignorant,  superstitious  and  as 
far  as  one  cd.  judge  a  suitable  character  for  the  experiment  ;  un- 
less the  Fr.  went  this  way  to  work  they  wd.  fail,  &c.  Lord  H. 
said  that  there  were  difft.  opinions  among  their  best  informed 
men  ;  Maitland  &  he  believed  a  majority  of  opinions  inclined  to 
this  conclusion. ' 

He  asked  me  if  I  had  heard  any  thing  farther  from  Paris  re- 
specting Louisiana. — I  answered  in  the  negative,  except  that  I 
had  heard  the  Govt,  had  been  offered  to  Massena  at  the  same 
time  that  the  Embassy  to  Petersburgh  and  Constantinople  were 
offered  to  him. 

Ld.  H.  said  that  the  French  wd.  make  great  exertions  to  im- 
prove &  extend  their  colonies ;  that  during  the  negotiations 
they  always  insisted  upon  the  necessity  of  their  having  extensive 
colonies  at  the  close  of  the  war,  as  Eng.  had  at  the  close  of  her 
civil  war  ;  and  whither  they  might  send  their  perturbed  spirits, 
&c.  Lannes  had  been  sent  to  Portugal,  Macdonald  to  Copen- 
hagen and  doubtless  Massena  wd.  be  persuaded  to  go  to  Con- 
stantinople, &c.  Ld.  H.  then  enquired  if  I  thought  Otto  wd. 
remain  here,  adding  if  Bonaparte  was  sincere  for  peace,  &c,  it 
wd.  be  the  best  proof  he  cd.  give  to  leave  Otto  here.     Besides 

*  Memorandum  Book. 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  45 

London  wd.  not  be  a  proper  place  to  send  Massena  or  any  others 
of  wh.  he  may  be  jealous,  as  from  its  proximity  it  wd.  be  convenient 
to  carry  on,  and  with  the  utmost  safety,  any  conspiracy  agt.  him. 
It  was  impossible  to  say  what  the  situation  of  France  is  to  be  ; 
whether  the  old  family  would  be  restored  or  a  new  dynasty  estab- 
lished. Bonaparte  was  as  strong  and  as  well  prepared  as  he  or 
any  one  could  be.  St.  Cloud  which  was  repairing  was  one  of  the 
strongest  military  posts  about  Paris.  All  Europe  at  present  held 
the  same  language  ;  all  are  rejoiced  at  peace  ;  it  is  popular  every- 
where and  the  minds  of  men  in  every  Cabinet  and  State,  fatigued 
with  the  cares  and  efforts  of  war,  are  anxious  for  repose,  so  that 
from  without  Bonaparte  has  nothing  to  apprehend.     .     .     . 

Bonaparte  was  certainly  an  extraordinary  character  ;  he  has 
satisfied  his  ambition  as  a  warrior,  and  was  now  aiming  at  repu- 
tation as  a  statesman.  His  views  were  turned  to  commerce, 
manufactures,  finance  &c  ;  success  in  these  pursuits  peace.  At 
present  he  has  great  difficulties  on  acct.  of  the  state  of  credit, 
public  and  private  ;  and  his  most  pressing  labour  must  be  to 
overcome  these  difficulties  ;  they  certainly  were  formidable  and 
one  must  wait  to  see  the  effect  of  his  plans. 


William  Pinkney  to  R.  King. 

Bath,  J  any  9,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  letter  of  yesterday  and 
have  communicated  the  gratifying  intelligence  contained  in  it  to 
Mr.  Trumbull. 

I  offer  you  my  sincere  congratulations  on  the  successful  close 
of  the  business,  the  whole  course  of  which  must  have  been  to 
you  a  trial  of  patience,*  for  which  nothing  but  the  actual  issue 
could  compensate. 

*  Mr.  Gore,  who  was  in  Paris  awaiting  the  decision  as  to  the  reassembling  of 
the  Commission  under  the  7th  Article,  had  written  to  Mr.  King,  Oct.  15,  1801. 
I  have  known  too  intimately  the  trials  which  your  patience  has  experienced  in 
this  unnecessarily  protracted  negotiation,  and  your  repeated  sacrifice  of  per- 
sonal feeling  to  public  duty,  not  to  appreciate  the  weight  of  this  new  disap- 
pointment, the  more  aggravated  as  it  could  not  have  been  suspected  by  the 
most  jealous  distrust.  Should  the  business  fail  now,  it  will  display  such  a 
character  in  one  party  as  to  leave  no  doubts  in  the  other  of  its  future  conduct, 
&  of  the  relation,  which  the  two  countries  must  ever  bear  to  each  other. 


46  RUFUS  KING.  [180 1 

As  it  is  stipulated  that  the  Commission  under  the  7th  Article 
is  to  recommence  immediately,  I  presume  that  it  will  be  proper 
that  the  absent  members  of  the  Board  shd.  repair  with  as  little 
delay  as  possible  to  London.  My  own  wish,  indeed,  wd.  have 
been  to  remain  here  a  few  weeks  longer  for  the  benefit  of  the 
waters.     .     .     . 

Will  you  allow  me  to  enquire  whether  it  has  been  found  practi- 
cable to  introduce  into  the  Convention  a  clause  relative  to  the 

Bank  Stock  ? 

With  unfeigned  Esteem. 

Wm  Pinkney. 


January  (probably  8th)  1802. 

*  Ld.  Hawkesbury,  having  notified  Mr.  King  that  the 
draught  of  the  Convention,  having  been  agreed  upon,  shd. 
be  engrossed  and  ready  for  signature  the  next  day,  he  de- 
sired him  to  meet  him  then  at  his  office  for  the  purpose  of 
signature.     Mr.  King  says  : 

On  my  arrival  at  the  hour  assigned,  Mr.  Hammond  desired  me 
to  go  into  the  room  of  Mr.  Rolliston,  the  first  Clerk,  who  had 
prepared  two  copies,  &  Lord  Hawkesbury  being  engaged,  I 
collated  the  copies  with  Mr.  Rolliston,  who  put  Lord  Hawkes- 
bury's  &  my  seals  to  them.  As  he  was  about  to  affix  the  seals  I 
asked  him  if  he  had  received  any  instructions  how  to  place  them, 
he  answered  no,  but  that  they  should  be  placed  on  a  line.  I  ac- 
quiesced and  the  seals  were  so  placed.  Mr.  Hammond  then  joined 
us  and  we  went  into  Lord  Hawkesbury's  room,  where  we  signed 
in  the  presence  of  Hammond,  his  Lordship  signing  first.  I  then 
mentioned  that  it  was  of  no  consequence,  but  I  was  not  sure  that 
the  signatures  and  seals  had  not,  as  on  former  occasions,  been 
one  above  the  other  &  not  on  a  line.  Hammond  immediately 
turned  to  the  Treaty  of  1794  and  found  that  such  had  been  the 
mode  of  execn.  Lord  Hawkesbury  did  not  appear  to  think  the 
difference  of  consequence,  &  I  immediately  said  it  was  an  affair 
of  no  importance — as  between  us  and  them  there  cd.  be  no  dis- 
pute about  questions  of  this  sort,  any  interference  of  Pretensions 

*  Memorandum  Book. 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  47 


wd.  doubtless  relate  to  more  interesting  concerns.  Lord  Hawkes- 
bury  treated  the  subject  as  of  no  significance— and  the  third  and 
fourth  copies,  which  were  not  signed  until  two  or  three  days 
afterwards,  were  executed  in  like  manner  as  the  first. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  48. 

London  January  9,  1802. 
Sir: 

At  length  I  am  able  to  send  you  a  Convention  which  I  yester- 
day signed  with  Lord  Hawkesbury,  respecting  the  6th  &  7th 
Articles  of  our  Treaty  of  1794.  The  Commutation  of  the  6th 
article  of  the  Treaty  of  1794,  and  the  confirmation  so  far  as  it 
respects  the  future  operation  of  the  4th  Article  of  the  Treaty  of 
Peace  remain  as  they  were  settled  in  October  last  :  and  I  have 
nothing  to  add  to  my  former  reports  upon  these  Points.  The 
Claim  upon  us  to  consent  to  a  commutation  of  the  7  th  Article 
has  been  given  up,  and  it  is  agreed  that  the  Commissioners  shall 
reassemble  and  proceed  in  the  execution  of  their  duties,  accord- 
ing to  the  provisions  of  the  Article,  except  only  that  instead  of 
their  demands  being  made  payable  at  such  times  as  they  should 
appoint,  the  same  shall  be  payable  in  three  equal  instalments, 
corresponding  with  those  to  be  paid  in  America. 

As  our  Claims  are  to  be  ascertained  by  the  Board  of  Commis- 
sioners, which  has  heretofore  added  interest  up  to  the  day  on 
which  its  awards  were  made  payable,  and  which  is  at  liberty  to 
do  so  in  respect  to  their  future  awards,  the  payment  by  instal- 
ment's may  not  be  thought  a  material  disadvantage,  the  main 
point,  that  of  ascertaining  the  amount  of  our  claims  being  satisfac- 
tory secured.  Having  already  burdened  my  correspondence 
with  pieces  and  reports  upon  these  Subjects,  which  I  fear  have 
been  thought  both  tedious  and  uninteresting,  I  do  not  add,  by 
way  of  supplement,  a  particular  account  of  what  has  passed  since 
the  date  of  my  No.  40,  especially  as  the  discussion  has  related 
solely  to  the  Commission  in  London,  the  agreement  respecting 
which  is  too  explicit  to  stand  in  need  of  explanation. 


48  RUFUS  KING.  [1801 

Two  Copies  of  the  Convention  have  been  executed,  one  of 
which  will  be  enclosed  with  the  original  of  this  Letter  ;  two  more 
copies  are  preparing  and  will  in  like  manner  be  executed  as 
originals,  and  endorsed  with  the  Duplicate  and  Triplicate  hereof. 
I  shall  likewise  send  you  copies  of  Lord  Hawkesbury's  full 
powers  as  soon  as  they  can  be  prepared  ;  those  which  I  made 
use  of  are  dated  June  10,  1796. 

Lord  Hawkesbury  has  agreed  to  send  a  copy  of  the  third 
article  of  the  Convention  to  the  British  Commissioners  ;  in  like 
manner,  I  shall  send  a  copy  of  it  to  the  American  Commissioners  ; 
and  as  they  are  all  upon  the  spot,  they  will  be  at  liberty  to  resume 
their  business  without  farther  delay.  It  will  perhaps  be  thought 
most  convenient  that  the  Ratifications  should  be  exchanged  here. 

The  Lord  Chancellor  has  assured  me  that  the  Maryland  Claim 
shall  speedily  be  decided  in  his  Court  ;  a  measure,  it  seems, 
deemed  necessary  to  enable  the  Crown  to  signify  its  pleasure 
respecting  the  Bank  Stock.  Although  the  disappointments  we 
have  met  with  on  this  Subject  must  weaken  our  confidence  in  the 
course  we  have  been  pursuing,  I  think  it  would  be  impolitic  at 
present  to  change  it  ;  the  claim,  which  in  my  conviction  is  most 
just,  shall  continue  to  receive  my  unremitting  attention. 
With  Perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  James  Madison,  Esq. 

Private. 

London  January  II,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Although  for  the  reason  suggested  in  my  official  correspondence 
I  have  omitted  to  send  you  an  account  of  what  passed  respecting 
the  Viand  VII  Articles  of  the  Treaty  of  1794,  subsequent  to  Mr. 
Dawson's  departure,  I  have  on  reflection  thought  it  might  be  satis- 
factory and  perhaps  useful  that  I  should  in  this  way  supply  the 
omission. 

Lord  Grenville  on  being  consulted  by  Lord  Hawkesbury  having 
given  an  explicit  opinion  that  he  had  in  no  respect  pledged  the 
Government  concerning  the  settlement  of  the  6th  &  7th  Articles 
of  the  Treaty  of  1794,  and  that  the  execution  of  the  latter  article 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  49 

according  to  its  provisions  would  be  a  measure  which  ought  to 
have  a  material  influence  on  the  ascertainment  of  the  sum  to  be 
accepted  for  the  abolition  of  the  former,  I  prepared  and  sent  to 
Mr.  Addington  a  concise  view  of  the  origin,  progress  and  present 
situation  of  the  Negotiation,  corresponding  with  a  more  detailed 
Statement  which  I  likewise  sent  to  the  Lord  Chancellor,  and  a 
copy  of  which  is  annexed.  Special  considerations  induced  me  to 
prefer  this  manner  of  making  the  representation,  to  one  that 
would  have  been  more  regular,  and  which  I  remained  at  liberty 
to  make,  should  circumstances  require  it.  In  subsequent  con- 
versations with  Mr.  Addington,  I  had  reason  to  be  satisfied  with 
the  steps  I  had  taken  ;  for  he  told  me  that  he  saw  the  subject  in 
its  true  light  and  was  ready  to  admit  that  to  those  who  were 
ignorant  of  personal  characters,  the  objection  if  persisted  in, 
would  unavoidably  have  the  appearance  of  a  mere  expedient.  To 
him  as  well  as  Lord  Hawkesbury  I  took  pains  to  explain  the 
mutual  advantages  of  a  friendly  settlement,  and  the  impossibility 
that  I  could  consent  to  change  the  footing  upon  which  the  ques- 
tion was  now  placed. 

The  business  remained  in  this  situation  until  the  middle  of 
December,  when  Lord  Hawkesbury  informed  me  that  having 
again  been  considered  by  the  Cabinet,  it  had  been  decided  to 
close  the  affair  of  the  Convention  upon  the  Terms  which  had 
already  been  settled,  and  to  agree  that  the  Commissioners  under 
the  7th  Article  should  proceed,  provided  their  awards  instead  of 
being  payable  as  they  should  appoint  should  be  payable  by 
instalments  corresponding  with  those  to  be  paid  in  America  ;  and 
the  money  deposited  in  the  Bank  of  England,  to  be  applied  on 
account  of  the  American  instalments,  which,  to  an  equal  amount, 
should  be  converted  into  a  fund  to  satisfy  the  awards  in  favor  of 
American  claimants. 

After  taking  time  to  consider  this  communication,  it  appeared 
to  me  to  offer  the  means  of  bringing  the  business  to  a  conclusion  ; 
taken  together  it  amounted  to  this  proposition,  that  they  would 
accept  ^600,000  payable  by  instalments  in  lieu  of  the  6th  Article, 
in  the  execution  of  which  they  had  a  majority  of  voices,  and  con- 
sent to  the  execution  of  the  7th  Article  according  to  its  Pro- 
visions, in  which  we  have  a  majority  of  voices  ;  provided  the 
payments  to  be  made  by  them  should  be  at  the  same  time  as 


50  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

those  to  be  made  by  us.  The  two  Commissions  having  been 
considered  as  reciprocal  checks  upon  each  other  in  the  hands  of 
the  respective  Governments,  the  converse  of  this  arrangement 
will  test  its  merits  and  determine  whether  we  ought  to  have  re- 
jected it.  I  thought  not  ;  but  disliked  the  mode  in  which  the 
end  aimed  at  was  to  be  attained,  and  therefore  prepared  an  article 
which,  by  making  the  awards  payable  by  instalments  to  the 
Claimants,  should  attain  the  same  end  in  a  more  convenient 
manner.  The  sum  of  the  awards  would  be  greater  or  less  than 
^600,000  ;  for  it  was  not  likely  to  be  precisely  that  sum  ;  if  less, 
a  balance  must  still  be  remitted  from  America  ;  if  more,  in  every 
instalment  of  every  award,  the  American  Claimant  would  have  to 
receive  part  of  his  instalment  in  America  and  the  balance  in 
England.  Besides  the  trouble  of  the  accounts  which  must  be 
kept  upon  this  plan,  it  would  create  considerable  inconvenience, 
and  perhaps  injustice  ;  for  all  the  American  Claimants  had  been 
called  upon  to  execute  Powers  of  Attorney  and  appoint  Agents  to 
conduct  their  claims  in  England,  and  with  much  trouble  and  some 
expence  had  complied  with  this  demand.  These  Claimants,  in 
some  cases,  had  deceased  ;  in  others,  become  insolvent  ;  and  in 
not  a  few  instances  (including  perhaps  cases  of  insolvency)  having 
anticipated  the  awards  in  their  favour,  had  authorized  their  attor- 
nies  to  reimburse  their  advances  out  of  the  monies  which  might 
come  into  their  hands  from  the  awards  ;  besides  the  plan  con- 
tained no  provision  in  respect  to  awards  in  favour  of  British 
subjects. 

Upon  stating  these  objections  to  the  Lord  Chancellor,  he  ex- 
pressed his  preference  of  the  article  which  I  had  prepared,  and 
which  was  finally  adopted.  Another  objection,  which  it  was  not 
necessary  for  me  to  mention  to  the  Chancellor,  had  its  influence 
upon  my  mind ;  I  mean  the  appearance  which  this  arrangement 
would  have  produced,  that  the  two  countries  had  mutually  re- 
leased each  other  and  had  agreed  to  pay  their  own  Sufferers,  an 
appearance  that  might  have  encouraged  the  Sufferers  by  French 
Depredations  to  call  upon  Congress  to  indemnify  their  losses. 
What  Congress  would  be  inclined  to  do  upon  such  application  it 
is  in  every  respect  unfit  for  me  to  conjecture  ;  tho*  in  forming  a 
contract  in  behalf  of  the  public,  it  was  my  duty  to  take  care  that 
its  deliberations  should  not  be  embarrassed  by  even  the  appear- 
ance of  a  Precedent,  should  the  supposed  case  arise. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  5 1 

I  take  the  liberty  of  adding  a  word  or  two  to  my  former  com- 
munications concerning  the  II.  Article.  What  is  to  be  deemed  a 
bona  fide  Debt,  in  the  sense  of  the  last  clause  of  that  Article,  will 
not  depend  upon  a  reference  to  what  was  once  so,  but  is  a  judicial 
question  within  the  competence  of  our  Tribunals  to  determine, 
and  which  must  consequently  be  decided  by  those  general  and 
acknowledged  Principles,  by  which  the  Decisions  are  in  similar 
cases  uniformly  governed.  If  I  be  not  mistaken,  it  is  here  under- 
stood and  expected  that  the  affairs  of  the  old  Debts  is  finally 
settled  as  between  the  two  Governments,  and  with  that  share  of 
Prudence  which  it  behooves  the  Tribunals  of  every  country  to 
observe  in  questions  affected  by  national  stipulations,  I  am  per- 
suaded that  we  shall  hear  no  more  of  them. 

Having  for  many  years  thought  the  settlement  now  accom- 
plished to  be  a  measure  of  national  importance,  and  one  that  had, 
in  some  degree,  become  indispensable  to  do  away  prejudices  that 
interested  and  disappointed  men  had  raised  against  our  public 
faith,  I  may,  I  hope,  be  permitted,  in  a  private  letter  to  you,  to 
observe  that  I  have  pursued  this  negotiation  with  zeal  and  per- 
severance, notwithstanding  the  mass  of  misrepresentation,  preju- 
dice and  error  with  which  it  has  been  encumbered.  I  have  done 
so  in  circumstances  often  discouraging  and  sometimes  apparently 
desperate  ;  cheering  myself  always  with  these  reflections,  which  I 
have  somewhere  met  with,  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  one  en- 
trusted with  what  concerns  the  welfare  of  his  country,  in  the 
midst  of  Despair  to  perform  all  the  offices  of  Hope.  How  far 
what  is  done  has  been  well  done  remains  to  be  determined.  If 
the  President  and  Senate  approve,  I  shall  have  nothing  to  regret. 
With  sincere  regard  and  esteem  &c.  &c. 

Rufus  King. 

Mr.  King,  having  finally  accomplished  the  work  which  he 
had  so  sedulously  sought,  under  so  many  difficulties  and  dis- 
couragements, to  bring  to  an  end,  naturally  closes  his  private 
letter  to  Mr.  Madison  with  a  reference  to  these  difficulties,  in 
the  overcoming  of  which  he  had  been  so  patient  and  had  been 
encouraged  by  a  deep  sense  of  duty.  Those  who  have  fol- 
lowed the  correspondence  on  the  subject  will  see  how  ably, 
clearly,  and  yet  courteously,  Mr.  King  met  and  finally  over- 


52  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

came  the  studied  delays  interposed  by  the  British  Ministers, 
and  the  frivolous  pretexts  for  postponing  action.  It  cannot 
be  doubted  that  the  personal  respect  in  which  he  was  held 
contributed  largely  in  bringing  about  the  result. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  49. 

London,  Jan.  12,  1802. 
Sir: 

.  .  .  There  is  reason  to  believe  the  business  of  the  definitive 
Treaty  is  going  on  in  a  conciliatory  way,  and  as  soon  as  the 
variety  of  inferior  points,  brought  forward  by  the  Parties  to  the 
Preliminaries,  shall  have  been  discussed  and  decided,  that  the 
definitive  Treaty  will  be  completed.  The  consent  of  this  Govern- 
ment to  the  sailing  of  the  French  expedition  to  St.  Domingo  is 
in  itself  a  measure  of  such  importance,  as  can  leave  no  doubt  of 
its  opinion  respecting  the  issue  of  the  Congress  at  Amiens. 

It  is  true  that  an  English  squadron  of  equal  force  to  that  of 
France  was  to  have  proceeded  to  the  West  Indies  about  the  same 
time,  that  the  French  squadron  sailed,  and  that  it  was  prevented 
only  by  a  Mutiny  of  the  crews  of  several  of  the  ships,  which  had 
been  ordered  upon  the  Service.  This  Squadron  which  had  been 
collected  upon  the  Western  coast  of  Ireland,  has  returned  to 
Portsmouth,  where  a  Court  Martial  is  now  sitting  for  the  trial  of 
the  Ringleaders  of  the  Mutiny.  These  to  the  number  of  ten  or 
twelve  will  probably  suffer  ;  after  which  the  Squadron  will  pro- 
ceed to  Jamaica  whither  a  number  of  other  ships  have  been  sent 
in  consequence  of  the  Mutiny,  and  which  will  be  relieved  upon 
the  arrival  of  those  originally  destined  for  that  Station.  The 
Mutiny  is  said  to  have  arisen  from  an  aversion  to  the  West  Indies, 
as  an  unhealthy  service,  joined  to  the  desire  of  being  paid  off  and 
discharged  at  the  end  of  the  war.  It  is  somewhat  remarkable 
that  the  Ringleaders  in  the  revolt  are  all  Englishmen,  a  distinc- 
tion that  in  the  former  Mutinies,  belonged  as  exclusively  to  the 
Irish.     .     .     . 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

King  to  Madison — Asks  Permission  to  travel  on  the  Continent — King  to  J. 
Adams — Sending  a  Copy  of  the  Convention  just  signed — King  to  Marshall 
— Explanation  of  the  Convention — King  to  Secretary  of  State — Cession  of 
Louisiana— Lord  Hawkesbury's  Views — King  to  R.  R.  Livingston — Cession 
of  Louisiana — Not  to  be  referred  to  at  Amiens — Great  Britain  does  not 
wish  it — King  suggests  a  temperate  Statement  against  it  with  France — 
J.  Q.  Adams  to  King — Discussion  of  the  President's  Message — Treasury 
Report  pleasing — Probable  Action  of  the  Administration — Aim  for  Popu- 
larity— King  to  Secretary  of  State — Conference  with  Lord  Hawkesbury 
relative  to  the  Footing  of  our  Navigation  on  Return  of  Peace — To  discon- 
tinue countervailing  Duties — Harmony  of  England  and  continental  mari- 
time Nations  will  not  be  re-established  by  the  Peace — King  to  Lord 
Hawkesbury— Expediency  of  abolishing  alien  tonnage  Duty — King  to 
Secretary  of  State — Treaty  not  yet  signed — Fleet  from  Brest  not  yet  sailed 
for  St.  Domingo — Sweden  acceded  to  Convention  of  Petersburg — Proba- 
ble Change  of  Ministry  unfounded — Madison  to  King — Appointment  of 
G.  W.  Ewing  as  Consul — King  to  Parker — Sending  his  Son  James  to 
School  at  Paris. 

R.  King  to  James  Madison. 

Private. 

London,  January  12,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

From  the  month  of  May  till  September  or  October,  including 
what  is  here  called  the  long  vacation,  very  little  business  can  be 
done  in  London,  it  being  the  custom  of  almost  all  official  char- 
acters to  pass  the  Summer  in  the  Country  and  to  visit  London  as 
seldom  as  they  can. 

I  am  not  aware  that  anything  very  pressing  will  in  the  course 
of  the  Summer,  especially  if  the  Peace  be  definitely  settled,  be 
likely  to  require  my  Services  ;  and  I  should  like,  if  I  could  do  so 
without  interfering  with  my  official  duties,  to  employ  the  time  in 
seeing  a  little  of  France  and  some  parts  of   the  neighbouring 

53 


54  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

Countries.  This  I  should  not  think  of  doing,  if  my  visit  to  Wash- 
ington shall  be  thought  advantageous  nor  in  any  event  without 
the  permission  of  the  President. 

With  Sincere  Esteem,  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  His  Excellency  John  Adams. 

London,  January  12,  1802. 
Sir: 

I  have  the  honour  to  send  you  enclosed  the  copy  of  a  Conven- 
tion which  I  have  signed  with  Lord  Hawkesbury  concerning 
the  6th  &  7th  Articles  of  the  Treaty  of  1794.  As  the  discussions 
which  have  led  to  this  result  were  begun  and  conducted  under 
your  instructions,  I  feel  it  to  be  my  Duty,  as  well  as  a  mark  of 
Respect  that  is  due  to  you,  to  send  you  this  Copy  by  the  same 
opportunity  that  I  avail  myself  of  to  transmit  the  original  to  the 
Department  of  State. 

No  one  knows  more  thoroughly  than  you  do  the  source  of  those 
Difficulties,  often  discouraging,  &  sometimes  disgusting,  which 
continue  to  encumber  our  negotiations  with  this  Government ; 
the  affair  of  the  Debts  of  all  others  was  the  most  likely  to  revive 
feelings  and  prejudices  not  yet  extinguished,  and  which  have  been 
suffered  to  do  so  much  real  disservice  to  both  Countries  ;  I  have 
notwithstanding  persevered  and  waded  through — whether  meri- 
toriously or  otherwise,  is  a  question  that  I  must  refer  to  those 
whose  Province  it  is  to  decide. 

With  entire  respect  and  the  most  sincere  attachment  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Chief- Justice  Marshall. 

Private. 

London,  J  any.  12,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

It  was  more  than  six  months  after  you  left  the  Department  of 
State  before  I  received  your  last  official  letter,  which  was  accom- 
panied by  a  private  one  of  nearly  the  same  date.  I  ought  sooner 
to  have  acknowledged  its  receipt  but  I  have  been  waiting  in  hopes 
that  I  should  be  enabled  to  inform  you,  which  I  have  now  the 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  55 

satisfaction  of  doing,  that  the  difficulties  respecting  the  execution 
of  the  6th  &  7th  Articles  of  the  Treaty  of  1794  had  been  settled. 
I  have  signed  a  Convention  with  Lord  Hawkesbury  by  which 
England  agrees  to  accept  ;£  600,000  payable  in  three  equal  instal- 
ments of  one,  two  and  three  years  next  after  the  date  of  the  Ex- 
change of  Ratifications,  in  satisfaction  of  her  claims  under  the 
6th  Article,  which  is  abolished  ;  and  moreover  consents  that  the 
Commissioners  under  the  7th  Article  shall  immediately  reassemble 
and  proceed  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties  according  to  the 
Provisions  of  the  Article,  excepting  that  instead  of  the  awards 
being  made  payable  at  such  times  as  they  might  appoint,  the  same 
shall  be  payable  in  three  equal  instalments  corresponding  with 
those  to  be  paid  by  the  U.  S.  The  Second  Art.  of  the  Conven- 
tion is  in  these  words,  "Whereas  it  is  agreed  by  the  4th  Article  of 
the  definitive  Treaty  of  Peace,  concluded  at  Paris  on  the  3d  day 
of  September,  1783,  between  his  B.  M.  and  the  U.  S.  that 
creditors  on  either  side  should  meet  with  no  lawful  impediments 
to  the  recovery  of  the  full  value  in  Sterling  money  of  all 
bonafide  Debts  theretofore  contracted,  it  is  hereby  declared  that 
the  said  4th  Article,  so  far  as  it  respects  its  future  operation,  is 
hereby  recognized,  confirmed  and  declared  to  be  binding  and 
obligatory  on  his  B.  M.  &  the  said  U.  S.,  and  the  same  shall  be 
accordingly  observed  with  punctuality  and  good  faith,  and  so  as 
that  the  said  Creditors  shall  hereafter  meet  with  no  lawful  impedi- 
ment to  the  recovery  of  the  full  value  in  Sterling  money  of  their 
bonafide  Debts." 

This  Article  was  inserted  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  the  Eng- 
lish minister  to  meet  the  complaints  of  the  creditors  against  the 
sum  we  are  to  pay,  by  referring  them  to  their  judicial  remedies. 
We  could  have  no  objection  to  it,  provided  it  was  so  drawn  up  as 
not  to  enlarge  the  legal  operation  of  the  Article  it  recognizes. 
Upon  this  point  I  have  no  doubt.  It  confirms  the  future  opera- 
tion of  the  4th  Article,  or  in  other  words,  limits  its  operation  to 
what  is  now  a  legal  subject  for  it  to  operate  upon  ;  what  is  now  a 
bona  fide  Debt,  that  is  what  is  a  legal  subject,  will  not  depend 
upon  a  reference  to  what  once  might  have  been  so,  but  is  a  ques- 
tion of  judicial  competence,  and  must  consequently  be  decided 
by  those  general  and  acknowledged  Principles  by  which  similar 
cases  are  decided.     Here  it  is  understood  and  expected  that  the 


$6  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

affair  of  the  Debts  is  finally  settled  as  between  the  two  Govern- 
ments ;  and  with  that  share  of  Prudence  which  the  Tribunals  of 
every  country  are  disposed  to  observe  in  questions  affected  by 
National  stipulations,  I  am  persuaded  we  shall  hear  no  more  of 
them.  Being  pressed  for  time  to  complete  my  official  Dispatches 
in  season  for  the  Packet,  I  will  only  add  to  this  hasty  communi- 
cation the  assurance  of  sincere  regard   &  respect,  with  which 

&c, 

Rufus  King. 

P.S.  I  have  sent  to  the  S.  of  S.  a  full  and  exact  report  of 
every  material  occurrence  which  happened  in  the  course  of  a 
difficult  and  tedious  discussion  respecting  this  settlement. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  50. 

London,  Jan.  15,  1802. 
Sir  : 

I  have  before  mentioned  to  you  that  the  cession  of  Louisiana 
(of  which  it  seems  to  me,  we  can  have  doubt,  notwithstanding 
what  may  be  said  to  amuse  us)  was  not  once  a  topic  of  Enquiry 
or  discussion  in  the  negotiation  of  the  Preliminaries  ;  and  for  the 
same  reason  that  it  was  not  heard  of  on  that  occasion  Lord 
Hawkesbury  has  *  recently  informed  me  that  it  had  not  been  and 
could  not  be  mentioned  at  Amiens.  It  is  impossible  for  me  to 
suspect  collusion  in  this  affair  and  my  persuasion,  after  the  most 
careful  attention,  is  that  England  abstains  from  mixing  herself 
in  it,  precisely  from  those  considerations  which  have  led  her  to 
acquiesce  in  others  of  great  importance  to  the  Balance  of  Europe, 
as  well  as  her  own  repose,  and  upon  which  she  has  been  altogether 
silent. 

The  expedition  to  St.  Domingo  did  not  sail  without  previous 
explanations  between  London  and  Paris  ;  its  destination  was 
understood  to  be  exclusively  to  that  colony  ;  at  present  it  is 
conjectured  should  the  situation  of  St.  Domingo  not  require  the 
whole  force,  that  a  part  of  it  will  be  sent  to  take  possession  of 
New  Orleans. 

*  Italics  in  cipher. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  $? 

I  have  sent  to  Mr.  Livingston  a  Copy  of  the  Paper  enclosed  in 
my  No.  42.,*  and  shall  give  to  him  whatever  information  upon 
this  and  other  interesting  subjects  it  may  be  in  my  power  to  do. 

As  the  object  and  words  of  the  2nd  Article  of  the  Convention 
will  be  sought  for  and  examined  with  care  and  attention,  it  occurs 
to  me  upon  the  revision  of  my  former  communications  to  suggest 
a  single  observation  in  addition  to  those  heretofore  made.  If  the 
second  article  of  the  Convention  had  been  entirely  omitted,  the 
4th  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  would  have  remained  in  full 
force  and  operation  ;  the  adoption  of  the  second  article  of  the 
Convention  limits  its  force  and  operation  in  respect  to  subjects 
upon  which  it  once  might  have  so  operated,  but  upon  which  from 
various  causes  it  can  and  ought  not  in  future  to  operate  ;  this 
reflection  pursued  in  its  detail  will  place  the  article  in  its  true 
light. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  R.  R.  Livingston. 

London,  Jan.  16,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

If  you  have  received  my  letter  of  the  5  th,  the  enclosure,  the 
authenticity  whereof  I  have  no  reason  to  doubt,  will  cast  some 
light  upon  the  subject  of  your  last.  During  the  negotiation  of 
the  Preliminaries,  I  conversed  again  and  again  with  the  Prime 
Minister  and  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Ajfairs  concerning 
the  cession  of  Louisiana,  who  f  assured  me  that  the  measure  was  in 
their  view  of  much  importance,  and  one  which  they  could  not  see 
but  with  great  concern  ;  nevertheless  that  they  were  unable  to 
interfere  respecting  it,  for  the  same  reason  which  compelled  them 
to  silence  concerning  other  important  objects,  affecting  the  equi- 

*  Vol.  iv.,  p.  15.  The  Copy  of  the  Paper  referred  to  was  in  some  way 
omitted  on  page  15.     The  5th  article  of  that  Treaty  is  in  these  words  : 

"  Ce  Traite  etant  en  consequence  de  celui  deja  conclu  entre  Le  Premier 
Consul  et  S.  M.  E.  par  lequel  Le  Roi  cede  a  la  France  sa  Possession  de  la 
Louisiane  les  Parties  Contractantes  conviennent  d'effectuer  le  dit  Traite  et  de 
s'arranger  a  l'egard  de  leurs  Droits  respectifs.'' 

The  previous  treaty  to  which  reference  is  made  was  signed  Oct.  1,  1800. 

f  Italics  in  cipher. 


1/ 


58  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

librium  of  Europe,  and  the  welfare  of  Great  Britain  j  and  I  am 
disposed  to  credit  the  assurances  made  to  me  that  the  cession  was 
neither  a  subject  of  enquiry  nor  discussion  during  the  negotiation 
of  the  Preliminaries. 

I  have  since  more  than  once  conversed  with  the  same  Persons, 
with  the  view  of  impressing  upon  them  the  great  importance  in  a 
variety  of  respects  of  this  cession,  especially  as  it  will  affect  the 
security  of  their  colonies,  and  offers  the  means  of  rearing  up  and 
extending  the  commercial  marine  of  France,  the  only  sure  foun- 
dation upon  which  she  can  raise  a  navy  that  will  be  able  to  cope 
with  that  of  England.  Reflections  and  views  of  this  sort  have 
produced  a  revision  of  the  Question,  but  with  no  other  effect  than 
to  confirm  the  decision  before  made  ;  and  you  may  infer  with 
confidence  that  not  a  word  has  been  or  will  be  said  upon  the  sub- 
ject at  Amiens. 

In  the  explanations  which  took  place  concerning  the  Expedi- 
tion that  has  lately  sailed  from  France,  it  was  here  understood 
that  it  was  to  be  wholly  confined  to  the  West  Indies  :  the  answer 
to  my  Enquiries  was  to  this  effect  ;  lately  however  an  opinion 
gains  strength  that  a  part  of  the  force,  should  the  situation  of  St. 
Domingo  permit,  will  be  sent  to  New  Orleans.  I  have  been  ex- 
plicitly told  that  no  such  authentic  information  has  been  here  re- 
ceived, and  that  it  is  not  likely  to  happen  before  the  definitive 
Treaty  is  concluded.  On  the  whole  I  am  persuaded  that  G. 
Britain  will  see  with  much  concern  the  accomplishment  of  this 
cession  ;  that  it  is  her  interest,  and  that  therefore  she  will  be  dis- 
posed, to  throw  impediments  in  the  way  of  its  being  completed, 
but  that  she  will  use  no  open  measure  of  opposition,  nor  such  as 
would  afford  a  Pretence  to  involve  her  in  new  difficulties. 

Unless  Spain  is  besotted  and  blind  indeed  she  must  desire  with 
anxiety  to  avail  herself  of  every  assistance  to  get  rid  of  the  cession 
of  Louisiana.  Mr.  P — y  has  without  doubt  taken  the  earliest 
opportunity  to  explain  the  light  in  which  the  measure  is  viewed 
by  us  and  he  might  with  confidence  infer  the  disinclination  re- 
specting it  of  G.  Britain. 

Whether  it  can  now  be  prevented  is  a  question  of  considerable 
difficulty  ;  but  in  whatever  concerns  the  welfare  of  one's  country, 
we  are  called  upon  even  in  circumstances  of  despair  to  perform 
the  Duties  of  Hope.     My  principal  reliance  would,  I  confess,  be 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  59 

placed  upon  a  temperate,  plain,  and  explicit  representation  to  the 
French  Government,  which  should  expose  without  reserve,  and,  if 
the  first  essay  should  authorize  it,  in  great  detail  the  extent  of  the 
mischiefs,  which  we  may  be  made  to  suffer  from  the  completion 
of  the  cession,  accompanying  the  same  by  assurances  of  our  earnest 
desire  to  live  in  friendship  and  harmony  with  France,  and  to  cul- 
tivate and  extend  commercial  relations  between  the  two  Coun- 
tries, and  concluding  with  a  direct  insinuation  that  foreseeing  as 
we  do  the  pernicious  influence  of  the  measure  upon  our  political 
and  social  happiness,  it  will  be  impossible  for  us  to  see  it  carried 
into  operation  with  indifference  ;  or  afterwards  to  preserve  unim- 
paired the  Confidence  we  wish  to  do,  in  the  friendship  of  a 
Nation,  towards  which  we  cherish  the  grateful  Remembrance  of 
important  services. 

If  France  value  our  friendship,  or  if  she  care  nothing  about  us, 
except  as  her  own  interest  requires,  to  prevent  our  too  intimate 
connection  with  her  Rival,  the  development  before  hand,  of  what 
we  believe  will  be  the  consequence  of  measures  in  the  accomplish- 
ment of  which  she  is  engaged,  may  have  the  effect  to  prevent  them. 

But  I  have  to  entreat  your  Pardon  for  any  suggestions  on  my 
part  upon  Subjects  which  your  superior  Judgment  and  experience 
are  much  more  capable  than  mine  to  conduct. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


J.  Q.  Adams  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  January  18,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  Our  political  atmosphere  still  remains  serene.  Since 
the  meeting  of  Congress,  it  appears  there  is  a  large  majority  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  a  decided,  though  small  one 
in  the  Senate,  favourable  to  the  views  of  the  Executive.  The 
measures  recommended  by  the  President  at  the  opening  of  the 
Session,  are  all  popular,  in  all  parts  of  the  union — But  they  are 
all  undergoing  a  scrutiny  in  the  public  newspapers  more  able  and 
more  severe  than  they  will  probably  meet  in  either  house  of  Con- 
gress. A  writer  in  the  New-York  evening  post,  said  to  be  General 
Hamilton,  has  undertaken  particularly  to  point  out  great  and 


60  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

comprehensive  errors  of  system  in  the  message,  and  his  doctrines 
find  great  approbation  among  the  federalists,  and  among  all  those 
who  consider  themselves  as  the  profound  thinkers  of  the  nation. 
These  papers,  will  without  doubt  be  transmitted  to  you  by  your 
friends  at  New  York,  and  they,  with  the  President's  Message  and 
the  Report  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  will  give  you  the 
fairest  view  of  what  our  Administration  and  our  opposition  are  at 
this  time.  As  to  Congress  there  has  yet  been  no  subject  of  de- 
bate before  them,  which  has  called  forth  any  energy  of  opposition, 
The  apparently  leading  ministerial  members  are  General  Smith, 
Mr.  Giles  and  Mr.  Randolph.  The  Vice-President  has  not  yet 
made  his  appearance,  being  detained  by  necessary  attention  to 
his  private  concerns  at  New  York. 

The  report  from  the  Treasury  exhibits  a  pleasing  view  of  the 
present  state  of  our  finances.  It  is  merely  a  statement,  and 
avoids  with  caution  the  proposal  of  any  measures.  The  Presi- 
dent however  has  drawn  from  it  the  inference  that  our  internal 
taxes  ought  to  be  repealed.  This  measure  will  probably  be 
carried  into  effect.  The  established  system  of  naturalization,  and 
the  judicial  courts  will  have  the  same  fate.  Of  all  these  changes 
the  advantages  are  immediate,  obvious,  popular,  and  trifling. 
Their  probable  inconveniences  are  remote,  are  therefore  not  dis- 
cernible to  the  short  sight  of  the  million  ;  and  are  of  the  most 
weighty  consequence.  As  popularity  is  the  fundamental  principle 
both  of  our  legislature  and  Executive,  they  will  be  satisfied  to 
provide  for  the  occasions  of  the  day,  and  leave  the  future  times 
to  take  care  of  themselves. 

With  the  highest  regard  and  esteem,  I  am,  dear  Sir,  faithfully 

yours, 

John  Q.  Adams. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  51. 

London,  Feb.  5,  1802. 
Sir  : 

Having  carefully  examined  what  would  be  the  footing  of  our 
Navigation  with  the  British  Dominions  upon  the  return  of  Peace, 
I  was  quite  prepared  for,  and  indeed  by  several  conversations 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  6 1 

with  Mr.  Addington,  and  other  members  of  the  Administration, 
had  already  brought  under  consideration,  the  Subject  of  your 
Letter,  of  the  ioth  of  December,  which  I  received  a  few  days  ago. 

Immediately  after  its  receipt,  I  intimated  to  Lork  Hawkesbury 
my  desire  to  confer  with  him,  respecting  the  points  to  which  it 
relates,  and  upon  his  naming  a  day  for  this  purpose,  I  prepared 
and  sent  him  the  paper  a  copy  of  which  is  annexed.  Yesterday 
I  received  a  duplicate  of  your  letter  of  December  22nd,  which  has 
enabled  me  to  be  more  explicit  than  I  otherwise  should  have 
been,  in  my  conference  of  this  morning  with  Lord  Hawkesbury. 
I  began  it  by  observing  that  during  the  continuance  of  the  war, 
which  had  the  effect  to  procure  to  our  vessels  some  preference 
over  others,  we  had  not  called  their  attention  to  the  inequality  of 
their  Laws  in  respect  to  the  Commercial  intercourse  between  the 
two  countries  :  but  as  the  war  was  now  at  an  end,  we  could  not 
delay  calling  upon  them  to  revise  these  Commercial  Regulations, 
in  order  that  they  may  be  made  comfortable  to  the  respective 
Rights  of  the  two  Countries. 

The  revision  of  certain  Branches  of  these  Regulations  being 
more  urgent  than  that  of  others,  and  the  countervailing  Duties 
upon  articles  imported  into  Great  Britain  in  American  Vessels 
appearing  to  be  the  most  urgent,  I  confined  my  observations 
chiefly  to  this  point  ;  explaining  to  Lord  Hawkesbury  my  mo- 
tives for  doing  so,  and  after  suggesting  some  further  reflexions  in 
addition  to  those  contained  in  the  paper  I  sent  to  him,  I  proposed 
that  they  should  agree 

either 

To  discontinue  the  countervailing  Duties  on  Articles  imported 
from  the  United  States  in  American  Vessels,  as  soon  as  the  differ- 
ence of  Duties  on  articles  imported  into  the  United  States  in 
American  and  British  Vessels  shall  be  abolished, 

or 

To  repeal  the  countervailing  Duties  upon  imports  and  impose 
Duties  upon  all  articles  exported  from  Great  Britain  to  the  United 
States  in  American  Vessels,  corresponding  with  the  difference  of 
Duties,  payable  upon  the  importation  of  the  like  articles  into  the 
United  States  in  American  and  British  vessels. 

Lord  Hawkesbury  admitted  that  the  only  legitimate  purpose  of 
the  countervailing  Right  reserved  to  Great  Britain,  was  to  equal- 


62  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

ize  the  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  the  vessels  of  the  two 
countries  in  their  commercial  intercourse  ;  he  said  not  a  single 
word  in  vindication  of  the  manner  in  which  this  right  had  been 
exercised  ;  and  after  intimating  a  preference  of  the  first  of  the 
two  propositions  which  I  had  made,  he  said  he  would  submit  the 
subject  immediately  to  the  Cabinet,  and  apprize  me  of  its  decision 
with  as  little  delay  as  possible. 

The  American  Mail  was  to  have  been  despatched  to-morrow, 
but  upon  my  expressing  to  Lord  Hawkesbury  my  hope  that  a  few 
days  only  would  be  requisite  to  enable  him  to  give  me  an  answer 
upon  the  subject  of  our  Conference,  and  my  solicitude  to  trans- 
mit it  to  you  by  the  Packet,  he  said  he  would  order  the  Packet  to 
be  detained. 

The  few  words  which  I  said  concerning  the  Tonnage  Duty  were 
in  every  respect  conformable  to  the  observations  on  that  subject, 
in  the  paper  sent  to  Lord  Hawkesbury  ;  and  the  more  I  con- 
sider it,  the  more  am  I  satisfied  we  shall  find  the  advantage  of 
establishing  Light-house  Duties  so  as  to  be  distinct  from  the 
public  Revenue. 

Lord  Hawkesbury  assured  me  that  the  subject  of  the  West 
India  Trade  should  be  immediately  put  in  a  train  for  examination. 

I  have  but  one  observation  to  add  ;  it  is  this,  that  the  return 
of  Peace  will  not  reestablish  cordial  harmony  and  good  humour 
between  this  Country  and  the  Maritime  Nations  of  Europe, 
among  which  a  general  opinion  prevails,  whether  correctly  is 
another  point,  that  the  commercial  and  financial  Prosperity  of 
England  is  in  too  great  a  degree  at  the  expence  of  her  neighbours. 

These  sentiments  may  lead  to  restrictions  and  embarrassments 
upon  the  European  commerce  of  this  country,  which  will  not  fail 
to  make  its  Trade  with  us  an  object  of  still  greater  value  and  im- 
portance than  it  is  already  known  and  confessed  to  be. 

Difficulties  of  this  sort  are  anticipated,  and  the  Government 
consoles  itself  with  the  expectation  of  a  progressive  increase  in 
the  sale  of  its  Manufactures  in  America. 

The  inference  from  these  remarks  is,  that  the  present  time  is  a 
favourable  one  to  press  for  the  consideration  and  admission  of 
our  past  claims  to  a  fair  and  equal  share  of  the  advantages 
to  be  derived  from  the  Navigation  and  Trade  between  the  two 
countries. 


1802]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  63 

The  Regulations  upon  this  subject  should  in  the  first  instance 
be  temporary  and  ex  parte  ;  in  this  way  they  may  be  adjusted  to 
the  reciprocal  Rights  of  the  Parties,  and  then  become  matter  of 
national  Stipulation. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  Feby.  9,  1802. 
My  Lord  : 

On  revising  my  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  I  perceive 
that  the  same  idea  has  suggested  itself  there,  which  your  Lord- 
ship intimated  to  me  yesterday,  I  mean  the  expediency  of  abol- 
ishing our  Alien  Tonnage  Duty  as  well  as  10  per  cent  upon  our 
import  Duties  on  goods  imported  in  foreign  vessels,  the  counter- 
vailing Duties  here  being  likewise  abolished  ;  and  I  therefore  take 
the  liberty  of  suggesting  to  your  Lordship  the  expediency,  that 
your  act  be  so  drawn  up  as  to  authorize  the  repeal  of  either  or 
both  of  your  countervailing  Duties,  upon  due  notice  of  a  corre- 
sponding act  on  our  part. 

I  have  reason  to  conjecture  that  such  has  already  been  the 
tenour  of  the  Act  of  Congress,  and  on  the  presumption  that  an 
entire  abolition  of  all  discrimination  is  mutually  our  true  policy, 
I  beg  to  express  a  wish  that  your  Act  may  be  prepared  in  con- 
formity with  the  suggestion  now  made. 

With  perfect  Respect  &c 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

London,  Feb.  9,  1802. 
Sir  : 

The  definitive  Treaty  is  not  yet  signed,  but  the  preparations 
which  are  here  making  to  reduce  the  war  establishments,  suffi- 
ciently evince  the  expectation  of  the  Government  upon  this  sub- 
ject. The  virtual  annexation  to  France  of  the  Italian  Republic, 
notwithstanding  the  manner  and  character  of  the  measure,  will 
not  be  an  impediment  to  the  conclusion  of  Peace  on  the  side  of 


64  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

England,  and  Austria  and  the  residue  of  Italy  have  no  voice  at 
Amiens. 

I  do  not  learn  what  the  Peace  establishment  of  this  country  is 
likely  to  be  ;  the  point  can  scarcely  yet  be  decided,  though  every 
one  agrees  that  it  will  be  larger  than  formerly,  and  especially  at 
Sea.  There  will  be  a  squadron  of  from  20  to  25  Sail  of  the  Line 
at  Jamaica,  during  the  continuance  of  the  French  land  and  naval 
forces  in  that  quarter  ;  The  expedition  from  Brest  sailed  on  the  15 
of  Deer.,  and  on  the  28th  it  had  encountered  three  successive  Gales 
without  being  able  to  clear  the  Bay  of  Biscay.  Admiral  Gravina, 
who  put  into  Ferrol,  parted  with  the  fleet  on  the  28th,  when  only 
13  of  32  sail  were  together.  Another  ship  has  since  reached 
Cadiz  in  distress,  and  the  naval  officers  here  believe  that  the  ex- 
pedition must  have  suffered  very  considerably. 

The  Fleet  is  said  not  to  have  been  provisioned  for  more  than 
four  months,  indeed  considering  the  number  of  soldiers  it  carried, 
it  could  not  well  contain  provisions  for  a  longer  period.  Whether 
Toussaint  submits  or  resists,  it  seems  probable  that  the  greater 
part  of  these  Ships  must  proceed  to  the  United  States  for  repairs 
and  provisions  soon  after  they  reach  St.  Domingo  ;  and  possibly 
a  detachment  of  the  English  Fleet  may  follow  them  ;  of  this  you 
will  before  hand  be  able  to  judge  from  the  preparations  that  will 
have  been  made  for  their  reception. 

Denmark,  as  I  have  already  informed  you,  has  acceded  to  the 
Convention  of  Petersburgh  :  Sweden  at  first  hesitated,  then 
ordered  her  Minister  here  to  notify  to  this  Court  her  intention  to 
accede,  afterwards  hesitated  again,  and  instructed  her  Minister 
to  ask  certain  explanations  of  England  in  respect  to  the  seizure 
of  her  Convoy,  and  the  catalogue  of  Contraband  ;  and  upon  re- 
ceiving for  answer  that  her  accession  to  the  Convention  of  Peters- 
burgh must  precede  all  discussion  upon  these  points,  it  is  now 
said,  she  will  accede.  Prussia  has  not  acceded ;  and  having 
nothing  to  gain  by  it,  will  not  be  likely  to  do  so. 

You  may  perhaps  have  observed  in  the  late  Continental,  as  well 
as  in  the  English  Papers,  paragraphs  stating  a  concert  between 
England  and  France  to  repress  the  piratical  practices  of  the  Bar- 
bary  Powers  ;  but  there  is  not  the  smallest  foundation  for  these 
reports,  and  I  have  reason  to  be  satisfied  that  so  far  from  a 
change  of  former  views  in  this  respect,  not  an  intimation  even 


802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  65 


upon  this  subject  has  been  made  by  either  Government  to  the 
other. 

The  rumours  circulated  in  the  English  Papers,  of  another 
change  of  Ministers  appear  to  be  equally  unfounded  ;  the  present 
administration  continues  to  be  popular  ;  as  yet  they  have  imposed 
no  new  burthens  upon  the  country,  and  although  the  ardour 
which  was  so  general  in  favour  of  Peace  has  somewhat  abated, 
and  men  begin  to  speak  with  freedom  of  the  great  uncertainty 
of  its  duration,  still  those,  who  made  it,  did  so  with  honest  views 
and  in  compliance  with  the  public  wishes,  and  on  this  account  are 
thought  deserving  of  applause  and  support.  It  is  doubtless  true 
that  the  Peace,  joined  to  the  prolonged  negotiations  at  Amiens, 
has  produced  a  great  stagnation  of  business  in  all  the  commer- 
cial Towns  of  the  Country,  and  it  is  said  that  the  last  Quarter's 
Revenue  will  fall  considerably  short  of  its  former  sum  ;  but  these 
embarrassments  may  prove  to  be  only  temporary,  and  after  a 
while  men  may  resume  and  adjust  their  affairs,  according  to  the 
new  order  of  things  which  Peace  may  establish. 
With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Daniel  Parker,  Paris. 

London,  Feby.  12,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Our  friend  Mr.  Gore  having  explained  to  you  my  desire  to  send 
one  of  my  sons  to  a  school  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Paris,  about 
which  he  took  much  pains  to  inform  himself,  I  feel  particularly 
grateful  to  you  for  the  permission  to  place  him  under  your  imme- 
diate care.  It  has  been  my  endeavour  to  impress  upon  his  mind, 
that  he  is  in  every  respect  to  regard  you  as  he  would  me,  and  to 
use  the  same  freedom  in  communicating  to  you  whatever  he 
ought  and  has  been  accustomed  to  communicate  to  me.  My 
object  is  that  he  should  obtain  a  solid  education,  and  as  I  am 
pursuing  the  same  plan  with  his  two  elder  brothers  here,  I  shall 
be  enabled  to  compare  and  judge  of  their  respective  progress. 

Mr.  Des  Cassaignes,  who  does  me  the  favor  to  take  the  charge 
of  my  son  in  his  journey  to  Paris,  will  conduct  him  to  your 

VOL.  IV.— 5 


66  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

house  ;  and  it  is  my  desire,  after  you  shall  have  permitted  him  to 
go  and  pay  his  duty  to  Mr.  Livingston  and  Family,  that  he  may 
.without  loss  of  time  be  sent  to  school.  As  he  knows  but  little 
French  and  his  school  fellows  and  masters  may  know  as  little 
English,  he  will  for  a  few  weeks  suffer  some  embarrassment,  and 
on  this  account  I  take  the  liberty  of  begging  you  occasionally  to 
call  &  see  him. 

In  respect  to  clothes,  pocket  money  and  whatever  else  regards 
the  economy  of  the  school,  my  wish  is  that  he  may  be  put  upon  a 
footing  with  his  companions,  and  in  no  respect  beneath  them.  .  . 

With  unfeigned  regards, 

Rufus  King. 


It  would  appear  that  the  journey  to  his  school  at  Bag- 
neux  was  a  pleasant  one  and  that  he  immediately  deter- 
mined to  study  his  surroundings,  for  the  following  letter, 
the  first  he  wrote  to  his  father,  shows  that  he  certainly  was 
curious.     He  was  not  then  eleven  years  old. 

Bagneux,  ce  9  Ventose,  1802. 
Dear  Papa  : 

I  hope  you  and  Mamma  are  both  pretty  well,  as  I  am. 

I  came  here  on  Thursday  and  begin  to  like  it  very  well.  For 
the  two  first  days  we  had  but  soup  and  eggs  for  dinner  with  some 
bread  and  wine  and  water,  and  after  dinner  five  walnuts  ;  but 
to-day  we  had  meat  and  eggs  and  after  dinner  we  had  each  a 
cake.  To-day  we  went  to  church  (the  protestants  do  not  go). 
I  turned  myself  catholic  and  in  going  into  the  church  I  dipped 
my  finger  in  the  Holy  water,  and  touched  my  forehead  and  then 
my  belly  and  then  my  two  breasts,  then  I  went  into  the  church 
and  the  parson  preached  in  French  and  Latin,  and  throwed 
frankincense  about  the  church  and  the  parson  took  a  sponge 
upon  a  stick  and  throwd  Holy  water  upon  all  in  the  church, 
and  then  on  going  out  of  the  church  we  put  our  fingers  in  the 
Holy  water,  which  was  in  a  brass  bowl  in  the  beginning  of 
the  church.  Give  my  love  to  Mamma  (who  I  hope  is  well)  and 
Edward  and  the  little  boy. 

I  remain,  Dear  Papa,  your  affectionate  Son 

James  King. 


1802]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  §j 

The  tone  of  his  letters,  of  which  many  are  preserved,  give 
evidence  that  he  at  once  entered  cheerfully  upon  his  new 
situation  among  strangers,  whose  language  and  habits  were 
so  different  from  those  he  had  been  accustomed  to,  and  his 
father  had  the  gratification  to  learn  from  friends  in  Paris  and 
his  teachers  that  his  conduct  and  diligence  were  all  that 
could  be  desired. 


CHAPTER  V. 

King  to  Vansittart,  Secretary  of  State,  and  Madison — Discriminating  Duties 
on  commercial  Intercourse — England  prepared  to  abolish  them — Com- 
mission under  7th  Article  resumed  their  sittings — Sedgwick  to  King — 
Condition  of  Affairs  in  the  U.  S.  as  affected  by  Jefferson's  Election — 
Ames  to  King — View  of  the  Future  not  cheering — King  to  Madison — 
Delay  of  Negotiations  at  Amiens — Believes  Peace  will  be  concluded — 
Napoleon  at  Lyons  appointed  himself  President  of  the  Italian  Repub- 
lic— King  to  Secretary  of  State — McDonough,  British  Agent  at  Tripoli, 
exculpates  himself  from  Charges  against  him — Debate  on  Bill  to  suspend 
Tonnage  and  countervailing  Duties — Definitely  settled  by  France  to  send 
a  Colony  to  Louisiana,  unless  Affairs  in  St."TJomingo  prevent — King  to 
Secretary  of  State— Ardour  for  Peace  abating  in  England — Fleets  to  be  put 
in  Order. — Still  believes  there  will  be  Peace  chiefly  advantageous  to 
France — King  to  Secretary  of  State — Erving's  Appointments — King  to 
Secretary  of  State — Negotiations  at  Amiens  still  unsettled — Public  Opin- 
ion in  England  seems  to  favor  Rupture. 

R.  King  to  Nicholas  Vansittart,  Esq. 

Private. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  Feb.  12,  1802. 
Sir: 

It  will  probably  require  three  months  to  exchange  the  com- 
munications upon  which  our  respective  Governments  can  found 
their  definite  acts  abolishing  the  discriminating  Duties  upon  our 
commercial  intercourse.  It  unfortunately  so  happens  that  these 
months  will  exclude  the  season,  in  which  a  considerable  portion 
of  our  annual  crops  of  Tobacco  are  shipped  for  a  market ;  and 
as  a  great  number  of  our  vessels  are  now  out  of  employ,  it  will 
increase  the  embarrassments  of  their  owners,  if  they  are  unable 
to  engage  in  the  carriage  of  Tobacco,  as  will  be  the  case  if  your 
countervailing  Duty  upon  this  article  be  continued. 

While  the  war  lasted,  we  did  not  complain,  although  we  enter- 

68 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  69 


tained  the  same  opinion  as  I  have  expressed  to  you  concerning 
the  inequality  of  these  Duties.  If  our  acquiescence  has  been  in 
some  small  degree  beneficial  to  you,  we  have  on  that  account  no 
motive  to  regret  it ;  but  it  would  in  return  be  a  considerable 
relief  to  us  in  the  present  situation  of  our  navigation,  if  a  clause 
could  be  inserted  in  the  Bill  proposed  to  be  brought  into  Parlia- 
ment immediately  repealing  so  much  of  the  countervailing  Duties 
as  regards  the  article  of  Tobacco.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
the  whole  of  these  discriminating  Duties  upon  our  respective  Im- 
ports will  be  done  away,  and  I  am'  persuaded  that  we  shall 
receive  the  anticipated  repeal  of  the  Duties  on  our  Tobacco  as 
another  and  liberal  proof  of  your  disposition  to  promote  a  friendly 
and  harmonious  intercourse  between  the  two  Countries.  Should 
any  difficulties  arise  in  the  execution  of  our  present  views,  of 
which  I  have  no  apprehension,  the  subject  will  always  remain 
under  your  control. 

With  perfect  Respect  &c, 

Rufus  King. 

R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  53. 

London,  Feb.  13,  1802. 
Sir  : 

I  am  authorized  to  inform  you  that  the  British  Government 
will  without  hesitation  accede  to  a  proposal  for  the  abolition  of 
all  discrimination  of  Duties,  affecting  the  Navigation  and  com- 
mercial intercourse  between  our  and  their  Territories,  and  in 
consequence  of  what  has  passed  upon  this  subject,  a  motion  has 
already  been  made  in  the  House  of  Commons  by  Mr.  Vansittart 
of  the  Treasury  to  bring  in  a  Bill  authorizing  his  Majesty,  at  any 
time  after  the  passing  of  the  act,  by  an  order  of  Council,  or  by 
Proclamation,  to  cause  the  countervailing  Duties  upon  American 
Vessels  and  upon  Articles  imported  on  American  Vessels,  or 
either  of  them,  or  any  part  of  the  same,  or  of  either  of  them, 
wholly  to  cease,  or  to  be  suspended  for  such  period  or  periods  as 
may  be  deemed  expedient.  We  may  count  with  certainty  upon 
the  passage  of  the  Bill  to  a  Law,  and  that  the  extent  of  repeal 
will  be  made  to  depend  upon  our  own  choice. 

I  have  suggested  the  equity  and  importance  of  an  immediate 


JO  RUFUS  KING,  [1802 

suspension  of  the  countervailing  Duty  upon  Tobacco,  and  the 
Bill  is  so  drawn  up,  as  leaves  the  Government  at  liberty  at  any 
time  to  take  it  off,  in  particular  cases  by  an  order  in  Council,  or 
to  suspend  it  generally  by  proclamation.  I  have  however  re- 
ceived no  assurance  that  this  will  be  done,  and  we  consequently 
must  not  be  disappointed  if  it  should  be  refused.  I  will  resume 
the  subject  should  a  favourable  occasion  offer  to  do  so  ;  in  the 
meantime,  individuals  may,  upon  the  circumstances  of  their  cases, 
ask  for  a  remission  of  this  Duty. 

Perhaps  a  future  day  will  be  named  in  our  Law,  or  in  the 
proclamation  which  the  Law  may  authorize,  upon  which  our  dis- 
criminating Duties  shall  cease  ;  due  notice  of  such  measure 
would  become  the  grounds  for  a  correspondent  abolition  of  the 
Duties  here. 

I  annex  the  Copy  of  a  Letter  sent  by  Lord  Hawkesbury  to  the 
British  Commissioners  under  the  7th  article  of  the  Treaty  of 
1794.  A  copy  of  the  Convention  which  I  have  lately  signed  with 
his  Lordship,  has  in  like  manner  been  communicated  by  me  to 
our  Commissioners  ;  in  consequence  of  these  communications, 
the  Board  will  immediately  reassemble  and  proceed  to  business. 
With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c 

Rufus  King. 

Copy. 

Downing  Street,  nth  Feby.,  1802. 
Gentlemen  : 

I  herewith  transmit  to  you  the  copy  of  a  Convention  concluded 
by  me  and  Mr.  King  on  the  8th  of  January  last,  explanatory  of 
the  6th-&  7th  articles  of  the  Treaty  of  Amity,  Commerce  and 
Navigation  with  the  United  States  ;  and  I  have  to  signify  to  you 
his  Majesty's  pleasure  that  you  propose  to  the  Commissioners  on 
the  part  of  the  United  States  of  the  Board  of  which  you  are 
members,  to  reassemble  and  proceed  with  you  in  the  execution 
of  the  Duties  imposed  upon  you  by  the  provisions  of  the  7th 
article  of  the  said  Treaty  and  by  the  third  article  of  this  Conven- 
tion. 

I  am,  &c 

Hawkesbury. 
To  Maurice  Swabey,  LL.D.     ) 
and  John  Anstey,  Esq.  S 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  fl 

R.  King  to  James  Madison. 

Private. 

London,  Feb.  13,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  may  and  perhaps  ought  to  say  to  you  that  I  have  found  very 
proper  dispositions  in  conversing  with  the  different  persons  con- 
nected with  the  subject  respecting  the  abolition  of  the  discrimi- 
nating Duties  upon  our  Navigation  and  Commerce.  No  .one 
defends  the  unequal  operation  of  the  present  Law.  All  prefer 
abolition  to  revision.  But  the  proposition  to  transfer  their 
countervailing  Duties  from  the  imports  from,  to  the  exports  to, 
the  United  States  has  no  friends,  notwithstanding  the  exact 
equality  of  the  measure  in  reference  to  the  object  for  which 
equality  is  sought  ;  if  they  impose  the  same  discrimination  upon 
the  Exports  as  we  place  upon  the  Imports,  the  operation  in 
regard  to  Navigation  would  be  equal  :  if  we  carry,  they  would 
receive  the  Duty,  if  they  carry,  we  should  receive  it.  Two  objec- 
tions are  made  to  this  transfer  :  the  first,  that  it  is  against  their 
ordinary  policy  to  impose  Duties  on  their  Manufactures  ;  the 
convoy  Duty  was  an  exception  justified  by  peculiar  circumstances 
and  has  ceased  with  the  war  ;  the  second,  it  would  load  their 
book  of  Rates  with  mere  fractional  proportions  of  a  foreign 
Tariff,  and  moreover  embarrass  not  only  the  business  of  the 
merchants,  but  that  of  the  Custom  house  more  than  the  sum  of  the 
Duties  would  justify.  In  respect  to  the  abolition  of  discrimina- 
tions on  both  sides,  it  will  depend  upon  us  whether  it  be  complete 
or  partial.  Perhaps  it  will  merit  to  be  well  considered  whether 
we  ought  not  to  impose  Light-house  Duties  according  to  the 
usage  of  other  nations,  and  preserve  our  Tonnage  Duties,  at  least 
until  something  shall  be  ascertained  in  respect  to  the  West  India 
Trade.*  Of  this,  however,  I  flatter  myself  I  need  have  no  serious 
apprehension,  since  the  more  I  have  considered  the  Question,  the 
more  I  am  satisfied  of  the  justice  and  ultimate  success  of  our 
claim. 

With  sentiments  of  very  sincere  Respect  &c 

Rufus  King. 

*  Upon  this  subject,  I  mean  the  West  India  Trade,  I  am  solicitous  to  under- 
stand the  views  of  the  President,  least  I  should  happen  to  cross  them  by  being 
ignorant  of  them. 


J 2  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  54. 

London,  Feb.  18,  1802. 
Sir: 

I  annex  a  copy  of  the  Bill  which  has  been  prepared  and 
brought  into  Parliament  by  Mr.  Vansittart  concerning  the 
countervailing  Duties  upon  our  Ships  &  Cargoes  :  and  I  now 
have  reason  to  expect  that  the  Privy  Council  will  issue  an  order, 
suspending  the  countervailing  Duty  on  Tobacco  for  six  months  as 
soon  as  the  act  is  passed  impowering  them  to  do  so.  I  shall  not 
omit  sending  you  the  earliest  information  in  my  power  of  the 
decision  of  the  Privy  Council  upon  this  point. 

The  Commissioners  under  the   7th  article  of  the  Treaty  of 
1794,  have  reassembled  and  are  proceeding  in  business. 
With  perfect  Respect  &c 

Rufus  King. 


T.  Sedgwick  to  R.  King. 

New  York,  20th.  Feby.,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  In  the  letter  which  I  wrote  you  before  the  close  of  the 
last  session  I  ventured  to  predict  that  you  would  not  be  recalled, 
partly  because,  I  thought,  and  I  do  still  think,  that  our  rulers 
like  you  best  at  a  distance,  and  partly  because  they  deem  your 
presence  at  the  court  of  London  a  shield  of  the  party,  in  the 
event  of  a  rupture,  which,  I  know,  they,  then,  thought  probable, 
and  dreaded.  The  same  motives,  will,  I  think,  continue  to  in- 
fluence their  conduct. 

There  are  several  of  the  measures  of  the  administration  which 
have  been  injurious  to  their  influence,  and,  in  fact  stayed  its  pro- 
gress in  the  eastern  states,  and  I  think  have  had,  tho'  in  a  less 
degree,  a  similar  effect  in  this  state.  Among  these  are  their  re- 
movals from  office  which  in  some  instances  have  been  extremely 
injudicious.  The  officers  removed  in  Connecticut  were  among 
the  men  the  most  popular  and  respectable  in  that  state  ;  the  sub- 
stitutes had  nothing  to  recommend  them  but  a  noisy  activity 
against  the  federal  administration. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  73 

.  .  The  repeal  of  the  judicial  act  of  the  last  session  will, 
I  am  confident,  have  a  more  extensive  effect.  You  know  the 
character  of  Mr.  Lansing  &  Mr.  Lewis  the  chancellor  &  ch. 
Justice  of  this  state.  They  are  both  zealous,  and  one,  at  least, 
a  malignant  supporter  of  Democracy.  They  have  declared,  and 
seem  not  to  wish  to  have  their  opinions  kept  secret,  that  the  re- 
peal, without  providing  a  substitute,  is  unconstitutional.  The 
opinion  of  these  gentlemen  must  have  considerable  influence. 
Indeed  all  men  who  have  been  misled  by  an  attachment  to  re- 
fined theory,  and  who  really  wish  a  security  of  property  and  per- 
son, will  be  shocked  by  the  establishment  of  a  precedent  which 
renders  the  judiciary,  the  only  instrument  of  this  security,  de- 
pendent on,  and  subservient  to,  the  prevailing  faction  in  the 
legislature  :  and  the  more  so  when  they  reflect  that  this  measure 
is  in  direct  violation  of  the  constitution,  &  not  only  so  but  estab- 
lishes a  principle  of  complete  consolidation  of  all  national  & 
state  authority.  For  if  the  legislature  may  do  this  there  can  be 
no  established  defence  against  legislative  usurpation.  Establish 
this  principle,  and  at  the  same  time  an  executive  practice  of  ren- 
dering the  emoluments  of  all  the  officers  in  the  U.  S.  a  mass  of 
corruption  at  elections,  and  there  is  nothing  left  which  can  ren- 
der the  government  an  object  of  affection  to  virtuous  and 
intelligent  men. 

The  Democrats  are  in  considerable  degree  indebted  for  their 
success  to  their  address  to  the  sordid  &  despicable  passion  of 
avarice  ;  and  the  President  was  not  unmindful  of  his  obligation 
to  it,  in  his  address  to  the  legislature — to  alleviate  the  burdens 
of  his  beloved  constituents  forms  a  prominent  feature  of  his  Mes- 
sage ;  but  he  is  rather  unlucky  in  the  means  which  he  recom- 
mends for  that  purpose  ...  In  his  desire  to  abolish  the 
internal  revenue  he  has  two  principal  objects  i.  a  particular  re- 
gard to  the  interest  of  the  southern  &  western  states,  &  2.  chiefly 
breaking  down  all  the  internal  Machinery  of  the  government, 
which,  I  presume,  he  considers  as  destroying  the  "lilliputian 
ties,"  as  he  predicted  in  that  very  decent  letter  which  he  wrote 
to  his  friend  Mazzei.  The  cant  expressions  of  the  party  now  are 
the  external  and  mutual  relations  of  the  states,  which  they  seem  to 
consider  as  the  objects,  exclusively,  of  national  regard.  This 
Theory  will,  I  presume,  decrease  the  number  of  their  partizans 


74  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

in  New  England.  I  am  persuaded,  and,  principally,  from  my 
knowledge  of  the  people  of  that  country,  that  Democracy  will, 
there,  become  less  and  less  powerful  during  the  present  ad- 
ministration. 

I  have  the  best  evidence  that  Burr  is  completely  an  insulated 
man  at  Washington  ;  wholly  without  personal  influence.  Had 
he  any  influence  it  would  be  exerted  to  prevent  a  repeal  of  the 
internal  taxes — an  impoverished  treasury  is  inconsistent  with  the 
vast  objects  which  he  has  contemplated.  It  is  a  measure  to 
which  Gallatin,  from  his  official  situation,  must  be  opposed,  but 
he  is  too  cunning  to  oppose,  openly,  the  ardent  wishes  of  his 
Master.  The  measure  is  hostile  to  the  interests  of  the  eastern 
states  &  I  therefore  doubt  whether  the  repeal  will  take  place, 
tho'  our  friends  in  Congress  seem  to  entertain  no  doubt  on  the 
subject.  I  most  sincerely  wish  the  jacobins  success,  upon  this 
occasion,  because  I  am  persuaded  that  it  will  prove  injurious  to 
their  influence. 

Should  the  internal  revenues  be  repealed  I  am  apprehensive 
that,  under  the  present  management,  it  will  be  found  that  the 
import  and  tonnage  duties  will  be  inadequate  to  the  public  exi- 
gencies. The  value  of  exported  produce  must  measure  the 
amount  of  expenditure  ;  the  pressure  which  will  take  place,  re- 
sulting from  the  establishment  of  habits  which  can  no  longer  be 
gratified,  will  increase  emigration  to  the  frontiers,  and  emigrants 
contribute  almost  nothing  by  the  consumption  of  imports.  Hence, 
I  think,  there  will  be  some  decrease  of  revenue,  &  if  there  be,  a 
deficit  is  inevitable.  Should  this  event  happen  I  know  they  rely 
on  obtaining  loans  which  they  suppose  may  be  effected  with 
great  facility,  by  the  accumulation  of  capital  and  the  difficulty  of 
employing  it  profitably.     .     .     . 

From  the  whole  view  which  I  am  able  to  take  of  the  political 
state  of  our  country,  and  the  past  conjectures  I  can  form  of 
future  probabilities,  I  am  induced  to  believe  that  Mr.  Jefferson 
will  not  be  re-elected.  But  whether  his  successor  will  be  abetter 
or  a  worse  man  is  to  me  doubtful.  The  popular  tide  as  far  as  I 
am  able  to  discern  it,  seems  to  set  towards  that  description  of 
men  who  have  heretofore  possessed  the  public  confidence.  Be- 
fore the  present  rulers  got  into  power,  they  and  their  adherents 
assured,  with  great  confidence,  the  people,  that  the  public  records 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  75 

would  afford  complete  evidence  of  the  peculations  of  the  feder- 
alists. They  are  now  in  possession  of  those  records.  Reports 
have  been  received,  by  the  legislature,  from  the  heads  of  all  the 
departments,  and  not  a  single  fact  has  been  exhibited  to  ground 
a  charge  either  of  folly  or  wickedness,  agt.  their  predecessors. 
As  nothing  of  this  sort  has  appeared  it  is  concluded  nothing  will, 
because  it  is  obvious  that  any  pretext  of  this  kind  would  have 
been  seized  on  with  avidity  as  well  to  justify  their  own  malignant 
charges,  as  to  ruin  forever,  their  adversaries.     .     .     . 

I  am  sincerely  &  affectly.  yours. 


F.  Ames  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  February  23,  1802. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  That,  the  ascendancy  of  France,  we  are  told,  is  to  be 
displayed  on  our  borders,  and  that  in  exchange  for  \  St.  Domingo, 
she  is  to  have  Louisiana.  Our  Southern  brethren  are  expected  to 
wince  when  this  happens.  I  deduce  no  hopes  from  the  event. 
Factions  always  hate  &  dread  their  domestic  rivals  more  than 
foreign  enemies.  \  Virginia  has  the  spirit  of  domestic  restlessness 
and  arrogance  that  abhors  restraint,  and  of  state  ambition  that 
wd.  impose  it,  of  laziness  that  will  not  earn,  of  luxury  that  will 
not  retrench,  of  a  debtor  that  will  not  pay.  Great  states  are 
strong  factions,  and  a  feeble  govt,  is  of  course  their  victim  and 
their  instrument — at  present  their  trophy. 

To  repeal  the  Judicial  Law  to  save  a  small  sum  shocks  many 
who  could  swallow  the  claim  of  a  constitutional  right  to  repeal  it. 
It  is  understood  to  be  the  declaration  of  the  bellum  inter- 
necionum  agt.  the  best  institutions  of  the  late  administrations. 
Gouv.  Morris's  speeches  are  justly  admired  and  have  had  effect 
on  thinking  men — i.  e.  on  600  of  6  millions. 

Truth  however  niters  through  the  stone  &  reaches  the  folks 
standing  below,  drop  by  drop.  The  mint  is  voted  out.  Govt, 
seems  to  be  clearing  the  ships  for  action,  by  throwing  every  thing 
of  value  overboard 

Our  General  Court  has  rejected  a  motion  in  one  house  by 
Hichborn  in  the  other  by  Morton  for  an  address  to  the  Presi- 


y6  ,     RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

dent.  The  majority  was  so  small  it  shows  an  unsound  state  of 
the  public  opinion  in  this  state.  Still  as  it  clearly  proves  the 
Jacobins  to  be  a  minority,  this  disclosure  of  their  weakness  tends 
to  keep  them  weak.  On  inquiry  I  cannot  find  that  they  are  gain- 
ing ground.  Still  it  is  to  be  supposed  that  those  who  address  the 
popular  passions  will  in  the  end  prevail  against  those  who  pre- 
sume on  their  sense  &  virtue.  Gov.  Strong's  re-election  is 
probable,  though  of  course  the  virtuous  Gerry  will  contest  it. 
Robbins  is  the  most  conspicuous  candidate  for  the  Lt.  Governor's 
place,  vacant  by  the  death  of  Mr  Phillips.  We  make  turnpikes 
and  busy  ourselves  with  local  objects.  Virginia  rides  the  great 
horse.     .     .     . 

No  doubt  you  are  a  watchful  and  anxious  spectator  of  our 
affairs.  It  is  beyond  human  foresight  to  predict  the  events  that 
await  us.  We  are  hastening  towards  changes,  which  forebode 
other  changes  and  so  on  to  the  end  of  the  Chapter.  We  are  not 
at  present  under  a  Theocracy,  and  if  we  were,  our  propensity  to 
worship  strange  Gods  would  involve  us  in  trouble. 
I  am  with  esteem  &  affection 
Yrs 

R.  King  to  James  Madison. 

Private. 

London,  Feb.  27,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Hitherto  it  has  been  confidently  asserted  and  generally  believed 
that  the  Negotiations  at  Amiens  would  end  in  a  definitive  Treaty  ; 
but  within  the  last  ten  days  some  persons  have  imagined  that 
they  perceive  symptoms  of  doubt  and  hesitation  upon  this  sub- 
ject. These  however  ought  not  to  induce  an  opinion  that  the 
peace  will  fail  to  be  concluded.  The  prolongation  of  the  nego- 
tiation, besides  being  disadvantageous  to  this  Country  by  retard- 
ing its  plans  of  Finance,  and  creating  embarrassments  in  its  com- 
mercial affairs,  expose  it  to  all  the  casualties  which  may  in  the 
mean  time  happen,  and  which  may  be  of  a  nature  to  have  an  in- 
fluence upon  its  results.  The  News  Papers  which  copy  from 
each  other,  and  propagate  every  sort  of  error,  pretend  to  enlighten 
the  Public  in  respect  to  the  points  which  occasion  this  delay. 
Altho'  I  can  do  no  more  than  deal  in  conjectures  as  to  the  dis- 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  7 f 

cussions  at  Amiens,  I  feel  pretty  confident  that  I  run  no  risque 
in  assuring  you  that  they  bear  no  resemblance  to  the  Reports  of 
the  News  Papers.  It  is  no  more  true  that  France  has  any 
thoughts  of  ceding  Martinique  for  the  advantage  of  Spain,  than 
that  England  has  acquiesced  in,  opposed,  or  said  a  word  about 
the  cession  of  Louisiana  and  the  Floridas.  My  persuasion  still  is 
that  the  Treaty  of  Amiens  will  be  concluded,  tho'  I  am  by  no 
means  confident  that  it  can  be  of  long  duration. 

It  is  time  to  have  heard  from  Vienna  concerning  the  late  trans- 
actions at  Lyons  ;  but  probably  they  will  wait  till  they  have 
sounded  the  sentiments  of  Petersburgh  before  they  disclose  their 
own.  A  little  Time  must  remove  the  Veil,  which  it  has  been 
attempted  to  throw  over  the  proceedings  at  Lyons  and,  if  what  is 
confidently  asserted  to  have  passed  there,  be  true,  the  whole  is 
worthy  only  of  the  highest  reprobation.  For  what  other  senti- 
ments can  we  feel  should  it  turn  out,  so  far  from  Buonaparte 
having  been  chosen  President  of  the  Italian  Republic,  that  he 
placed  himself  in  that  office  as  he  had  before  done  in  another,  by 
the  use  of  his  Bayonets.  The  Fact  is  believed  to  have  been  that 
the  Italian  Deputies  proceeded  to  the  election,  and  actually  chose 
for  their  President  their  countryman  Melzi  and  not  Buonaparte, 
who  so  far  from  being  the  object  of  their  preference  had  not  as 
many  votes  by  30  as  Berthier  :  the  moment  the  scrutiny  was  fin- 
ished, and  the  result  pronounced  within  the  Consulta,  a  body  of 
Buonaparte's  Guards,  prepared  for  the  occasion,  marched  into  the 
Hall  and  remained  there  until  this  choice  was  annulled  and 
Buonaparte  appointed  in  the  place  of  Melzi,  who  was  then  named 
and  called  upon  to  accept  the  office  of  Vice  President ! 
With  great  esteem  &c, 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  55. 

London,  March  5,  1802. 
Sir  : 

.  .  .  Lord  Pelham  a  few  days  ago  shewed  me  a  letter  from 
Mr.  MacDonough,  the  British  agent  at  Tripoli,  exculpating  him- 
self from  the  charge  of  having  excited  the  Bashaw  of  that  Regency 
to  make  war  upon  the  United  States.     He  explicitly  denies  the 


78  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

charge  and  encloses  a  certificate  to  the  same  effect,  signed  by  the 
Bashaw  himself.  Mr.  MacDonough  having  thought  it  necessary 
to  solicit  this  certificate  from  the  Bashaw,  will  serve  to  shew  him 
that  his  hostility  to  the  United  States  may  not  be  agreeable  to 
Great  Britain. 

The  Bill  authorizing  the  Crown  to  suspend  the  Tonnage  and 
Countervailing  Duties  upon  American  Ships  &  Cargoes  is  still 
before  Parliament,  but  will  without  doubt  pass  in  a  few  days. 
The  Debate  to  which  it  has  given  rise,  so  far  as  regards  General 
Gascoigne,  one  of  the  members  from  Liverpool,  appears  to  have 
been  for  mere  electioneering  purposes  ;  and  with  respect  to  Dr. 
Laurence  and  Mr.  Wyndham  the  occasion  however  unconnected 
was  made  use  of  as  an  opportunity  to  talk  about  the  negotiation 
at  Amiens  and  the  dangerous  Dominion  of  France. 

I  have  seen  a  letter  dated  Paris,  Feb.  26,  which  says  it  is  defini- 
tively settled  to  send  a  colony  to  Louisiana  and  Florida.  General 
Bernadotte  is  to  have  the  direction  and  command  of  it ;  prepara- 
tions are  making  for  the  first  expedition,  whose  departure  will 
perhaps  depend  upon  the  accounts  expected  from  St.  Domingo. 
It  is  asserted  that  the  Indian  Nations  adjoining  to  Florida  have 
agents  now  here  for  the  purpose  of  making  Treaties  with  this 
Country  to  unite  themselves  with  the  troops  and  settlers  that  may 
be  sent  from  hence.  The  Establishment  of  this  Colony  is  a 
darling  object  and  will  be  pursued  with  ardour  and  upon  a  great 
scale,  unless  the  affairs  of  St.  Domingo  shall  for  the  moment  de- 
range the  plan.  Louisiana,  Guiana  and  the  Desert  Island  of 
Tristan  d'Acunha  are  each  spoken  of  as  places  to  which  the 
rebellious  and  intractable  Negroes  and  people  of  Color  may  be 
sent  from  St.  Domingo  and  the  other  French  Colonies. 
With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 

R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  56. 

London,  Mar.  8.  1802. 
Sir: 

It  is  ascertained  that  Austria  is  highly  dissatisfied,  as  justly 
she  may  be,  with  the  issue  of  the  meeting  at  Lyons,  where  Buona- 
parte is  said  to  have  employed  the  same  means  to  carry  his  pur- 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  79 

pose,  as  has  before  proved  efficacious  at  St.  Cloud.  Here  too 
the  ardour  in  favour  of  Peace  has  a  great  deal  abated,  and  its 
security  become  the  subject  of  increased  solicitude  and  Doubt. 
The  obstacles  which  have  delayed  the  conclusion  of  the  defini- 
tive Treaty,  and  which  have  been  accompanied  by  an  unexampled 
stagnation  of  the  Trade  of  this  Country,  have  much  contributed 
to  this  temper  of  the  public  mind.  Every  one  ascribes  these  in- 
conveniences to  France,  whose  Chief  is  asserted  daily  to  disclose 
views  inconsistent  with  the  repose  and  independence  of  every 
part  of  Europe. 

In  this  state  of  dissatisfaction  and  uncertainty,  instructions 
have  been  sent  to  all  the  Naval  Arsenals  to  prepare  the  Ships  of 
war  for  actual  service  ;  the  Channel  Fleet  will  immediately  sail, 
and  in  order  to  bring  the  Negotiation  to  an  immediate  issue, 
these  demonstrations  are  accompanied  by  an  explicit  Demand  on 
the  part  of  England  that  the  definitive  Treaty  on  the  Basis  of  the 
Preliminaries  be  signed  without  any  further  Delay  ;  if  this  be  not 
done  in  a  week,  it  is  believed  that  Lord  Cornwallis  will  leave 
Amiens  &  the  war  recommence. 

I  have  all  along  believed,  as  even  in  the  present  critical  pos- 
ture of  affairs  I  am  still  disposed  to  do,  that  Peace  will  be  con- 
cluded ;  because  I  have  not  supposed  that  England  would  depart 
from  the  Preliminaries  ;  and  France,  whatever  may  be  her  future 
views,  has  the  most  powerful  inducement  to  conclude  a  Treaty 
that  will  require  her  to  restore  nothing ;  but  will  oblige  England 
to  evacuate  Egypt  and  Malta,  to  make  restrictions  in  Spain  and 
Holland,  and  to  give  back  to  France  all  her  colonies  with  20.000 
Seamen  now  in  her  possession. 

The  advantages  seem  indeed  to  be  all  on  one  side,  and  so  con- 
siderable as  to  leave  no  doubt  concerning  the  decision  of  France, 
unless  the  Tone  and  Circumstance  of  the  Demand  on  the  part  of 
England  shall  be  such  as  to  put  all  consideration  of  interest  out 
of  the  question. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c, 

Rufus  King. 


80  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  57. 

London,  Mar.  9,  1802. 
Sir: 

As  your  Letters  *  to  me  concerning  Mr.  Erving's  appointments 
do  not  explicitly  state  the  President's  intention  in  respect  to  his 
being  employed  as  an  Assessor  to  the  Commission  under  the  Seventh 
Article  of  the  Treaty  with  this  Country,  I  desired  him  to  send  to 
the  Board  an  Extract  of  his  Instructions,  which  define  his  Duties  ; 
and  which  would  be  sufficient  to  shew  the  President's  expecta- 
tions on  this  point.  I  at  the  same  time  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
Board  copies  of  which  and  their  answer  you  will  find  annexed. 
With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c 

Rufus  King. 

These  copies  are  omitted ;  but  the  Commission  declining 
with  all  proper  respect  to  receive  Mr.  Erving  as  an  assessor 
in  their  board,  "  the  nature  of  that  appointment  and  its 
Duties  as  prescribed  and  required  by  the  Board "  being 
incompatible,  in  their  judgment,  with  "  the  office  of  agent 
for  claims  and  that  of  their  mercantile  assessor,"  in  answer 
to  their  notification  of  this  decision,  Mr.  Erving  replies: 
"  I  feel  it  proper,  expressing  an  acquiescence  in  your  deter- 

*  J.  Madison  to  Rufus  King. 

Department  of  State, 

Washington,  27th  July,  1801. 
SIR  : 

G.  W.  Erving,  Esquire,  who  will  have  the  honour  to  hand  you  this  Letter,  is 
the  Gentleman  who,  as  I  informed  you  sometime  ago,  has  been  appointed  our 
Consul  for  London.  The  President  has  also  assigned  him  to  be  the  successor 
of  Mr.  Williams  in  the  agency  relative  to  claims  and  appeals,  and  to  act  in  the 
character  formerly  filled  by  Mr.  Cabot  in  connexion  with  the  Board  of  Com- 
missioners under  the  7th  Article  of  the  British  Treaty.  For  his  services  in 
those  two  agencies,  with  the  eventual  addition  of  that  held  by  Mr.  Lenox,  in 
case  it  should  become  vacant,  he  will  be  allowed  at  the  rate  of  two  Thousand 
Dollars  per  annum  after  the  resumption  of  business  by  the  Board  of  Commis- 
sioners, and  until  that  event  happens,  only  half  the  sum.  He  will  communi- 
cate his  instructions  to  you,  and  I  must  request  you  to  afford  him  such  informa- 
tiou  and  advice  to  facilitate  the  execution  of  his  various  Trusts,  as  may  be  in 
your  power. 

With  highest  consideration  &c 

James  Madison. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  8 1 


mination,  to  withdraw  from  your  further  consideration  my 
Pretensions  to  the  office  in  question." 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  58. 

London,  Mar.  13,  1802. 
Sir  : 

We  have  no  farther  intelligence  concerning  the  Negotiations  at 
Amiens  since  the  date  of  my  last.  The  same  degree  of  uncer- 
tainty with  the  same  apparent  indifference,  in  respect  to  the  issue 
of  the  discussion  continues  to  exist.  Mr.  Addington  in  a  pretty 
free  conversation  told  me  that*  during  the  last  fortnight  his  mind 
had  balanced  whether  to  wish  the  conclusion  or  rupture  of  the 
negotiation  j  that  he  was  every  day  receiving  Letters  expressive  of 
the  same  indecision  from  all  parts  of  the  kingdom  j  that  they  should 
continue  to  act  with  good  faith  and  were  ready  to  sign  a  definitive 
Treaty,  on  the  Basis  of  the  Preliminaries,  provided  it  be  done 
without  any  further  Delay. 

The  Fleets  are  prepared  and  preparing  for  sea,  and  if  the  nego- 
tiation fail,  the  war  will  on  both  sides  be  resumed  with  increased 
activity  &  zeal.  I  am  not  sure  that  my  former  reasoning  in  re- 
spect to  the  decision  of  France  may  not  be  in  some  degree  erro- 
neous. In  ordinary  times  and  in  a  more  settled  condition  of 
things  it  would  be  correct,  but  it  is  quite  possible,  notwithstanding 
the  advantageous  terms  of  Peace  upon  the  basis  of  the  Prelimi- 
naries, that  the  First  Consul  may  believe,  that  war  will  afford  more 
efficacious  means  of  promoting  and  securing  his  personal  views 
and  authority  than  can  be  derived  from  Peace.  This  Country  too 
may  believe  that  war  is  preferable  to  the  only  Peace  now  to  be  ob- 
tained.    In  either  case  there  will  be  no  Peace. 

From  the  very  great  body  of  Forces  both  by  Sea  and  Land  in 
the  West  Indies,  we  may  apprehend  the  most  serious  interruption 
of  our  Trade  in  those  Seas,  should  the  war  be  renewed.  I  have 
made  this  subject  the  topic  of  conversation  with  the  Ministry, 
and  should  the  negotiations  fail,  will  do  all  in  my  power  to  procure 
to  our  Navigation  a  just  and  friendly  treatment  from  this  country. 
With  perfect  Esteem  &  Respect  &c 

Rufus  King. 

*  Italics  in  cipher. 

VOL  IV— 6 


CHAPTER   VI. 

Presents  to  Bey  of  Tunis  sent — King  to  Livingston — Louisiana — To  prevent 
the  sailing  of  the  French  Fleet — Iron  or  Gold — Former  impossible — Gold 
might  buy  Louisiana  by  fair  Purchase  with  Cash— Would  the  People  con- 
sent ? — Suggests  other  Means — Nothing  will  be  done  at  Amiens — General 
Suggestions — Monroe  Doctrine — King  to  Livingston — Explains  the  Con- 
vention between  United  States  and  England — Spaniards  have  fifteen  Mil- 
lions of  Dollars  in  West  Indies  to  buy  Provisions  for  the  combined  Fleets 
— Hawkesbury  to  King — Announces  the  Signature  of  the  Definitive 
Treaty — Lord  Lansdowne  on  Louisiana — In  the  Discussions  relative  to  it 
before  the  Treaty  of  Peace  of  1783,  he  wished  England  to  retain  it — 
Cabot  to  King — Congratulates  him  for  the  Convention — Murray  to  King 
— Return  Home  and  Reception — No  Chief  among  the  Federalists — Recom- 
mends him  to  stay  Abroad — King  to  Troup — Does  not  feel  any  Fear  of 
Reception  of  Convention  by  intelligent  and  reasonable  Men — Contrasts 
France  and  England  in  Ability  to  raise  Money — King  to  Secretary  of 
State — Definitive  Treaty  conforms  in  the  Main  to  the  Preliminaries — If  no 
secret  Articles,  Indemnity  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  not  given — Effect  of 
Treaty  in  England — King  to  Secretary  of  State — Has  suggested  the  Ap- 
pointment of  Mr.  Merry  as  Successor  to  Mr.  Liston. 

Allusion  has  been  made  *  to  a  treaty  with  the  Bey  of 
Tunis  which  required  certain  presents  to  be  given  to  him. 
These,  at  the  request  of  Mr.  Eaton,  the  United  States  Agent 
at  Tunis,  were  procured  in  London  by  Mr.  King,  the  Govern- 
ment having  sanctioned  his  doing  so.  In  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Eaton  of  March  12,  1802,  notifying  him  that  the  presents 
have  been  sent  to  him,  Mr.  King  says  they  are 

"  of  superior  skill  and  richness  .  .  .  which  Mortimer  who  is  at 
the  head  of  the  trade  assures  me  are  beyond  any  thing  of  the  sort 
ever  before  made  ;  and  so  indeed  they  ought  to  be  considering 
the  sum  of  money  which  they  cost  us.     You  will  doubtless  be  in- 

*  Vol.  iii. ,  pp.  246-52,  256,  329,  337,  355. 
82 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  83 

clined  to  allow  us  all  the  consideration  and  favour  which  the 
lustre  and  value  of  the  presents  give  us  a  claim  to  expect  ;  at 
any  rate  these  properties  ought  to  have  the  effect  to  wipe  away 
any  suspicion,  or  unpleasant  conjectures  which  the  time  required 
to  prepare  them  may  have  excited." 

It  is  of  these  articles  that  Mr.  King  writes  in  the  follow- 
ing letter: 

R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  59. 

London,  Mar.  20,  1802. 
Sir: 

Mess.  Bird,  Savage  &  Bird  will  send  to  the  Department  of  the 
Treasury  the  several  accounts  of  the  Persons  who  have  prepared 
the  Present  for  Tunis,  and  in  order  that  you  may  be  fully  ap- 
prized of  the  manner  which  I  have  adopted  to  forward  the  articles 
to  Tunis  I  take  the  liberty  of  annexing  copies  of  my  letters  upon 
the  subject.  We  have  no  accounts  from  Mr.  Hargraves  since  he 
left  Algiers,  where  he  arrived  safe  in  the  English  Frigate  which 
carried  him  from  this  Country.  Early  in  February  Mr.  Eaton 
was  at  Leghorn,  whither  he  had  gone  on  account  of  his  health, 
but  he  expected  soon  to  return  to  Tunis. 

Nothing  decisive  has  occurred  since  the  date  of  my  last  respect- 
ing the  negotiations  at  Amiens  ;  it  is  however  understood  that  the 
discussions  are  drawing  to  a  close  ;  and  the  public  opinion  (espe- 
cially since  the  arrival  of  the  accounts  of  Toussaint's  opposition 
in  St.  Domingo)  seems  to  be  that  the  definitive  Treaty  will  be 
speedily  concluded. 

The  Bill  respecting  the  Countervailing  Duties  has  passed  the 
House  of  Commons  in  the  shape  in  which  it  was  introduced  ;  it 
is  going  through  its  stages  in  the  other  House,  and  will  be  com- 
pleted in  a  few  days. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem,  &c, 

Rufus  King. 

The  rumors  relative  to  the  cession  of  Louisiana  by  Spain 
to  France  had  been  reported  by  Mr  King,  as  has  been  seen, 
as  early  as  March  29,  1801,  to  his  Government  in  a  letter  in 


84  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

which  he  expressed  his  regret  that  the  country  had  not  in 
France  "  a  minister  of  talents  and  entitled  to  confidence  "  to 
make  "a  plain  and  judicious  representation  on  this  subject 
to  the  French  Government."  From  time  to  time  more 
positive  information  was  sent  by  him,  and  finally,  on  No- 
vember 20,  1 801,  he  transmitted  to  the  Secretary  of  State 
the  text  of  a  secret  treaty  between  France  and  Spain,  made 
in  March,  1801,  and  confirmatory  of  another  secret  one  made 
on  October  1,  1800,  ceding  Louisiana  to  France,  and  also 
the  fact  that  the  British  Government  objected  for  many 
reasons  to  such  a  transfer. 

The  appointment  of  Mr.  R.  R.  Livingston  as  Minister  to 
France,  and  the  instructions  given  to  him  on  September  28, 
1801,  before  sailing  for  his  post,  indicated  the  anxiety  of  the 
Government  to  prevent,  if  possible,  the  consummation  of 
this  transfer,  of  which  it  was  not  yet  certain ;  but  saying,  if 
the  cession  had  been  made,  that 

"  sound  policy  will  require,  in  that  state  of  things,  that  nothing 
be  said  or  done  which  will  unnecessarily  irritate  our  future  neigh- 
bours, or  check  the  liberality  which  they  may  be  disposed  to 
exercise  in  relation  to  the  trade  and  navigation  through  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi  ;  every  thing  being  equally  avoided,  which  may 
compromit  the  rights  of  the  United  States  beyond  those  stipulated 
in  the  treaty  between  them  and  Spain." 

Mr.  Livingston,  in  writing  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  Jan- 
uary 13,  1802,  speaks  of 

"  the  secrecy  and  duplicity  practised  relative  to  this  object  (the 
French  minister  denied  that  the  cession  had  been  made)  as  an 
evidence  to  him  that  they  apprehend  some  opposition,  on  the 
part  of  America,  to  their  plans.  I  have,  however,  upon  all  occa- 
sions, declared  that  as  long  as  France  conforms  to  the  existing 
treaty  between  us  and  Spain,  the  government  of  the  United 
States  does  not  consider  herself  as  having  any  interest  in  oppos- 
ing the  exchange."  * 

*  Annals  of  Congress,  1802-3,  p.  1020.  This  whole  correspondence  rela- 
tive to  the  Louisiana  Treaty  will  be  found  in  an  Appendix  to  the  Annals  of 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  85 

With  such  views,  with  the  continued  refusal  on  the  part 
of  France  to  declare  herself  upon  the  matter,  and  the  silence 
of  his  own  Government,*  Mr.  Livingston  could  not  be  ex- 
pected to  act  with  much  vigor;  and  on  March  24,  i8o2,f 
he  writes  to  the  Secretary  of  State  that : 

"  I  have  but  one  hope  left  as  to  defeating  this  cession ;  it  con- 
sists in  alarming  Spain  and  England.  The  Spanish  Minister  is 
now  absent  ;  but  I  have  not  failed  to  show,  in  the  strongest  light, 

Congress,  1802-3,  on  P-  1003,  and  subsequent  ones.  It  contains  the  President's 
message  to  the  Senate,  communicating  the  Convention  with  France  and  the  ac- 
companying correspondence. 

*  It  may  be  interesting  in  this  connection  to  see  what  were  the  views  of  the 
Government  at  Washington,  July  24,  1801,  as  shown  in  the  instructions  of 
that  date  in  the  following  letter  to  Mr.  King,  copied  from  the  Instructions  to 
Ministers. 

Department  of  State 

Washington,  24th  July,  1801. 
Rufus  King,  Esq. 

&c. 

Sir  :  y 

The  cession  of  Louisiana  from  Spain  to  France,  as  intimated  in  your  letter 
of  March  29  had  been  previously  mentioned  from  several  quarters,  and  has 
since  been  repeated  from  others  as  an  arrangement  believed  to  have  taken 
place.  Although  no  official  or  regulation  confirmation  of  the  fact  has  been 
received,  it  is  more  than  a  probability  and  has  been  the  subject  of  instructions 
to  Mr.  Pinckney  the  Minister  of  the  United  States  at  Madrid,  as  it  will  also  be 
to  Mr  Livingston  the  Minister  going  to  Paris.  They  will  both  make  use  of  the 
proper  [sic]  to  prevent  a  change  of  our  Southern  and  Southwestern  neighbours, 
that  is  to  say  the  means  of  peace  and  persuasion.  Should  Great  Britain  inter- 
pose her  projects  also  in  that  quarter,  the  scene  will  become  more  interesting, 
and  require  still  greater  circumspection  on  the  part  of  the  United  States.  You 
will  doubtless  be  always  awake  to  circumstances  which  may  indicate  {sic}  her 
views,  and  will  lose  no  time  in  making  them  known  to  the  President.  Consid- 
ering the  facility  with  which  her  extensive  Navy  can  present  itself  on  our  front, 
that  she  already  flanks  us  on  the  North,  and  that  if  possessed  of  Spanish  coun- 
tries contiguous  to  us,  she  might  soon  have  a  range  of  settlements  in  our  rear, 
as  well  as  flank  us  on  the  South  also,  it  is  certainly  not  without  reason  that  she 
is  the  last  of  Neighbours  that  would  be  agreeable  to  the  United  States. 

With  sentiments  etc. 

James  Madison. 
f  Annals  of  Congress,  1802-3,  P-  1024. 


86  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

to  the  Minister  of  Britain  the  danger  that  will  result  to  them  from 
the  extension  of  the  French  possessions  into  Mexico,  and  the 
probable  loss  of  Canada,  if  they  are  suffered  to  possess  it.  I 
have  requested  Mr.  King  to  press  this  subject,  also,  as  opportunity- 
offers." 

Mr.  King  had  been  fully  possessed  of  the  views  of  the 
British  Ministry,  which  had  never  favored  the  cession,  but 
yet  had  been  unwilling  to  permit  it  to  enter  into  the  dis- 
cussions at  Amiens.  Uninstructed  as  he  had  been  by  his 
own  Government  he  had,  however,  formed  positive  opinions 
as  to  the  complications  which  must  arise  under  the  changed 
condition  of  affairs,  and  in  the  following  letter  to  Mr.  Liv- 
ingston, March  23d,  expresses  them  clearly  and  with  the 
firm  conviction  that  in  some  way  the  threatened  complica- 
tion of  our  relations  with  France  must  be  averted. 

R.  King  to  R.  R.  Livingston,  Paris. 

London,  March  23,  1802. 
Sir  : 

We  cannot  doubt  that  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana  has  for  a 
long  time  been  an  object  with  France,  nor  that  the  cession  had 
been  made,  and  the  projected  expedition  resolved  on  before  you 
left  America.  Supposing  this  to  have  been  the  case,  without 
being  quite  sure  that  it  was  so,  after  again  and  again  considering 
its  injurious  effects  upon  our  political  and  social  happiness,  and 
how  we  ought  to  meet  it,  I  long  since  satisfied  my  own  mind  of 
the  course  which  I  have  ventured  to  suggest  to  you,  believing 
that  it  would  be  alike  suitable  to  either  condition  of  the  Business  ; 
since,  if  undecided,  it  would  be  the  most  likely  means  to  procure 
its  announcement,  and  if  resolved  upon,  the  best  calculation  to 
lessen  and  defeat  its  mischiefs.  It  would  be  to  little  purpose 
that  I  should  recapitulate  the  views  in  which  I  have  seen  the 
subject,  and  which  have  led  me  to  the  conclusion  that  I  have 
embraced,  especially  as  your  mind  seems  to  me  to  have  taken  the 
same  range  with  my  own.  I  prepared  a  letter  to  you  upon  this 
subject,  which  has  lain  by  me  some  time  for  a  convenient  oppor- 
tunity to  Paris,  but  which  on  revision  I  do  not  now  think  worth 
the  trouble  of  your  perusal. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  87 

The  sole  questions  which  remain  are,  can  the  expedition  be 
prevented  and  if  not,  how  should  we  treat  it  ?  Perhaps  the  only 
unconnected  and  ex  parte  means,  of  Protection  in  our  Power,  are 
Iron  and  Gold.  Notwithstanding  the  sanction  to  be  derived  from 
the  example  of  almost  every  nation,  as  well  as  from  justice  and 
reason,  which  so  far  from  refusing  to  States  the  faculty  of  inquir- 
ing concerning  the  dismemberment  and  increase  of  the  Terri- 
tories of  their  neighbours,  make  it  their  duty  to  do  so,  I  suspect 
that  the  first  of  these  means,  if  deemed  even  expedient,  would  be 
thought  defensible  only  upon  Principles  too  metaphysical  and  un- 
ascertained, and  therefore,  that  it  may  be  laid  out  of  the  question. 

Although  we  may  have  no  contemptible  opinion  of  the  efficacy 
of  the  latter  means,  there  are  considerable,  and,  perhaps,  insupera- 
ble difficulties  in  the  way  of  its  employment.  I  should  not  ap- 
prove, nor  tolerate  for  a  moment  any  underhand  measure,  or  such 
as  could  not  be  openly  avowed,  and  explained  to  our  own  people 
as  well  as  to  the  rest  of  the  world  ;  but  we  may,  if  we  deem  it  our 
interest,  without  impropriety  attempt  to  acquire  the  legitimate 
Title  to  Louisiana  and  the  Floridas.  If  these  belonged  to  us,  we 
should,  I  hope,  be  as  ready  to  defend  them  with  arms  in  our 
hands,  if  necessary,  as  we  should  be  to  defend  Charleston,  New 
York,  or  Newport.  But  shall  we  be  willing  to  pay  down  a  sum  of 
money  large  enough  to  acquire  them  ?  For  if  the  Title  can  be 
obtained  in  no  other  way  than  that  of  a  direct  purchase,  a  large 
sum  of  money  will  alone  procure  it.  No  set  off  of  claims  ;  no 
balancing  of  accounts  ;  no  prospect  of  future  advantage  will  have 
any  beneficial  influence  in  our  favour  ;  it  must  be  actual  money 
and  a  great  deal  of  it  which  can  serve  our  purpose.  Great  as  the 
benefit  would  be  to  us  of  uniting  to  our  Territories  New  Orleans 
with  the  entire  left  bank  of  the  Mississippi  and  extending  our 
Southern  frontier  to  the  ocean,  I  confess  that  I  see  little  in  the 
principles,  to  which  we  propose  to  devote  ourselves,  and  by  which 
our  affairs  are  to  be  regulated,  which  authorises  us  to  expect  that 
a  measure  of  such  magnitude,  and  which  would  impose  imme- 
diate and  considerable  Burthens  upon  our  People,  would  be  likely 
to  be  received  with  favour.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  economy  is 
wisdom  in  States  as  well  as  individuals  ;  but  by  the  former  as  well 
as  the  latter,  it  requires  to  be  rightly  understood,  not  to  become 
a  vice  instead  of  a  virtue. 


88  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

If  we  can  succeed  by  neither  of  these  means,  our  Government 
may  perhaps  think  it  worth  consideration,  whether  the  new  State 
of  things  in  the  West  Indies  may  not  lead  to  the  accomplishment 
of  its  wishes.  The  settlement  of  Guadaloupe  and  St.  Domingo 
seems  likely  to  call  for  more  men  and  money  than  were  at  first 
thought  necessary,  and  may  occasion  the  suspension  of  the  expe- 
dition to  Louisiana.  France  can  more  easily  supply  men  than 
Money  or  Provisions  ;  the  last  must  be  purchased  from  the  United 
States  ;  but  how  are  they  to  be  paid  for  ?  I  can  imagine  but  two 
ways,  either  by  the  dollars  accumulated  in  the  Spanish  Colonies, 
or  by  Bills  upon  France.  Spain  with  great  reluctance  will  open 
her  coffers  to  her  allies  and  will  invent  a  thousand  devices  to 
avoid  it  ;  tho'  if  no  other  resource  exist  she  will  be  obliged  to  do 
so.  Our  merchants  will  not  sell  their  Provisions  for  Bills  on 
the  French  Treasury  without  a  satisfactory  Guarantee  ;  and  our 
Government  will  not  become  the  guaranty  unless  it  promote  our 
interest  in  doing  so.  Is  it  too  visionary  a  speculation  for  us  to 
think  of  obtaining  the  cession  of  New  Orleans  and  the  Floridas 
from  France  by  assisting  her  to  obtain  the  supplies  she  wants  for 
her  Fleet  in  the  West  Indies  ?  or  is  there  any  thing  in  the  nature 
of  the  war  that  should  restrain  us  from  doing  so  ? 

A  Project  of  this  sort  would  deserve  to  be  received  with  favour 
at  Madrid  as  it  offers  the  only  means  of  sparing  the  Spanish 
Treasure  in  America,  and  preventing  what  must  there  as  else- 
where be  the  subject  of  apprehension.  I  mean  the  occupation  of 
Louisiana  by  France.  To  the  French  too,  it  holds  forth  the 
means  of  immediate  and  important  relief  in  circumstances  of 
difficulty  and  without  any  other  inconvenience  than  that  of  giving 
a  new  and  different  direction  to  their  colonizing  enterprizes. 

I  am  obliged  to  you  for  your  reflections  upon  the  subject  of 
Louisiana  ;  they  ought  to  be  received  with  all  the  consideration  to 
which  their  justness  and  importance  entitle  them.  But  what  I 
have  before  informed  you  upon  this  subject,  and  which  I  con- 
firmed in  a  short  letter  of  yesterday,  I  have  no  reason  to  believe 
has  been  in  the  least  degree  ill-founded.  The  consequences  of 
the  cession  were  fully  explained  before  the  signature  of  the  Pre- 
liminaries ;  and  have  been  more  than  once  restated  and  pressed 
since  the  meeting  at  Amiens,  but  the  answer  has  been  uniformly 
the  same,  and  such  as  gives  us  not  the  slightest  occasion  to  hope 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  89 

even  that  anything  has  been  or  will  be  done  concerning  it  at 
Amiens.  We  must,  therefore,  depend  upon  ourselves  and  upon 
our  own  exertions,  and  in  case  they  do  not  prevent  the  measure, 
the  next  enquiry,  is  how  we  should  treat  it. 

On  this  subject,  I  have  heretofore  *  expressed  to  you  my  opinion, 
which  I  do  not  perceive  sufficient  reason  to  induce  me  to  change. 
France  is  one  of  the  Great  Powers  which  influence  and  in  some 
sort  control  the  affairs  of  the  whole  earth  ;  and  on  this  account 
it  seems  to  be  the  Duty  of  those,  who  have  any  part  to  act  in  the 
concerns  of  other  States  to  study  the  Genius  and  endeavour  to 
understand  the  character  of  this  restless  &  powerful  nation, 
which  can  only  be  opposed  with  success,  when  openly  opposed. 
I  do  not  mean  an  opposition  of  force,  but  that  moral  resistance 
which  consists  in  the  frank  explanation  of  the  injuries  we  foresee 
and  apprehend,  and  the  declaration  beforehand  of  what  we  con- 
ceive to  be  our  own  Rights  and  Duties,  should  it  become  neces- 
sary to  assert  and  perform  them.  No  policy  in  my  opinion  has 
so  often  proved  to  be  pernicious  as  that  of  shutting  our  eyes  upon 
what  we  cannot  avoid  seeing,  and  of  putting  off  exertions  to  pre- 
vent injury,  and  thereby  leaving  the  public  welfare  either  to  the 
government  of  chance,  or  in  the  hands  of  the  adversary  ;  a 
mode  of  administration  which  always  amounts  to  a  confession  of 
weakness,  and  which  places  the  public  safety  not  in  the  safeguard 
of  the  public  virtue  and  courage  but  in  the  moderation  of 
ambition  and  power. 

With  this  way  of  thinking,  I  would  lose  no  time  in  telling 
France  our  apprehensions,  at  the  same  time  that  I  assured  her  of 
our  earnest  desire  to  live  in  harmony  and  friendship  ;  I  would 
inform  our  own  People  that  I  had  done  so  ;  and  I  would  more- 
over endeavour  by  all  suitable  means  to  familiarize  them  with 
those  measures  to  which  the  defence  of  the  public  welfare  may 
compel  us  to  resort.  The  Truth  should  not  be  disguised  from 
ourselves  or  others  ;  that  we  are  the  first  Power  in  our  own  hemi- 
sphere, and  that  we  are  disinclined  to  perform  the  part  of  the 
second.  Sentiments  of  this  sort  openly  and  unostentatiously  ad- 
vanced and  propagated  would,  if  I  mistake  not,  have  the  double 
effect  to  check  measures  to  divide  us,  from  whatever  quarter  they 

*  January  16,  1S02,  vol.  iv.,  p.  59. 


90  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

may  proceed,  and  to  enable  us  to  defeat  them,  should  they  be 
attempted. 

I  have  to  crave  your  indulgence  for  this  unreserved  and  confi- 
dential communication  of  opinions  which  are,  I  apprehend, 
somewhat  at  variance  with  those  that  are  entitled  to  our  respect 
and  obedience.  I  should  however  add  that  I  have  been  too 
often  disappointed  in  things  I  have  most  firmly  believed,  to  be 
over  confident  in  my  own  opinions  ;  and  I  should  rejoice  should 
the  course  marked  out  to  you,  and  from  which  I  should  not 
deviate,  were  I  in  your  place,  prove  more  advantageous  than  I 
can  at  present  believe  it  will  do. 

With  Perfect  Respect  &  Esteem,  &c. 

Rufus  King. 

It  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  King  in  his  free  communication 
with  Mr.  Livingston  had  entered  into  a  discussion  of  the 
methods  by  which  the  interests  of  the  United  States,  result- 
ing from  this  cession,  could  be  secured  either  "  by  Iron  or 
Gold,"  as  the  new  arrangement  must  be  broken  up.  But 
more  important  and  noteworthy  is  the  alternative  he  sug- 
gests as  a  method  by  which  the  French  Government  may  be 
influenced  to  listen  to  our  claims.  Not  a  disposition  to 
avoid  offending  them,  but  a  positive  declaration  of  a  de- 
termination to  prevent  the  dangers,  not  apprehended  from 
Spain's  possession  of  Louisiana,  but  probable  from  its  trans- 
fer to  a  more  active,  enterprising,  and  restless  country.  In 
other  words,  a  declaration  of  the  principle  upon  which  rests 
what  is  now  called  the  Monroe  doctrine.  Upon  a  careful 
reading  of  the  portion  of  the  letter,  beginning  with  the 
words,  "  On  this  subject  I  have  heretofore  expressed  to  you 
my  opinion,"  etc.,  it  will  be  found  clearly  and  positively 
suggested  that  the  French  Government  shall  be  told  that 
the  United  States  being 

"  the  first  power  in  our  own  hemisphere,  we  are  disinclined  to 
perform  the  part  of  the  second.  Sentiments  of  this  sort  openly 
and  unostentatiously  advanced  and  propagated  would,  if  I  mis- 
take not,  have  the  double  effect  to  check  measures  to  divide  us, 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  9 1 

from  whatever  quarter  they  may  proceed,  and  to  enable  us  to 
defeat  them,  should  they  be  attempted." 

It  does  not  appear  that  this  view  was  taken  either  by  the 
Minister  or  his  Government,  but  it  shows  what  Mr.  King 
would  have  done  had  he  been  in  the  position  to  act,  and 
the  estimate  he  placed  upon  the  bold  assertion  of  the  in- 
trinsic power  of  the  nation  to  make  itself  felt  in  the  decision 
of  questions  relating  to  its  own  interests, — a  power  which 
he  felt  was  stronger  and  better  recognized  than  when  he 
entered  on  his  mission.  Nor  was  he  mistaken,  though  it 
took  many  years  before  Mr.  Monroe  distinctly  avowed  the 
principle  on  which  the  whole  country  now,  in  180^6,  unani- 
mously insists. 

It  is  not  a  little  curious,  that  Mr.  Monroe  was  the  negoti- 
ator with  Mr.  Livingston  to  make  the  Conventions  with 
France  for  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  and  that  the  chief 
overt  act  to  interfere  with  the  principle  was  made  in  France's 
attempt  to  conquer  Mexico,  while  the  United  States  was 
engaged  in  the  civil  war  of  the  Rebellion — an  attempt 
nearly  successful  at  the  time,  but  checked  and  positively 
settled  by  the  Mexicans  themselves. 

R.  King  to  R.  R.  Livingston. 

London,  Mar.  24,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  omitted  to  return  you  my  thanks  for  your  congratula- 
tions on  the  subject  of  the  Convention  concerning  the  Debts. 
Your  construction  of  the  II  article  is  unquestionably  the  true  one. 
As  I  am  not  aware  that  any  opinion  has  prevailed  that  either  the 
execution  of  the  6th  article  of  the  Treaty  of  1794,  according  to 
its  Provisions,  or  a  commutation  of  our  Engagements  under  it, 
(into  a  definite  sum  of  money)  would  have  exempted  the  Debtors 
from  the  suits  of  their  Creditors,  I  cannot  suppose  that  any  dis- 
appointment can  arise  from  the  limited  recognition  of  the  IV 
article  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris.  The  United  States  engaged  to 
pay  the  Debts  which  could  have  been  recovered  at  the  close  of 
the  war  had  there  been  no  lawful  impediments,  and  which,  by 


\S* 


92  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

reason  of  such  impediments,  were  not  recoverable  at  the  conclu- 
sion of  the  Treaty  of  1794.  In  respect  to  all  Debts  recoverable 
at  the  conclusion  of  this  Treaty,  the  Creditors  were  at  liberty  to 
pursue  their  judicial  remedy,  and  had  no  Claim  before  the  Com- 
missioners, their  cases  being  expressly  excepted.  In  respect  to 
these  Creditors,  therefore,  it  was  no  more  than  justice  to  declare 
that  the  Provisions  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  in  their  favour,  so  far 
as  regards  their  future  operation,  shall  remain  in  force.  The 
Terms  of  the  recognition  of  the  IV  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace, 
limits  its  operation  so  as  to  exclude  all  claims  which  once  might, 
but  now  cannot  according  to  the  course  of  the  Judiciary,  be  le- 
gally established  ;  for  these  claims,  we  make  compensation,  and 
for  the  others,  leave  the  Creditors  to  their  judicial  Remedies. 

This  Government  has  communicated  the  Convention  to  the 
Creditors,  who  have  met  and,  as  I  am  informed  by  their  Chair- 
man, determined  to  petition  Parliament  for  the  difference  between 
the  ^600,000  and  the  5  millions  which  they  assert  to  be  the 
amount  of  their  Claims  ;  and  in  order  to  pave  the  way  for  their 
Petition,  they  use  no  reserve  in  saying  the  settlement  has  been  a 
political  one  on  the  part  of  Government  and  at  their  expense, 
and  that  they  have  a  just  demand  to  be  indemnified  out  of  the 
public  Exchequer.  I  observe  that  meetings  are  held  among  our 
merchants  to  petition  Congress  for  compensation  for  Losses  by 
French  Captures,  and  I  conjecture  that  these  Petitions  will  meet 
with  much  the  same  reception  as  those  of  the  British  Creditors  to 
their  Parliament. 

I  have  lately  learned,  and  from  good  authority,  that  the 
Spaniards  have  15  Millions  of  Dollars  embarked  at  the  Havanna 
and  Vera  Cruz  which  I  am  inclined  to  conjecture  will  be  ordered 
to  St.  Domingo,  under  the  pretext  of  being  sent  to  Europe  with  a 
detachment  of  the  combined  Fleet.  When  they  reach  St.  Do- 
mingo such  will  be  the  necessities  of  the  army  and  navy  that  the 
Dollars  will  be  taken  to  buy  Provisions  and  in  lieu  of  their 
Draughts  given  upon  the  National  Treasury.     .     .     . 

We  are  in  expectation  that  the  definitive  Treaty  will  be  com- 
pleted in  a  very  few  days  ;  nobody  seems  now  to  apprehend  its 
failure. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c  &c 

R.  K. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE. 


93 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  60. 

London,  Mar.  20,  1802. 
Sir: 

I  have  the  satisfaction  to  send  you  the  annexed  copy  of  Lord 

Hawkesbury's  note  announcing  the  Signature  of  the  Definitive 

Treaty,  and  have  the  honour  to  be, 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c 

R.  K. 

Copy. 

Lord  Hawkesbury  presents  his  compliments  to  Mr.  King,  and 
has  the  honour  to  inform  him  that  Mr.  Moore  is  arrived  with  the 
Definitive  Treaty  of  Peace,  which  was  signed  at  Amiens  at  4 
o'clock  on  the  27th  instant  by  his  Majesty's  Plenipotentiary  and 
the  French,  Spanish  and  Batavian  Plenipotentiaries. 

Downing  Street,  March  29,  1802. 


Louisiana.* 

March  26,  1802. 

Lord  Lansdowne,  to  whom  I  some  days  ago  spoke  concerning 
the  cession  of  Louisiana  &  the  Floridas,  told  me  that  it  was  his 
desire  to  have  retained  the  Floridas  and  New  Orleans  :  that  with 
this  view,  in  the  preliminary  articles  first  prepared  in  1783,  he 
agreed  to  give  up  Gibraltar  and  to  receive  in  lieu  of  it  Minorca, 
Martinique  or  Gaudaloupe  and  the  Floridas  ;  that  the  stipula- 
tion in  favour  of  Great  Britain  for  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  was  made  in  reference  to  the  project  of  retaining  the 
Floridas,  but  that  a  cry  arose  agt.  the  cession  of  Gibraltar,  the 
King  refused  his  sanction  to  it  and  it  was  therefore  retained  and 
the  Floridas,  Martinique  and  Minorca  given  up. 

The  stipulation  about  the  Mississippi,  being  included  in  a  dif- 
ferent article,  was  retained  when  that  to  wh.  it  related  was  struck 
out. 

Jay  &  Franklin  wished  Eng.  to  seize  the  Floridas  after  the  sig- 
nature of  the  Provisional  Articles  and  before  the  Preliminaries  ; 
*  Memorandum  Book. 


94  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

but  objected  to  troops  being  sent  from  N.  York  on  this  service  as 
Fr.  &  Spain  would  deem  it  collusive. 

Franklin  threatened  Oswald  to  retain  and  sell  the  German 
prisoners  unless  the  negroes  were  restored  or  paid  for,  saying 
they  had  carried  off  &  sold  the  negroes  we  had  bought  and  that 
it  would  be  as  just  to  sell  the  Germans  they  had  bought. 


Geo.  Cabot  to  R.  King. 

March  27,  1802. 

My  dear  Sir  : 

I  have  seldom  received  so  much  pleasure  from  news  concerning 
you  as  that  which  is  just  now  arrived.  Your  silence  had  been  un- 
usually  long  &  from  various  circumstances  I  was  led  to  believe 
that  you  were  in  some  sort  of  perplexity  which  prevented  you 
from  giving  me  the  pleasure  to  which  I  was  accustomed.  As  I  am 
totally  uninformed  of  the  terms  of  your  Convention  &  as  I  shou'd 
always  desire  to  be  informed  of  the  instructions  under  which  you 
acted  I  can  make  no  observations  of  any  worth  on  the  subject  ; 
yet  I  see  much  evidence  that  you  have  done  what  very  few,  if  any 
other  man,  cou'd  have  done  for  us  ;  that  you  have  done  better 
than  the  Country  had  a  right  to  expect  after  its  ungenerous  & 
capricious  conduct  ;  that  you  have  done  so  well  as  to  gratify  all 
your  friends  &  confound  all  our  Enemies.  But  will  your  Conven- 
tion be  ratified  ?  this  is  a  question  my  jealousy  asks  of  me.  I 
answer  that  probably  it  will,  notwithstanding  it  tends  to  a  final  ex- 
tinction of  all  the  animosities  between  the  two  Nations  ;  because 
at  this  moment  our  Master  dreads  &  detests  the  Master  of  the 
French  who  despises  him  in  turn  &  therefore  no  business  of  fra- 
ternity can  proceed.  Such  at  least  is  my  opinion,  lit  would  be  a 
useless  labor  for  me  to  attempt  giving  you  a  minute  account  of 
our  affairs — or  indeed  any  account,  for  you  probably  know  more 
of  them  than  I  do.  We  make  a  constant  progress  in  the  way  we 
are  destined  to  go,  yet  I  must  say  that  the  Leaders  outrun  their 
Followers.  The  very  able  discussions  of  the  Judiciary  Question 
&  great  superiority  of  the  Federalists  in  all  the  debates  &  public 
writings  have  manifestly  checked  the  career  of  the  Revolutionists. 
Six  months  ago  I  trembled  for  the  coming  Elections  in  N  E — but 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  95 

it  appears  that  N.  H.  has  recovered  a  little  of  its  old  good  poli- 
ticks &  chosen  Oilman  by  a  great  majority,  &  we  think  in  Massa- 
chusetts the  public  opinion  is  much  meliorated.  These  checks  if 
only  temporary  are  of  great  value.     T\.     . 

I  was  in  hopes  that  the  blacks  in  St.  Domingo  wou'd  long  occupy 
&  finally  defeat  the  french  arms,  but  appearances  indicate  that 
they  will  be  beaten.  The  armaments  like  all  others  from  France 
must  be  supported  by  other  Nations.  Force  &  Fraud  will  draw 
from  Spaniards  &  Americans  }th  of  the  supplies. 
Your  faithful  &  affte  friend 

G.  C. 

William  Vans  Murray  to  R.  King. 

Cambridge,  E.  S.  Maryland,  5th  April,  1802. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  We  arrived  after  a  passage  of  eleven  weeks  at  Wash- 
ington, where  I  was  civilly  &  coldly  received.  My  outfit  paid  me 
&  no  questions  asked  me  !  So  the  flutter  which  my  intended 
Tableau  de  la  negotiation  had  put  me  into  was  kindly  spared. 
Wl.  &  G.  behaved  to  me  in  all  the  business  I  had  with  them  in  a 
fair  &  candid  way. 

The  principle  of  proscription  goes  on  searching  its  game  even 
in  the  smallest  X  road  post  offices.  The  principle  of  depletion 
&  disorganizing  in  all  things  connected  with  the  most  ancient 
opinions,  the  constitution  &  its  out  works  &  the  well  settled 
system  of  the  past  administrations  goes  on  with  a  destructive 
zeal.  Internal  Taxes — Judicial  Sanctity — all  are  to  be  handled 
&  overset,  but  as  I  write  to  you  I  ought  to  restrain  myself  from 
invective — whatever  may  be  our  opinions  mutually. 

There  is  an  abundance  of  imitation,  but  it  is  in  the  small  way 
&  cannot  afford  a  cure.  There  is  a  hope  &  it  seems  to  me  the 
only  one  well  founded,  that  they  will  divide  &  quarrel.  Already 
it  is  believed  that  B.  gives  umbrage  to  the  Philosopher  by  his  as- 
piring temper.  So  we  ought  to  expect  a  division  in  your  State  of 
which  the  Feds.,  if  not  themselves  miserably  divided,  may  avail 
themselves  &  the  nation.  It  may  be  hoped  that  the  Feds,  will 
gain  wisdom  by  suffering.  To  be  in  a  minority  is  a  new  situa- 
tion to  them.  Hitherto  they  have  been  a  majority  &  have  had  a 
Chief  &  that  Chief  in   Power  ;   now  in  the  minority.     I  do  not 


g6  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

know  that  they,  as  a  united  party,  acknowledge  any  Chief ;  &  yet 
have  more  need  than  ever  of  the  energy  which  a  Chief  gives.  It 
is  true  there  are  some  strong  men  in  Congress,  but  a  chief  should 
not  be  there — &  there  is  none  there.  I  saw  but  few  of  the  public 
men  at  W.  It  is  such  a  Town-in-country  that  there  is  not  prop- 
erly Society  &  contact  ;  but  I  assure  you  that  I  have  not  heard  of 
any  one  man  since  my  return  as  Chief.  It  will  always  happen  as 
it  did  after  the  death  of  Alexander  among  his  Captains.  In  fact 
we  are  in  a  strange  situation. 

It  will  give  you  pleasure  to  know  that  by  allowing  me  my  outfit 
to  Paris  (which  I  claimed)  my  situation  is  greatly  bettered,  as  my 
estate  is  in  land  &  bad  rents  &  it  would  have  been  a  terrible 
thing  for  me  to  sell  near  the  whole  to  pay  my  debts,  which 
the  outfit  nearly  did.  I  live  with  my  brother  in  the  Country  & 
mean  to  build  this  autumn  on  a  farm.  My  friends  of  this  county, 
which  is  Federal,  wish  me  to  go  into  public  life.  This  I  decline  : 
for  I  feel  as  if  I  had  precisely  escaped  ruin  ;  and  all  my  embar- 
raisments  were  a  suite  of  13  year's  public  life,  of  one  sort  or  other, 
in  which  my  affairs  became  turned  upside  down. 

What  can  you  expect  from  a  man  placed  in  so  very  active  a 
place  as  I  am,  but  useless  repinings  at  the  present  degraded  state 
of  public  affairs  ?  and  yet  my  dear  Sir  I  wish  to  hold  some  little 
converse  with  you,  &  to  show  you  by  a  letter  that  I  am  grateful 
for  your  remembrance  of  so  sterile  a  correspondent. 

We  all  rejoice  that  Govt,  has,  united  with  the  claim  your 
country  has  upon  you,  kept  you  at  your  post.  If  I  expect  it,  it  is 
because  they  have  great  credit  among  all  the  enlightened  men  for 
this  forbearance  from  the  evil  we  believe  they  would  do  by  your 
removal.  So  I  beg  you — as  I  once  before  did,  to  stay  where 
you  are,  at  least  for  some  few  years. 

Affectionately  yrs. 

W.  V.  Murray. 

R.  King  to  R.  Troup. 

London,  April  6,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  There  is  a  rumour,  may  it  prove  to  be  well  founded  ! , 
that  a  motion  to  repeal  the  internal  taxes  has  been  negatived  in  the 
H.  of  R.     Should  they  be  continued  and  an  independent  judiciary 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  97 

preserved,  I  shall  not  despair  of  the  public  welfare.  In  four  or 
five  weeks  we  shall  hear  of  the  arrival  of  the  Convention  concern- 
ing the  Br.  debts,  as  well  as  whether  the  same  be  approved  by 
Congress.  In  respect  to  the  opinion  of  intelligent  and  reasonable 
men,  I  have  no  concern,  but  we  cannot  be  sure  that  their  opinion 
will  be  the  general  one,  and  I  am  therefore  solicitous  to  hear  how 
the  settlement  is  thought  of  by  those  whose  province  it  is  to  judge 
of  its  merits. 

Peace  is  definitively  made  and  will  be  ratified  in  a  few  weeks. 
The  new  ministers  continue  to  stand  well  with  Parliament  and  the 
country  ;  and  such  are  the  Resources,  and  confidence  of  monied 
men,  that  the  new  loan  of  25  millions  has  been  made  on  as  low 
terms  as  the  loans  of  the  first  year  of  the  war,  when  enthusiasm  was 
high,  and  the  first  Debt  and  Taxes  not  a  moiety  of  their  present 
amount.  Singular  indeed  in  this  respect  is  the  contrast  between 
France  and  England  :  in  one  any  considerable  loan  cannot  be 
raised  on  any  Terms,  in  the  other  the  minister  has  but  to  ask  and 
receive.  In  the  former,  mistress  as  she  is  of  the  greater  part  of 
Europe,  the  5  pr.  cents  are  at  55,  while  here  after  a  long  expensive 
and  unsuccessful  war  the  3  per  cents  are  at  75  and  will  probably 
soon  reach  80. 

Yrs.  &c, 

R.  King. 

P.  S.  Mrs.  Ludlow's  Baggage  not  having  reached  town  I  have  not 
seen  the  opinions  of  Kent  and  her  brother.  I  shall  read  them 
with  attention  before  I  say  anything  upon  the  subject,  except 
that  I  have  contended  and  with  effect  and  advantage  that  the 
sentence  of  a  foreign  Tribunal  in  matters  of  Prize,  is  not  in  all 
cases  conclusive. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  61. 

London  April  7,  1802. 
Sir  : 

The  Moniteur  of  the  26th  past  contains  the  definitive  Treaty 
dated  the  preceding  day.  Lord  Hawkesbury's  Letter  to  the 
Foreign  Ministers  says  that  it  was  signed  on  the  evening  of  the 
27th.     By  reason  of  the  urgent  manner  in  which  the  Negotia- 

VOL.  IV. — 7 


98  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

tion  was  pressed  to  a  conclusion  by  England,  or  some  such  cause, 
the  several  articles  were  settled  on  the  25th,  and  the  respective 
Plenipotentiaries  signed  on  that  day  an  agreement  that  they 
would  sign  the  Treaty,  the  articles  whereof  had  been  so  agreed 
upon,  as  soon  as  copies  could  be  prepared.  The  French  Govern- 
ment has  chosen  to  consider  this  first  signature  as  the  conclusion 
of  the  Treaty,  and  dated  the  copy  inserted  in  the  Moniteur 
accordingly. 

In  the  main  the  definitive  Treaty  seems  to  adhere  pretty  closely 
to  the  Preliminaries  ;  in  such  articles  as  have  undergone  modifi- 
cations, it  is  not  obvious  that  the  alteration  is  favourable  to  the 
views  of  this  country.  Malta,  notwithstanding  the  string  of  propo- 
sitions relative  to  its  constitution,  will  be  liable  to  the  influence  of 
France  and  open  to  her  enterprize.  The  clause  which  authorizes 
France  to  prefer  a  claim  for  the  support  of  Italian,  German  and 
Russian  Prisoners  enables  her  to  balance  the  claim  of  England 
for  the  maintainance  of  French  Prisoners  :  this  is  however  an 
article  of  form  rather  than  of  substance,  as  I  do  not  find  that 
there  is  any  instance  of  money  being  paid  or  received  on  similar 
occasions. 

If  there  be  no  separate  article,  which  is  not  believed  to  be  the 
case,  designating  the  manner  in  which  the  Prince  of  Orange  is  to 
be  indemnified,  the  article  of  the  Definitive  Treaty  relating  to 
that  subject,  differing  as  it  does  from  the  Treaty  of  Basis,  seems 
more  likely  to  prove  prejudicial  than  advantageous  to  this  country  ; 
and  the  more  so,  as  it  is  understood  that  in  the  very  room  where 
the  Definitive  Treaty  was  signed,  and  immediately  afterwards,  the 
French  and  the  Dutch  Minister  signed  a  separate  Convention  by 
which  the  Batavian  Republic  is  declared  to  be  exempted  from 
contributing  anything  towards  the  indemnities  to  be  paid  to  the 
House  of  Orange. 

But  the  principal  objection  which  Lord  Grenville,  and  those 
who  think  with  him,  will  be  likely  to  urge  against  the  Definitive 
Treaty  is  the  omission  so  contrary  to  former  usage  to  recognize 
and  confirm  in  a  manner  accommodated  to  the  present  state  of 
Europe  those  antient  Treaties  which  are  asserted  to  be  the 
Foundation  of  its  public  Law. 

*  786  and  others  are  likewise  much  dissatisfied  with  the  cession 
*  Not  deciphered. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE. 


99 


of  Louisiana  to  France  ;  speaking  with  me  concerning  it  a  day  or 
two  ago  he  said  Ceylon,  Trinidad  and  the  Cape  were  as  nothing 
in  comparison  to  Louisiana  and  the  Floridas  ;  and  on  my  ex- 
pressing my  surprise  that  128.  55.  28  should  have  known  of  the 
cession  and  yet  advised  the  Peace,  he  said  that  128.  55.  28  viewed 
the  cession  in  the  same  light  that  he  did,  but  that  he  knew 
nothing  of  it  until  after  the  conclusion  of  the  Preliminaries. 

The  Minister  lost  no  time,  after  the  signature  of  the  Definitive 
Treaty,  in  making  his  Loan  and  opening  the  Budget.  25  millions 
have  been  borrowed  at  the  moderate  interest  of  ^3.18.2  per 
centum.  The  Income  Tax,  which  with  certain  exceptions  re- 
quired the  tenth  of  each  man's  income,  is  to  be  repealed,  and  the 
56  millions  for  the  redemption  of  which  it  stands  pledged  will  be 
funded.  The  new  Taxes,  taken  at  Four  Millions,  are  to  be  levied 
thus — an  addition  to  the  Duty  on  Malt,  Hops  and  Beer  of  two 
millions  :  an  addition  to  the  assessed  Taxes,  one  million  ;  and  a 
Duty  on  the  Imports  and  Exports  of  Great  Britain  of  one  million. 
Coupled  with  these  measures  are  two  others  worthy  of  particular 
attention  ;  one  a  proposition  to  give  a  new  shape  and  direction 
to  the  Sinking  Fund  of  1786,  as  well  as  to  abandon  the  principle 
adopted  during  the  late  war,  of  providing  a  fund  equal  to  the 
hundredth  part  of  every  new  Debt,  to  be  invariably  applied  in 
redeeming  it ;  the  other,  a  motion  by  the  Minister  to  continue 
the  Law  authorising  the  suspension  of  Cash  payments  by  the 
Bank.  The  funds  have  risen  considerably,  and  there  seems  to 
be  very  little  opposition  to  the  new  Taxes.  I  shall  not  be  inat- 
tentive to  those  which  may  affect  our  Trade  ;  tho'  so  far  as  re- 
gards the  Tax  on  Exports  our  Treaty  is  entirely  silent. 

The  Law  respecting  the  Countervailing  Duties  received  the 
King's  assent  on  the  24th  of  last  month  ;  as  it  finally  passed  in 
the  form  of  the  Bill  of  which  I  sent  you  a  copy,  it  is  not  necessary 
that  I  should  send  you  a  copy  of  the  Law.  From  the  uncertainty 
whether  Congress  will  be  inclined  to  repeal  the  discriminating 
Duties  paid  in  our  Ports,  I  shall  not  press  for  the  order  of  Coun- 
cil, taking  off  by  way  of  anticipation  and  immediately  the  counter- 
vailing Duty  on  Tobacco,  in  the  Ports  of  this  country. 
With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem 

Rufus  King. 


100  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 
No.  62. 

London,  April  10,  1802. 
Sir: 

Some  months  ago  I  informed  you  that  Mr.  Jackson*  would 
probably  be  sent  to  the  United  States  as  Mr.  Listons  successor  ; 
Mr.  Merry  had  been  previously  thought  of  and  indeed  named 
for  this  mission.  As  I  have  had  the  opportunity  of  knowing  both 
these  Gentlemen  during  my  residence  here,  it  was  not  without  some 
regret  that  I  heard  of  the  intention  to  appoint  Mr.  Jackson  in 
lieu  of  Mr.  Merry.  From  this  information  I  have  been  led  to 
make  further  Enquiry  respecting  their  reputation  and  the  result 
has  served  rather  to  encrease  than  lessen  my  solicitude.  Mr. 
Jackson  is  said  to  be  positive,  vain  and  intolerant  ;  he  is  more- 
over filled  with  English  prejudices  in  respect  to  other  countries, 
and  as  far  as  his  opinions  concerning  the  United  States,  seems 
more  likely  to  disserve  than  benefit  a  liberal  intercourse  between 
them  and  his  own  country. 

On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Merry  appears  to  be  a  plain,  unas- 
suming and  sensible  man,  having  lived  for  many  years  in  Spain, 
is  in  almost  every  point  of  character  the  reverse  of  Mr.  Jackson, 
who  were  he  to  go  to  America  would  go  for  the  sake  of  present 
employment,  and  with  the  hope  of  leaving  it  as  soon  as  he  could 
receive  a  similar  appointment  in  Europe  while  Mr.  Merry  wishes 
for  the  Mission  with  the  view  of  obtaining  what  he  believes  will 
prove  to  be  an  agreeable  and  permanent  residence. 

With  these  sentiments  I  have  believed  it  to  be  proper  to  en- 
deavour in  every  unexceptionable  way  in  my  power  to  discourage 
and  throw  impediments  in  the  way  of  the  mission  of  Mr.  Jackson, 
and  in  a  late  conversation  with  Lord  Hawkesbury,  he  offered  me 
what  I  thought  a  fair  occasion  of  expressing  my  sentiments  upon 
this  subject.  His  Lordship  received  my  observations  in  good  part 
and  promised  to  consider  what  I  had  said  to  him  before  any  defi- 
nite step  should  be  taken  in  the  Business.  I  have  followed  up 
the  opposition  in  other  quarters  which  I  thought  likely  to  have 
an  influence  with  decision,  and  am  not  without  Expectation  that 
Mr.  Jackson  will  be  relinquished. 

*  Italics  in  cipher. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  101 


As  the  explicit  designation  of  a  particular  character,  who  would 
be  agreeable,  is  matter  of  greater  delicacy  than  to  object  to  an 
Individual  who  might  have  been  spoken  of,  I  have  rather  confined 
myself  to  the  latter  course,  in  doing  which,  however,  I  was  enabled 
indirectly  and  by  way  of  contrast  to  Mr.  Jackson's  disqualifica- 
tions to  describe  qualifications  which  seem  to  be  almost  peculiar 
to  Mr.  Merry. 

Annexed  I  send  you  copies  of  my  letter  to  Lord  Hawkesbury, 
and  of  his  answer  declining  to  recognize  Mr.  Lewis  as  Consul  of 
the  United  States  at  Calcutta.  A  like  answer  has  in  a  similar 
case  been  lately  given  to  the  Envoy  of  Portugal.  Conversing 
with  one  of  the  Directors  of  the  East  India  Company  concerning 
Mr.  Lewis'  appointment,  he  told  me  that  before  the  late  war 
France  had  been  solicitous  to  place  a  Consul  at  Calcutta  ;  that 
from  a  persuasion  that  a  Consul  would  be  employed  as  a  political 
instead  of  a  commercial  agent,  they  had  declined  his  admission  ; 
that  the  request  would,  however,  probably  be  renewed,  and  in 
case  an  American  Consul  should  be  admitted,  a  French  one  could 
not  be  refused. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem,  &c 

Rufus  King. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Troup  to  King — Congressional  Acts — G.  Morris  on  Judiciary  Bill — Burr  has 
lost  Ground — Toast  at  a  Dinner — Jefferson  the  Idol — Business  dull — Cabot 
to  King — Distrusts  French  Fleet — Does  not  fear  French  Settlement  in 
Louisiana — Ames  to  King — France's  Project  of  getting  Louisiana  can  only 
do  Good — Joy  at  Adjustment  with  Great  Britain  of  the  Negotiation  about 
the  Debts — J.  Hale  to  King — Glad  he  will  remain' in  London — Federal- 
ists more  confident — Louisiana  Project  will  operate  well — King  to  Lord 
Hawkesbury — Cession  of  Louisiana,  Effect  on  the  Navigation  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi— How  far  is  England  concerned  in  the  Cession — McHenry  to 
King — Effect  of  Peace  on  the  United  States — Measures  of  the  Administra- 
tion criticised — King  to  Vansittart — United  States  should  pay  no  higher 
Duties  to  export  British  Manufactures  than  other  Nations — King  to  Secre- 
tary of  State  —  Definitive  Treaty  ratified — Sweden  joins  Russia  and 
England  in  annulling  the  System  of  armed  Neutrality — King  to  Secretary 
of  State,  United  States  Funds — Means  taken  to  secure  their  Safety  and 
proper  Disbursement,  especially  in  Prize  Cases — The  Government  having 
now  made  other  Arrangements,  he  shall  no  longer  regard  the  pecuniary 
Affairs  under  his  Control — J.  Marshall  to  King — Congratulates  him  on  his 
Settlement  of  the  Debt  Claims. 

R.  Troup  to  R.  King. 

CNew  York,  9th  April,  1802. 
My  dear  Sir  : 
-  .  .  .  The  federal  party  is  still  completely  down  ;  though  some 
think  it  in  the  attitude  of  rising.  Every  corner  of  the  govern- 
ment has  been  ransacked  to  find  out  an  officer  to  be  removed  in 
order  that  his  place  might  be  filled  with  one  of  Jefferson's  sect ; 
and  as  things  now  stand  that  sect  is  in  full  possession  of  the 
government. 

The  repeal  of  the  judicial  bill,  for  the  purpose  of  getting  rid  of 
our  friend  Judge  Benson  and  others,  has  excited  a  very  powerful 
sensation  in  the  minds  of  the  leading  federalists  throughout  the 
union.  .  .     Some  of  our  friends  in  Congress  have  much  distin- 

102 


1802]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  103 

guished  themselves  on  this  subject.  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris  is 
much  celebrated  for  his  eloquence.  The  democratical  paper  at 
Washington  pronounced  his  speech  to  be  the  grandest  display  of 
eloquence  ever  exhibited  in  a  deliberative  assembly  !  Mr.  Bayard  of 
Delaware,  Mr.  Hemphill  of  Penna.,  Mr.  Dana  of  Connecticut  and 
several  other  federalists  in  the  House  of  Representatives  have 
also  been  much  eulogized.  Giles  and  Randolph  of  Virginia  are 
the  leaders  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  their  speeches 
develop  the  views  and  motives  of  Jefferson's  sect  more  than  any 
others.  .  .  Congress  are  now  engaged  in  repealing  almost  all  the 
internal  taxes,  and  the  whiskey  drinkers  particularly  will  be  in 
spirits.  Virginia  literally  dominates.  Jefferson  is  the  supreme 
director  of  measures — he  has  no  levee  days — observes  no  cere- 
mony— often  sees  company  in  an  undress,  sometimes  with  his 
slippers  on — always  accessible  to,  and  very  familiar  with,  the 
sovereign  people.  Madison  is  in  a  deep  decline,  and  it  is  thought 
he  will  soon  quit  his  office. 

Burr  has  lost  ground  very  much  with  Jefferson's  sect  during 
the  present  session  of  Congress.  He  played  a  cunning  and  ridicu- 
lous game  whilst  the  repealing  of  the  judicial  bill  was  before  the 
Senate.  A  few  weeks  ago  whilst  the  federalists  were  at  a  public 
entertainment,  celebrating  General  Washington's  birthday,  he 
made  his  appearance  among  them — asked  whether  he  was  an 
intruder — he  was  answered  in  the  negative,  and  treated  with 
becoming  civility.  Soon  afterwards  he  asked  for  permission  to 
give  a  toast— it  was  granted — and  he  gave  "  The  union  of  all 
honest  men:'  This  was  generally  received  by  the  federalists  as  an 
offer  on  his  part  to  coalesce.  It  has  been  attempted  to  be  kept 
secret ;  but  it  has  got  into  circulation,  and  it  has  created  heart 
burnings  with  some  of  Burr's  party.  Hamilton  says  there  is  a 
cabal  going  on  at  Washington  between  Burr  and  some  of  the 
federalists.  Latterly  it  is  represented  that  Burr  has  run  to  the 
other  side  again  and  is  manifesting  great  violence.  He  has  been 
not  a  little  abused  in  the  course  of  the  winter  in  the  democratic 
prints.  It  is  said  there  is  no  cordiality  or  concert  between  him 
and  Jefferson,  and  that  they  are  not  in  the  habit  of  approximating 
each  other. 

Jefferson  is  the  idol  to  whom  all  devotion  is  paid  ;  and  Burr 
will  doubtless  be  dropped  at  another  election,  if  they  can  do  it 


104  RUFUS  KING.  |_l8°2 

without  endangering  Jefferson.  In  this  state  all  power  and  all 
the  offices  are  also  engrossed  by  the  democrats.  No  opposition 
is  likely  to  be  made  for  some  time  to  come.  Our  system  is  just 
where  it  is  by  nature  destined  to  be — in  the  hands  of  demagogues, 
and  I  think  it  will  not  be  an  easy  work  to  rescue  it  from  them. 
Hamilton  is  in  utter  despair  of  the  system  !  and  he  looks  forward 
to  a  serious  commotion,  and  that  at  no  very  remote  period  ! 
There  is  a  deadly  enmity  between  Burr  and  the  Clintonians.  If 
Burr  should  be  taken  up  by  the  federalists,  and  brought  forward 
for  any  conspicuous  office,  Hamilton  and  many  of  us  will  secede 
from  the  federal  party  and  remain  passive  spectators.  We  think 
there  can  be  no  coalition  with  him  without  a  desecration  of  all 
that  is  virtuous  and  all  that  is  honorable  in  character.  .  .  . 

There  is  great  complaint  here  of  the  dulness  of  all  kinds  of 
business,  owing  to  the  peace.  We  have  had  very  considerable 
failures  in  Baltim.,  Philadelphia,  and  some  not  inconsiderable 
ones  here.  More  are  likely  to  follow.  It  is  a  consolation  amidst 
the  calamities  that  are  befalling  the  merchants,  the  lawyers  in  the 
circle  of  your  friends  are  doing  well,  altho'  of  late  they  have 
suffered,  with  other  classes,  a  diminution  of  business.  Hamilton 
is  closely  pursuing  the  law,  and  I  have  at  length  succeeded  in 
making  him  somewhat  mercenary.  I  have  known  him  latterly  to 
dun  his  clients  for  money,  and  in  settling  an  account  with  me  the 
other  day,  he  reminded  me  that  I  had  received  a  fee  for  him  in 
settling  a  question  referred  to  him  and  me  jointly.  These  indi- 
cations of  regard  to  property  give  me  hopes  that  we  shall  not  be., 
obliged  to  raise  a  subscription  to  pay  for  his  funeral  expenses.  .  .  \ 

R.  T.— l 

G.  Cabot  to  R.  King. 

April  13,  1802. 

My  Dear  Sir  : 

Our  people  distrust  the  French,  &  the  Armament  at  St.  Domingo 
will  not  be  easily  supplied  by  fair  means  ;  still  however  they 
must  be  supplied  as  all  french  Armaments  are  by  the  people  of 
the  Countries  to  which  they  come  &  such  of  their  Neighbours  as 
dare  not  resist  them  ;  they  will  get  something  by  finesse  &  ma- 
neuvring,  something  by  gross  fraud  &  the  remainder  of  their 
wants  they  will  supply  by  force.     Our  intelligence  has  been  gen- 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  105 

erally  that  the  Army  of  Le  Clerc  made  progress,  &  was  confident 
of  success,  but  knowing  as  we  do  the  policy  of  the  French  to  put 
the  best  face  on  such  affairs  until  they  are  obliged  to  abandon 
them,  it  is  not  impossible  or  improbable  that  the  Blacks  will  main- 
tain their  liberty. 

The  meditated  expedition  to  Louisiana  causes  some  anxiety  to 
the  great  men  of  the  South  who  guide  our  national  affairs,  but 
after  some  thought  I  am  of  opinion  that  more  good  than  evil  will 
ultimately  come  of  it.  Moral  good  &  I  may  say  political  so  often 
springs  from  physical  evil  &  political  troubles  that  these  may  be 
often  ascribed  without  superstition  to  the  kindness  of  a  Guardian 
Providence  We  must  suffer  all  the  miseries  internal  discord,  dis- 
union &  anarchy  inflict  if  we  are  not  irresistibly  combined  by  the 
superior  iufluence  of  a  common  interest  in  repelling  an  external 
Enemy.  It  may  therefore  be  a  blessing  to  the  United  States  to 
have  a  french  Establishment  in  Louisiana  as  strong  as  France  can 
make  it.  All  the  local  &  relative  circumstances  consider'd,  it  is 
demonstrable  that  we  have  nothing  to  fear  from  mere  force. — I 
admit  thz  possibility  of  another  sort  of  influence  which  might  work 
irreparable  mischief,  but  on  a  calculation  of  chances  I  see  such  a 
preponderance  of  those  which  are  favorable  that  I  look  to  the  end 
of  this  project  with  great  confidence  that  it  will  (after  much  suf- 
fering perhaps)  promote  our  permanent  good. 
(  You  will  see  with  pleasure  the  state  of  our  Election  in  this 
Quarter.  I  have  no  great  reliance  on  a  steady  correctness  of 
public  opinion  but  undoubtedly  Jacobinism  has  declined  a  little 
for  the  last  six  months.  The  superiority  of  the  Federal  char- 
acters in  Congress  &  the  Newspapers  evidently  depresses  &  some- 
times silences  their  opponents  who  have  the  national  government 
absolutely  in  their  hands.  How  far  those  now  in  power  will  be 
able  to  carry  the  people  is  more  doubtful  than  was  thought  a  few 
months  ago.  It  is  perfectly  understood  that  the  principle  of  the 
Admin,  is  the  popular  passion  ;  whatever  mischief  this  will  sanction 
may  be  expected  ;  but  where  this  can  not  be  had  they  will  stop. 
We  are  men  and  acting  on  french  principles,  but  as  we  are  not 
french  men,  the  French  Philosophers  make  some  mistakes  con- 
cerning us.     .     .     . 

Yours  with  aff  &  fidelity 

G.  C. 


106  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

F.  Ames  to  R.  King. 

Dedhem,  April  13,  1802. 

Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  I  do  not  despair  of  G.  B.  and  of  course  I  trust  some- 
what in  the  chances  of  the  world's  escaping  from  the  fangs  of 
french  domination.  The  ambitious  project  of  getting  Louisiana 
can  do  nothing  but  good.  We  need  as  all  nations  do  the  com- 
pression on  the  outside  of  our  circle  of  a  formidable  neighbor — 
whose  presence  shall  at  all  times  excite  stronger  fears  than  dema- 
gogues can  inspire  the  people  with  towards  their  govt.  The 
object  of  popular  aversion  and  dread  has  been  only  govt.  France 
if  she  could  float  here  and  anchor  on  our  coast  has  no  terrors 
equal  to  our  near  prospect  of  anarchy  first  and  then  Jacobin 
despotism.  We  ought  to  rejoice  in  a  new  position  of  things  in 
which  courage  toil  and  suffering  might  avail  to  extricate  us  from 
imminent  evils — instead  of  that  smooth  and  swift  descent  down 
the  precipice  that  we  have  been  making  for  a  year  past.     .     .     . 

Great  joy  is  felt  here  on  occasion  of  the  adjustment  made  with 
G.  Britain  of  the  spoliation  and  treaty  debts.  It  is  well  known 
and  truly  felt  and  acknowledged  that  your  and  Mr  Gore's  resi- 
dence in  London  has  been  infinitely  serviceable  to  the  U.  S. 
This  consideration  ought  to  keep  you  both  quiet  a  little  longer  in 
a  situation  that  the  newspapers  have  said  you  were  weary  of  and 
about  to  quit.  God  bless  you  when  you  return  with  the  sight  of 
a  country  grateful,  free  and    secure  of   it's   freedom  on  fixed 

principles. 

With  great  regard  &c 

Yrs 

Fisher  Ames. 


J.  Hale  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  13  April,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  In  mine  advising  you  of  the  patriot  Erving's  appoint- 
ment I  believe  I  indulged  gloomy  &  indignant  feelings  & 
even  urged  your  return  home.  My  indignation  at  that  &  many 
other  measures  of  the  philosopher  is  not  &  I  hope  never  will  be 
abated.  Your  continuance  however  in  your  present  important 
station  for  twelve  or  eighteen  months  to  come,  more  mature 
reflection  induces  me  seriously  to  hope.     The  London  papers 


802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  \QJ 


advise  of  your  determination  to  resign.  The  paragraphs  upon 
this  subject  I  feel  confident  have  not  been  authorized  by  you. 
On  the  other  hand  my  conjecture  has  fixed  their  source  in  the 
aforesaid  patriot  E. 

_The  philosopher's  message  at  the  opening  of  the  session   I 
transmitted  to  you.    His  recommendations  have  been  very  implic- 
itly followed.    The  results  hitherto  have  been  grateful  to  the  feel- 
ings of  the  wise  &  virtuous.     In  New  Hampshire  &  Massachusetts, 
particularly  the  latter,  the  sect  have  been  utterly  confounded  by  the 
emphatic  voice  of  the  people  against  them.     Even  the  Chronicle 
after  stating  the  votes  (as  far  as  ascertained)  to  be   20,000  for 
Strong  &  13,000  for  G.,  piously  ejaculates,  "  the  will  of  the  people 
be  done  "  !     The  confidence  &  impudence  of  the  sect  prior  to 
the  1  st  Monday  of  this  month  you  would  scarcely  credit.     Their 
present  chagrin  &  mortification  you  may  easily  conceive  of.     We 
are  creditably  informed  that  right   principles  &  correspondent 
feelings  are  not  confined  to  New  England  &  that  in  Maryland  a 
most  happy  change  has  taken  place  in  the  public  minljj  The 
Louisiana  project  must  operate  much  good.     If  you  see  the  fed- 
eral papers  at  the  northward  handling  that  project  as  of  little 
moment ;   if  you  find  them  puffing  Bonaparte  &  even  the  Gen- 
eral Bernadotte,  be   not  alarmed.     Should   matters  come  to  a 
serious  issue,  upon  yankees  principally  will  the  nation  depend  for 
its  support,  and  you  know  they  will  not  be  wanting  in  spirit  & 
energy.     But  when  called  upon  for  exertions  in  favor  of  the 
Nation,  they  expect  to  be  treated  in  other  respects  as  part  of  the 
Nation,  whose  rights  &  interest  they  are  ever  ready  to  maintain. 

It  is  more  to  be  hoped  than  expected  that  the  delays  attending 
the  settlement  of  the  definitive  treaty  will  give  more  stability  to 
the  peace.  The  present  state  of  the  Continental  powers  however 
promise  no  more  upon  this  head,  than  their  suffering  &  exhausted 
state  will  necessarily  induce.  The  sect  &  even  the  philosopher 
openly  inveigh  against  Bonaparte.  They  are  chagrined  beyond 
measure  that  he  shows  so  little  gratitude  for  their  past  attachment. 
One  source  of  apprehension  is  therefore  removed,  and  at  present 
there  is  not  much  reason  to  fear  that  we  shall  be  thrown  into  the 
arms  of  France,  should  the  present  European  armistice  end. 
Your  friend  &  obed.  Servt. 

Joseph  Hale. 


108  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

R.  King  to  Rt.  Hon.  Lord  Hawkesbury. 

Confidential. 

London,  April  91,  1802. 
My  Lord  : 

By  the  Treaty  of  Alliance  concluded  at  Paris  in  1778,  between 
the  United  States  of  America  and  France,  the  latter  renounced 
forever  the  possession  of  every  part  of  the  Continent  of  America, 
lying  to  the  East  of  the  course  of  the  Mississippi.  This  renuncia- 
tion confirming  that  which  had  been  previously  made  in  the 
Treaty  of  1763  between  Great  Britain  and  France,  authorized  the 
expectation  that  France,  content  with  her  widely  spread  domin- 
ions, would  abstain  from  seeking  an  extension  of  them  in  this  part 
of  the  American  Continent  :  an  expectation  that  appeared  the 
more  reasonable  inasmuch  as  the  motives  to  such  extension 
could  not  be  satisfactorily  reconciled  with  a  just  regard  to  the 
Rights  and  security  of  those  Powers  between  which  this  portion 
of  America  is  divided,  and  by  which  the  same  is  at  present 
possessed. 

Contrary  nevertheless  to  expectations  which  have  been  enter- 
tained on  this  subject,  if  credit  be  due  to  uniform  and  uncontra- 
dicted Reports,  the  Government  of  France  has  prevailed  upon  his 
Catholic  Majesty  to  cede  to  France  both  the  Provinces  of  Lou- 
isiana and  the  Floridas,  and  having  thus  acquired  a  station  at  the 
mouth  and  on  both  sides  of  the  Mississippi,  may  be  inclined  to 
interfere  with  and  interrupt  the  open  Navigation  of  the  River. 

By  the  Treaty  of  Peace  concluded  at  Paris  in  1783,  between  the 
United  States  of  America  and  Great  Britain,  it  is  mutually  stipu- 
lated that  the  Navigation  of  the  River  Mississippi,  from  its  source 
to  the  ocean,  shall  forever  remain  free  and  open  to  the  subjects 
of  Great  Britain  and  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
Without  enlarging  upon  the  great  and  peculiar  importance  of  this 
Navigation  to  the  United  States,  a  large  and  increasing  portion 
of  whose  people  can  conveniently  communicate  with  each  other 
and  with  foreign  countries  by  no  other  route,  I  take  the  liberty 
thro'  your  Lordship  to  request  that  the  British  Government  will 
in  confidence  explain  itself  upon  this  subject  ;  and  especially 
that  it  will  explicitly  declare  whether  any  communication  has 
been  received  by  it  from  the  Government  of  France  or  Spain 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  IO9 

respecting  the  said  cession  ;  or  whether  his  Britannic  Majesty  has 
in  any  manner  acquiesced  in,  or  sanctioned  the  same,  so  as  to 
impair  or  affect  the  stipulations  above  referred  to  concerning 
the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi ;  In  a  word,  I  intreat  your 
Lordship  to  open  yourself  on  this  occasion  with  that  freedom 
which,  in  matters  of  weighty  concern,  is  due  from  one  friendly 
nation  to  another,  and  which  in  the  present  instance,  will  have 
the  effect  to  do  away  all  those  misconceptions  that  may  otherwise 
prevail  in  respect  to  the  privity  of  Great  Britain  to  the  cession  in 
question. 

With  the  highest  consideration  and  respect  &c, 

Rufus  King. 

J.  McHenry  to  R.  King. 

Baltimore,  April  27,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Perhaps,  for  the  present,  it  may  be  as  well  to  suspend  doing 
anything  relative  to  the  engravings  of  the  Indian  Medals,  that  I 
took  the  liberty  to  request  you  to  have  executed  for  me.  My 
object  was,  to  have  used  them  in  a  collection  of  my  own  public 
papers,  that  I  had  contemplated  throwing  together,  in  a  small 
volume.  I  have  not  relinquished  this  design,  but  as  some  of  the 
pieces  may  require  notes,  and  as  the  publication  is  intended  more 
for  private  than  public  gratification,  I  am  in  no  hurry  to  carry  it 
into  effect.  Mr.  Jefferson,  I  am  told,  ordered  a  new  set  of 
medals  for  the  Indians,  with  new  devices  and  emblems.  Would 
to  God  that  he  had  confined  his  revolutionary  genius  to  things  of 
no  greater  importance,  we  should  have  had  less,  to-day,  to  appre- 
hend for  the  fate  of  the  Constitution  and  our  Country. 

The  ultimate  effects  of  peace,  upon  our  Merchants  and  the 
Country  at  large,  are  not  yet  fully  developed.  There  have  been 
several  failures  in  most  of  our  trading  Cities,  and  there  is  a  dimi- 
nution of  foreign  trade  everywhere  visible.  We  calculate  upon  a 
decrease  in  our  importations  from  the  East  Indies,  proportionate 
to  the  articles  we  received  from  that  quarter,  and  exported  during 
the  war.  We  calculate  upon  the  total  loss  of  that  part  of  our 
trade,  with  the  French  and  Spanish  Islands  and  the  Spanish 
main,  which  arose  out  of,  and  had  its  existence  in,  the  late  war. 
In  short,  we  calculate  upon  the  commerce  of  the  U.  S.  rapidly 


HO  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

and  with  few  exceptions  reverting  to,  and  flowing  only  in  those 
channels  in  which  it  flowed  previous  to  the  war  ;  of  course  the 
excess  of  our  shipping,  beyond  what  this  trade  will  require,  if  not 
purchased  by  Europeans,  must  rot  in  our  ports,  and  our  com- 
merce in  foreign  products  and  manufactures,  be  confined,  princi- 
pally if  not  wholly,  to  what  we  shall  want  for  our  own  use  or 
consumption,  and  our  exports,  to  such  part  of  our  productions 
and  industry  as  shall  be  wanted  by  foreign  nations.  If  you  can 
open  new  or  other  sources  of  trade  to  our  merchants,  you  will  be 
a  greater  benefactor  to  your  Country,  than  were  you  to  teach  our 
farmers  to  raise  two  blades  of  grass  from  a  stem  which  at  present 
produces  but  one.  Perhaps  more  correct  reflections  upon  her 
interests  may  induce  Great  Britain  to  favor  your  operations, 
should  they  be  directed  (as  I  presume  they  are)  to  liberalize  (if  I 
may  so  express  myself)  the  trade  of  this  Country  with  her  various 
foreign  possessions.  According  to  my  humble  conceptions,  it 
would  be  wisdom  in  Great  Britain,  were  she  to  open  the  doors  of 
her  Colonies,  to  our  trade,  much  wider  than  her  system  of 
restraints  and  monopoly  would  advise  or  dictate.  But  no  person 
understands  this  subject  better  than  yourself,  or  is  better  qualified 
to  make  upon  others,  the  proper  impressions.  I  shall  only  observe, 
that  a  good  commercial  treaty,  at  this  juncture,  when  our  trade  is 
either  annihilated  or  stranded,  in  almost  every  quarter,  in  which 
it  has  so  lately  flourished,  would  come  most  opportunely  to  the 
American  merchant  and  people. 

[jjmust  refer  you  to  your  other  correspondents  for  a  general 
view  of  the  state  of  politics,  and  complexion  of  public  opinion  as 
relative  to  the  capacity  of  the  existing  administration,  to  manage 
wisely  the  affairs  of  this  Country.  Here  and  there,  in  this  State, 
may  be  observed  symptoms  of  incipient  distrust  in  the  adminis- 
tration, and  disappointment  of  some  of  the  acts  and  proceedings 
of  Congress.  I  do  not  however  augur,  from  these  partial  appear- 
ances, any  sudden  change  for  the  better  in  the  democratic  part  of 
our  representation  in  Congress,  or  check  to  the  career  of  the  ad- 
ministration, altho'  the  probability  is,  that  there  will  not  be  want- 
ing matter,  to  encrease  the  bulk  of  these  discontents  until  they 
become  instrumental  in  the  production  of  good. 

Connecticut  in  this  great  and  trying  crisis  has  behaved  nobly, 
both  in  and  out  of  Congress.     Massachusetts  is  slowly  resuming 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  Ill 

her  ancient  consequence  and  imposing  posture.  Rhode  Island 
begins  to  inquire,  whether  she  is  in  the  right  path.  Tho'  little 
favourable  to  federalism  can  be  predicted  relative  to  New  York 
and  New  Jersey,  these  states  must  not  be  considered  as  irretriev- 
ably lost.  Pennsylvania  still  clings  to  democracy  ;  she  is  said  to 
be  not  quite  content  with  some  of  her  demagogues,  but  at  the 
same  time,  not  sufficiently  dissatisfied  with  them,  to  dismiss  them 
from  her  councils  or  confidence.  Of  the  Southern  states,  I  can 
say  little.  Accounts  from  them_are  various.  I  believe  the  safest 
rule  is  to  look  to  the  Eastward.    \    .     . 

Your  faithful  &  humble  servant 

James  McHenry. 

R.  King  to  Nicholas  Vansittart,  Esq. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  Ap.  29,  1802. 
Sir  : 

As  several  points  upon  which  we  have  touched  in  our  conver- 
sations respecting  the  Bill  before  Parliament,  imposing  certain 
Duties  upon  Exports  and  Imports  and  the  Tonnage  of  Vessels, 
were  the  subject  of  discussion  when  the  Convoy  Duties  were  im- 
posed, I  take  the  liberty  to  send  you  the  copy  of  the  Report 
which  I  made  to  my  Government  of  the  conference  which  on 
that  occasion  I  had  with  Mr.  Pitt,  thinking  this  as  satisfactory  a 
mode,  as  any  that  I  could  adopt,  of  communicating  to  you  the 
objections  then  made  against  certain  of  the  Provisions  of  the 
Convoy  Duty,  and  which  so  far  as  respects  the  Principle  of  the 
Export  Duties,  now  proposed  to  be  laid,  are  equally  applicable 
to  the  present  as  to  the  former  Bill. 

Without  repeating  what  has  been  already  said,  I  will  beg  of  you 
to  give  all  the  weight  which  it  deserves  to  the  obvious  and  just  in- 
fluence to  be  deduced  from  the  Spirit  and  Tenor  of  our  Treaty 
of  Amity  &c,  and  according  to  which,  as  we  think,  we  are  not 
liable  to  pay  a  higher  Duty  for  Permission  to  export  your  manu- 
factures than  is  paid  by  your  other  customers.  Agreeably  to  the 
proposed  Tariff,  the  consumers  of  British  manufactures,  living  in 
Europe,  will  pay  only  half  per  cent  for  permission  to  export  the 
same,  while  we  who  live  farther  off,  and  who  consequently  pay 
higher  freight  and  Insurance,  are  required  to  pay  double  that  rate, 
or  one  per  cent  for  the  like  Permission. 


112  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

It  is  true  that  the  difference  will  not  be  as  considerable  as 
under  the  Convoy  Law  ;  but  it  is  not  against  the  greater  or  less 
degree,  but  against  discrimination  altogether  that  we  contend. 
When  the  objection  was  formerly  pressed,  it  was  replied,  as  you 
will  perceive  by  the  enclosed  Report,  that  the  Duty  being  taken 
in  reference  to  Convoys,  which  would  cost  more  in  long  than  in 
short  voyages,  was  for  this  reason  not  inequitable.  Whatever 
force  there  might  have  been  in  this  reply,  it  must  be  admitted  to 
have  no  influence  whatever  in  reference  to  the  discrimination 
now  proposed,  the  effect  of  which  in  regard  to  American  and 
European  Purchasers  of  British  manufactures  is,  that  each  having 
purchased  goods  upon  the  same  terms  and  of  the  same  amount, 
the  former  is  called  upon  before  he  leaves  the  Warehouse  to  pay 
for  the  Government  Permission  to  carry  away  his  Purchase,  double 
the  sum  demanded  of  the  latter  for  a  like  permission  ;  and  if  the 
Americans  be  supposed  to  purchase  British  manufactures  of  the 
value  of  Six  Millions  annually,  and  it  be  likewise  admitted  that 
the  Europeans  purchase  to  the  same  amount,  the  former  will  an- 
nually pay  according  to  the  proposed  discrimination  ,£30,000 
sterling  more  than  the  latter  ;  or  in  other  words,  for  permission 
to  export  the  same  quantity  of  Goods,  the  British  Government 
will  require  the  European  purchaser  to  pay  only  £30,000,  at  the 
same  time  that  it  obliges  the  American  Purchaser  to  pay  Sixty 
Thousand. 

This  discrimination  is  at  the  same  time  too  plain  to  leave  any 
doubt  of  the  sentiments  which  it  must  unavoidably  excite  ;  and  I 
cannot  but  flatter  myself  that,  upon  a  reconsideration  of  the  sub- 
ject, it  will  be  thought  both  just  and  prudent  that  every  sort  of 
discrimination  and  preference  should  be  abolished. 

With  great  Consideration  &  Respect  &c. 

Rufus  King. 

R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  63. 

London,  Ap.  30,  1802. 
Sir: 

The  definitive  Treaty  having  been  duly  ratified,  Peace  was 
yesterday  proclaimed  with  the  accustomed  formalities.  Measures 
are  already  taken  to  reduce  the  Army  and  Navy  to  a  peace  estab- 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  1 13 

lishment  ;  and  as  the  warrants  and  orders  to  impress  Seamen  have 
been  recalled,  we  may  expect  the  discontinuance  of  farther  appli- 
cations from  American  Seamen,  detained  against  their  consent  in 
the  British  Service. 

Mr  Lenox  has  closed  his  agency,  and  according  to  your  in- 
structions delivered  over  to  Mr  Erving  the  Papers  of  his  office. 
As  this  Agency  arose  out  of  the  Transactions  of  the  war,  it  will, 
I  presume,  cease  with  the  war.  The  Consuls  being  authorized  to 
afford  during  Peace  the  Relief  due  to  our  deserted  and  distressed 
Seamen  within  their  respective  Consulate,  a  special  Agency  for 
the  purpose  will  be  unnecessary. 

Sweden  has  finally  acceded  to  the  Convention  concluded  in 
June  last  between  Great  Britian  and  Russia.  Lord  St.  Helens, 
the  English  Ambassador  at  St.  Petersburgh,  after  communicating 
this  intelligence  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Hawkesbury  of  the  2nd  in- 
stant, an  extract  whereof  has  been  published  by  this  Government, 
adds,  "I  have  moreover  the  satisfaction  of  being  enabled  to 
assure  your  Lordship  that  the  Swedish  Ambassador,  Baron  de 
Stedingk,  has  been  distinctly  informed  by  the  Count  de  Kots- 
chonbey,  the  Russian  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  that  as  the 
motives  which  had  occasioned  the  late  revival  of  the  System  of 
the  Armed  Neutrality  were  now  happily  done  away  with,  that 
System  is  considered  by  this  Court  as  completely  annulled  and 
abandoned,  not  only  as  a  general  code  of  maritime  Law,  but 
even  in  its  more  limited  meaning  of  a  specific  engagement  between 
Russia  and  other  Confederates." 

Lord  Hawkesbury  has  recently  informed  me  that  Mr.  Merry, 
and  not  Mr.  Jackson,  will  be  sent  to  the  United  States  as  Mr! 
Liston's  Successor.  Mr.  Merry  has  taken  Mr.  Jackson's  place  as 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  at  Paris  for  the  purpose  of  exchanging 
the  Ratifications  of  the  Definitive  Treaty  ;  and  I  understand  that 
he  will  probably  be  sent  to  Madrid  on  a  particular  service  before 
he  embarks. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 
vol.  Iv.-8  RuFUS  KlNG* 


114  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 
No.  64. 

London,  May  3,  1802. 
Sir: 

In  order  that  the  pecuniary  affairs  of  the  United  States  might 
be  managed  with  economy  and  that  I  myself  might  be  free  from 
unnecessary  accountability  in  respect  to  the  public  money  dis- 
bursed in  this  country,  I  settled  an  arrangement  with  Mess.  Bird, 
Savage  &  Bird,  who  were  recommended  to  me  by  my  Predecessor, 
which  I  communicated  to  the  Department  of  State  immediately 
after  my  arrival  here. 

By  this  arrangement  these  Gentlemen  agreed  to  receive  all  such 
public  money,  and  to  apply  the  same  according  to  the  directions 
which  should  from  time  to  time  be  given  to  them.  For  the  col- 
lection, custody  and  disbursement  thereof,  they  were  to  charge  no 
commission,  but  in  case  they  should  be  occasionally  called  upon 
for  advances,  exceeding  the  money  in  hand,  they  were  at  liberty 
to  charge  interest  at  the  rate  of  five  per  cent  from  the  date  of 
such  advance  till  its  reimbursement  ;  and  in  order  that  we  might 
not  be  paying  interest  for  advances  in  one  branch  of  the  public 
Expenditures,  while  another  was  in  Cash,  no  loans  were  to  be 
made,  nor  interest  paid,  except  for  such  sum  as  the  aggregate  of 
the  whole  Expenditures  exceeded  the  total  amount  of  the  money 
in  hand.  These  loans  were  reimbursed  as  soon  as  farther  re- 
mittances were  received  ;  and  by  this  course  on  the  one  hand 
the  public  service  was  liable  to  no  disappointment  from  the  fail- 
ure or  want  of  punctuality  in  Remittances,  and  on  the  other  this 
security  and  accommodation  were  obtained  upon  terms  both 
reasonable  and  convenient.  No  part  of  the  public  Funds,  in  any 
instances,  remained  in  my  possession,  the  Bills  of  exchange,  as 
soon  as  received,  having  in  all  cases  been  sent  to  Mess.  Bird, 
Savage  &  Bird  for  collection.  According  to  my  Instructions,  as 
well  as  from  the  nature  of  the  case,  a  superintendence  and  con- 
trol over  these  Funds,  were  annexed  to  my  office,  and  hitherto 
the  duty  has  been  duly  discharged. 

Although  I  have  received  no  particular  Instructions  upon  the 
subject,  I  had  no  sooner  looked  into  the  business  of  the  Prize 
cases  depending  in  the  Tribunals  of  this  country,  and  with  the 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  1 15 

prosecution  whereof  the  public  had  charged  itself,  than  I  per- 
ceived the  expediency  of  adopting  immediate  measures  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  the  money  which  might  be  recovered  for  the 
several  Claimants,  and  of  obtaining  a  reimbursement  of  the  Ex- 
penses, which  the  Government  had  already  incurred,  and  would 
be  liable  to  incur,  in  the  prosecution  of  the  claims. 

With  respect  to  the  first ;  as  the  public  Agent  received  a  salary 
it  appeared  to  me  unfit  that  he  should  charge  the  claimants 
with  a  Commission  ;  and  as  many  disagreements  existed  not  only 
in  relation  to  the  several  proportions  of  claims  belonging  to  more 
than  one  person,  but  disputes  of  a  still  more  difficult  nature  in 
cases  of  Bankruptcy  and  Insolvency,  and  in  which  the  money  was 
liable  to  be,  and  in  some  instances  had  been,  attached  in  the 
Agent's  hand,  to  await  the  decisions  of  the  English  Tribunals,  I 
instructed  the  Agent  in  no  case  to  charge  the  Claimants  a  Com- 
mission and  took  measures  that  all  monies  recovered  from  the 
Captors  or  the  British  Government  (after  deducting  the  costs 
which  had  been  advanced  by  the  United  States)  should  be  paid 
directly  into  the  Bank  of  England  and  placed  to  my  credit  in 
my  official  capacity.  This  precaution  put  an  end  to  all  further 
suits,  as  by  reason  of  my  office  I  could  not  be  made  a  party  to 
them.  I  executed  a  Power  of  Attorney  authorizing  the  public 
Agent  to  draw  for  the  money  thus  standing  to  my  credit  in  the 
Bank  of  England  in  order  that  the  same  might  be  paid  over  to 
the  claimants,  and  prepared  and  sent  him  special  Instructions 
concerning  the  discharges  which  he  should  require  of  them. 

In  regard  to  money  standing  on  account  of  Costs,  which  had 
been  incurred  by  the  public,  I  ordered  that  the  same  should  in  all 
cases  be  paid  over  to  Bird,  Savage  &  Bird,  and  credited  to  the 
funds  for  the  prosecution  of  appeals. 

This  arrangement  had  the  advantage  of  being  a  convenient 
check  upon  the  important  accounts  of  the  public  Agent.  The 
Bank  account  will  show  that  no  part  of  the  money  thus  placed 
to  my  credit  has  been  drawn  for  except  by  the  Agents,  nor  by 
them  except  in  favour  of  the  claimants.  Messrs.  Bird,  Savage  & 
Bird's  accounts  joined  to  that  of  the  Agent  will  likewise  shew  the 
sums  which  have  been  detained  on  account  of  Costs  incurred  by 
the  Public,  as  well  as  the  manner  in  which  such  sums  have  after- 
wards been  disposed  of. 


Il6  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

I  have  thought  it  proper  to  trouble  you  with  this  communica- 
tion instead  of  referring  you  to  my  early  correspondence  with  the 
Department  of  State  upon  this  subject  ;  and  I  am  led  to  do  so 
principally  in  consequence  of  an  embarrassment  which  has 
lately  happened  by  the  refusal  of  Messrs  Bird,  Savage  &  Bird 
to  advance  to  Mr.  Lenox  the  money  requisite  to  enable  him  to 
reimburse  the  advances  which  have  been  made  for  the  relief  and 
protection  of  our  Seamen  up  to  the  first  day  of  this  month. 
According  to  his  Instructions,  Mr.  Lenox  furnished  me  with  a 
statement  of  the  money  wanted  for  this  purpose  ;  and  agreeably 
to  my  Instructions  and  the  plan  which  had  been  settled  with 
Messrs  Bird,  Savage  &  Bird,  I  wrote  a  letter  to  them  requesting 
that  they  would  pay  to  Mr.  Lenox  ;£8oo.,  the  amount  of  his 
Estimate.  These  Gentlemen  paid  to  Mr.  Lenox  ;£  250.,  being  the 
amount  of  the  last  year's  Remittances  for  this  service,  but  refused 
to  advance  the  difference  in  pursuance,  as  they  allege  in  their 
letter  to  me,  of  direct  instructions  from  the  Department  of  the 
Treasury,  which  require  them  to  limit  their  disbursements,  by 
the  sums  remitted  to  them,  and  forbid  them  on  any  occasion  to 
make  advances  on  the  public  credit. 

As  these  Instructions  have  had  the  effect  to  transfer  the 
superintendence  and  control  of  the  public  Expenditures  in  this 
country  from  the  Minister  to  the  Agents  of  the  Treasury,  without 
enquiring  whether  the  reform  is  likely  to  prove  advantageous 
to  the  public,  there  can  be  no  hesitation  on  my  part  in 
acquiescing  in  it,  and  accordingly  I  shall  not  in  future,  without 
special  instructions,  regard  our  pecuniary  affairs  here,  as  in  any 
sort  under  my  control  and  direction. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


J.  Marshall  to  R.  King. 

Richmond,  May  5,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

This  fortunate  accomplishment  of  the  long  &  difficult  negotia- 
tion with  which  you  were  charged,  is  peculiarly  gratifying  to  those 
who  unite  a  knowledge  of  the  embarrassing  circumstances  attend- 


1802]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  11/ 

ing  it,  to  a  real  wish  that  your  embassy  may  be  as  honorable  to 
yourself  as  it  has  been  useful  to  your  country. 

You  have  effected  what,  in  America,  has  been  heretofore 
deemed  impracticable.  You  have  made  a  treaty  with  one  of  the 
great  rival  Nations  of  Europe,  which  is  not  only  acceptable  to  all, 
but  the  merit  of  which  is  claimed  by  both  parties.  The  advocates 
of  the  present  administration  ascribe  to  it  great  praise,  for  having, 
with  so  much  dexterity  &  so  little  loss,  extricated  our  country 
from  a  debt  of  twenty-four  million  of  dollars  in  which  a  former 
administration  had  involved  it  ;  while  the  friends  of  the  ancient 
state  of  things,  are  not  slow  in  adding  the  present  happy  accomo- 
dation to  the  long  list  of  their  Merits. 

Yet  amidst  this  universal  approbation  so  correctly  given  to  an 
adjustment  of  differences  which  unquestionably  deserve  it,  the 
mortifying  reflection  obtrudes  itself,  that  the  reputation  of  the 
most  wise  &  skilful  conduct  depends,  in  this  our  capricious  world, 
so  much  on  accident.  Had  Mr.  Adams  been  reelected  President 
of  the  United  States,  or  had  his  successor  been  a  gentleman 
whose  political  opinions  accorded  with  those  held  by  the  preced- 
ing executive,  a  very  different  reception,  I  still  believe,  would 
have  been  given  to  the  same  measure.  The  payment  of  a  specific 
sum  would  then  have  been  pronounced,  by  those  who  now  take 
merit  to  themselves  for  it,  a  humiliating  national  degradation,  an 
abandonment  of  national  interest,  a  free  will  offering  of  millions 
to  Britain  for  her  grace  &  favor,  by  those  who  sought  to  engage 
in  a  war  with  France,  rather  than  repay,  in  part,  by  a  small  loan 
to  that  republic,  the  immense  debt  of  gratitude  we  owe  her. 

Such  is,  &  such  I  fear  will  ever  be  human  justice  ! 

When  I  recollect  the  advantage  actually  gained  by  Great 
Britain,  in  having  obtained  the  fifth  commissioner,  I  am  truly 
surprized  at  the  sum  agreed  on.  I  believe  it  is  as  much,  &  not 
more  than,  in  strict  justice,  ought  to  be  paid,  but,  after  the  im- 
pressions made  by  the  late  board  of  commissioners  I  really  appre- 
hended strict  justice  to  be  unattainable  ;  &  I  think,  not  only,  that 
great  credit  is  due  to  the  American  Negotiator  for  having  reduced 
this  enormous  claim  to  a  reasonable  amount,  but  that,  all  circum- 
stances considered,  some  sentiment  of  respect  should  be  felt  for 
the  moderation  &  equity  of  the  English  Minister. 

The  national  tribunals,  I  hope  will  continue  to  manifest,  in  the 


Il8  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

exposition  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  "  that  share  of  prudence,"  which 
is  required  by  justice,  &  which  can  alone  preserve  the  reputation 
of  the  nation. 

Public  opinion  in  this  quarter  of  the  union  has  sustained  no 
essential  change.  That  disposition  to  coalesce  with  what  is,  now, 
the  majority  in  America  as  well  as  in  this  state,  which  was  strongly 
display'd  by  the  minority  twelve  months  past,  exists  no  longer. 
It  has  expired.  But  the  minority  is  only  recovering  its  strength 
&  firmness.     It  acquires  nothing 

Our  political  tempests  will  long,  very  long,  exist,  after  those 
who  are  now  toss'd  about  by  them  shall  be  at  restj 

Your  obedt.  Servt. 

J.  Marshall. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

King  to  Secretary  of  State— Bill  imposing  Duties  on  Exports  and  Imports 
passed— King  to  Secretary  of  State— Has  asked  Lord  Hawkesbury  for  a 
confidential  Statement  of  Views  of  the  British  Government  about  Louisi- 
ana Cession— Lord  Hawkesbury  to  King— Confidential  Answer— King  to 
Hamilton— Louisiana  Cession— Troup  to  King— American  Politics— Cabot 
to  King— Sees  Danger  in  the  European  Peace— France  ambitious,  rest- 
less—King to  Low— His  Opinion  of  Samuel  Williams— King  to  Secretary 
of  State — Debate  on  the  Peace — Convention  between  Great  Britain  and 
Russia— King  to  Secretary  of  State— Embarrassment  with  Trade  through 
French  Laws— Affairs  of  Bird  &  Co.  embarrassed— King  to  Dr.  Drury — 
Wishes  his  Sons  advanced  as  much  as  possible — Drury  to  King — Does  not 
advise  pushing  them— Course  at  Harrow— Hamilton  to  King— He  should 
return  Home — Reasons  given — General  Opinion  of  Affairs  in  the  United 
States— Troup  to  King— Affairs  in  United  States,  especially  relative  to 
Burr. 

R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  65. 

London,  May  5,  1802. 
Sir: 

The  Bill  imposing  Duties  on  Exports  and  Imports  and  the 
Tonnage  Duties  has  passed  the  House  of  Commons,  and  will 
doubtless  go  through  the  House  of  Lords,  and  receive  the  Royal 
assent,  without  alteration  :  if  it  be  yet  printed,  I  will  enclose  a 
copy  thereof  with  this  Letter. 

In  respect  to  the  Duties  on  Imports,  the  Bill,  in  effect,  revives 
the  correspondent  Provisions  of  the  Convoy  Act,  with  the  addi- 
tion in  most  cases,  of  a  fifth  to  the  Duties  imposed  by  that  act. 
The  Tonnage  Duties  as  well  as  the  Duties  upon  Goods  exported 
to  any  part  of  Europe  are  the  same  as  under  the  Convoy  Act  : 
the  Duties  upon  Goods  exported  to  America  and  other  places  out 
of  Europe  are  reduced  to  half  the  rates  imposed  by  the  Convoy 
Act  ;  and  with  regard  to  articles  excepted  from  the  payment  of 
Duties  inwards  and  outwards,  as  well  as  to  the  regulations  for 

119 


120  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

warehousing  certain  Goods,  and  allowing  Drawbacks  in  case  of 
re-exportation,  the  like  provisions  are  contained  in  the  present 
Bill,  as  were  inserted  in  the  Convoy  Act. 

In  consequence  of  the  large  quantity  of  Cotton  lately  imported 
from  the  United  States  and  the  superior  quality  of  a  portion  of 
the  Georgia  Cotton,  it  was  proposed  to  put  a  higher  Duty  upon 
our  cotton  than  upon  that  of  Turkey,  which  is  of  an  inferior 
quality.  But  on  conferring  with  the  officers  charged  with  the 
settlement  of  these  Duties,  the  discrimination  has  been  given  up, 
and  without  distinguishing  between  Sea  Island  and  other  cotton 
of  the  United  States,  as  had  at  first  been  proposed,  the  duty  is 
reduced  to  the  lowest  rate  or  to  that  imposed  upon  the  Cotton  of 
Turkey  :  and  as  all  other  Cotton  will  pay  higher  Duties  than  that 
of  the  United  States  and  Turkey,  ours  will  stand  upon  a  compar- 
atively good  footing  in  this  market. 

As  the  proposed  Tonnage  Duty  upon  our  Vessels  is  as  low  as 
upon  the  Vessels  of  any  other  country,  and  applies  to  British 
equally  with  foreign  Vessels,  so  far  as  respects  discrimination 
there  is  nothing  to  complain  of. 

With  regard  to  the  proposed  Export  Duty,  after  several  confer- 
ences with  Mr.  Vansittart  of  the  Treasury,  to  whom  I  was  referred 
by  Lord  Hawkesbury  to  discuss  the  subject,  and  in  which  I 
urged,  but  without  success,  the  abolition  of  all  discrimination 
between  the  Purchasers  of  British  Manufactures,  I  thought  it  my 
duty  to  write  him  a  letter  *  upon  the  subject,  a  copy  whereof  is 
annexed  ;  if  his  answer  should  be  received  in  time,  a  copy  of  it 
shall  also  be  subjoined. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c 

Rufus  King. 


R.  Troup  to  R.  King. 

New  York,  6  May,  1802. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

,     .     .     Burr  has   gone   south   on   an   ostensible   visit  to  his 

daughter,  who  married  a  man  named  Alston,  and  is  settled  in 

Charleston.     The  real  object  of  the  visit  is  well  understood,  and 

it  is  supposed  to  occasion  at  least  a  sigh  to  Jefferson.     I  think, 

*  Letter  29th  April,  p.  in. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  121 

however,  and  such  is  the  general  opinion,  that  Jefferson  has  not 
a  formidable  rival  in  Burr.  The  Clintonian  party,  which  is 
warmly  attached  to  Jefferson,  in  this  State  is  much  more  influen- 
tial than  Burr's  party  ;  and  the  Clintonian  party  hate  Burr  as 
much  as  the  Jacobins  in  France  hate  Bonaparte.  In  this  city  the 
Clintonians  and  Burrites  are  at  dagger's  points.  Their  feuds  at 
our  late  election  were  a  subject  of  no  small  gratification  to  our 
zealous  federalists.  The  Clintonian  and  democratic  printer  in 
this  City  during  the  winter  has  blackguarded  Burr  without  re- 
serve. At  Washington  it  is  understood  he  has  played  a  little 
cunning  and  trimming  game.  Jefferson  and  his  friends  think 
they  know  him  profoundly.     .     .     . 

In  this  State  federalism  begins  to  rise  from  its  tomb,  as  evi- 
denced by  the  recent  election.  .  .  .  The  violence  of  Clinton 
and  his  adherents  and  the  violence  also  of  Jefferson  in  removals 
from  office  have  excited  a  powerful  public  sentiment  against  their 
administration.  By  the  bye,  Mrs.  Montgomery^cajls  Jefferson's 
administration  a  philosophical  experiment.     .     .     .  \ 

Your  convention  is  ratified.  A  few  days  ago  Congress  was 
occupied  with  a  bill  to  carry  it  into  effect.  It  is  very  grateful  to 
all  parties.  Mrs.  Montgomery  says  the  chancellor  writes  in  very 
strong  terms  of  approbation  of  your  conduct.  There  is  not  the 
least  probability  of  your  recall.  The  democrats  are  changing 
their  tone  with  respect  to  France,  and  particularly  with  respect 
to  Bonaparte.  It  is  certain  that  the  chancellor  has  not  been 
pleased  with  his  reception.  I  should  not  be  surprised  if  violent 
hatred  was  to  succeed  the  violent  love  for  the  Great  Nation. 
Bonaparte  is  universally  cursed.  Louisiana  and  the  Islands  are 
a  subject  of  great  heartburning  with  Jefferson  and  his  adherents  ; 
at  length  their  eyes  are  beginning  to  open.  Our  captains  of  ves- 
sels and  merchants  have  been  most  infamously  treated  by  Le 
Clerc  at  St.  Domingo.  The  general  opinion  here  is  that  the  con- 
quest of  Toussaint  and  his  followers  will  be  a  lengthy,  expensive 
and  bloody  job.  If  the  war  in  Europe  should  recommence,  Le 
Clerc  will  be  defeated,  and  probably  compelled  to  quit  St.  Do- 
mingo, if  he  can. 

w  Mr.  Jay  is  in  the  deepest  retirement  and  his  name  is  scarcely 
ever  mentioned.  .  .  .  Hamilton  is  devoted  to  the  law — is 
making  money  faster  than  ever.     .     .     .     Mr.   Rensselaer,  the 


122  KUFUS  KING.  [1802 

Patroon,  is  to  be  married  in  the  course  of  two  or  three  weeks 
to  Miss  Paterson,  a  daughter  of  Judge  Paterson  of  New 
Jersey.     .     .     .  ~^ 


Yours 


R.  T. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  66. 

London,  May  7,  1802. 
Sir: 

Among  the  few  great  principles  of  national  policy  worthy 
of  fixing  the  attention  of  our  Statesmen,  I  am  willing  to  hope 
there  is  not  one,  concerning  which  there  is  greater  unanimity  of 
opinion  than  in  that  which  enjoins  upon  us  all  to  do  our  utmost 
in  every  way  and  upon  all  occasions,  to  maintain  and  perpetuate 
the  union  of  our  country. 

With  this  persuasion,  though  the  subject  may  not  be  thought 
to  be  included  among  the  duties  of  my  mission,  I  have  not  been 
able  to  remain  inattentive  or  indifferent  to  the  cession  of  Louisi- 
ana and  the  Floridas  to  France,  because  I  have  viewed  it  as  a 
measure  calculated,  and  possibly  intended,  to  weaken  and  divide 
us,  I  have  already  communicated  to  you  what  passed  between  me 
and  the  Ministers  of  this  Country  in  relation  to  this  cession,  dur- 
ing the  negotiation  for  Peace  ;  but  as  these  communications  were 
merely  verbal,  and  as  it  appeared  to  me  to  be  of  some  importance 
that  they  should  be  distinctly  and  formally  confirmed,  as  well  as 
that  they  should  be  ascertained  of  the  sentiments  of  this  Govern- 
ment in  respect  to  this  cession,  I  prepared  and  sent  to  Lord 
Hawkesbury  a  confidential  Letter  *  upon  the  subject,  a  copy 
whereof,  together  with  a  copy  of  his  answer,  is  annexed.  I  will 
only  add  that  I  have  reason  to  be  satisfied  that  the  cession  of 
Louisania  and  the  Floridas  is  considered  by  all  the  late  Ministry, 
as  well  as  by  all  other  men  of  influence  in  this  country,  as  a 
measure  of  the  greatest  consequence,  and  which  must  have  an 
unavoidable  influence  upon  the  duration  of  Peace. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c 

Rufus  King. 

*  April  21,  1802,  page  108. 


1802]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  123 


Lord  Hawkesbury  to  Rufus  King,  Esq. 

Confidential. 

Downing  Street,  7th  May,  1802. 
Sir  : 

I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  confiden- 
tial Letter  of  21st  ultimo. 

It  is  impossible  that  so  important  an  Event,  as  the  cession  of 
Louisiana  by  Spain  to  France,  should  be  regarded  by  the  King  in 
any  other  light  than  as  highly  interesting  to  his  Majesty  and  to  the 
United  States  ;  and  should  render  it  more  necessary  than  ever  that 
there  should  subsist  between  the  two  Governments  that  spirit  of 
confidence  which  is  become  so  essential  to  the  security  of  their 
respective  Territories  and  Possessions. 

With  regard  to  the  free  Navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  I  conceive 
that  it  is  perfectly  clear,  according  to  the  Law  of  Nations,  that  in 
the  event  of  the  District  of  Louisiana  being  ceded  to  France,  that 
Country  would  come  into  the  possession  of  it,  subject  to  all  the  en- 
gagements which  appertained  to  it  at  the  time  of  cession,  and  that 
the  French  Government  could  consequently  allege  no  colourable 
pretext  for  excluding  his  Majesty's  subjects,  or  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States  from  the  navigation  of  the  River  Mississippi. 

With  regard  to  the  second  Question  in  your  Letter,  I  can  have 
no  difficulty  in  informing  you,  that  no  communication  whatever 
has  been  received  by  his  Majesty  from  the  Government  of  France 
or  Spain,  relative  to  any  Convention  or  Treaty  for  the  cession  of 
Louisiana  or  the  Floridas,  and  I  can  at  the  same  time  most  truly 
assure  you  that  his  Majesty  has  not  in  any  manner,  directly  or  in- 
directly acquiesced  in  or  sanctioned  this  cession. 

In  making  this  communication  to  you  for  the  information  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  I  think  it  right  to  acquaint  you 
that  his  Majesty  will  be  anxious  to  learn  their  sentiments  on 
every  part  of  this  subject,  and  the  line  of  policy  which  they  will 
be  induced  to  adopt  in  the  event  of  this  arrangement  being  car- 
ried into  effect. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  great  consideration 

Hawkesbury. 


124  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

R.  King  to  General  Hamilton. 

Secret  and  confidential. 

London,  May  7,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

As  I  know  of  no  measure  from  abroad  which  is  capable  of  such 
extensive  and  injurious  effects  as  the  cession  of  Louisiana  and  the 
Floridas  to  France  it  has  been  a  subject  of  my  unremitting  solici- 
tude and  attention  from  the  moment  of  our  first  suspicions  con- 
cerning it.  Its  importance  was  fully  and  frequently  developed  to 
the  ministers  of  this  country  before  the  conclusion  of  the  Pre- 
liminaries and  during  the  negotiation  at  Amiens  ;  but  no  expla- 
nation was  demanded  of  France,  lest  it  should  embarrass  the 
conclusion  of  Peace. 

Mr.  Pinckney  absurdly  enough  is  offering  to  purchase  the  Floridas 
of  Spain,  which  has  already  disposed  of  them.  Mr.  Livingston 
can  obtain  no  answer  whatever  to  his  repeated  notes  on  this  sub- 
ject at  Paris,  while  we  learn  for  a  certainty  that  an  Expedition  to 
be  commanded  by  Bernadotte  is  already  prepared  in  the  Ports  of 
France,  and  will  go  directly  to  the  Mississippi  unless  the  bad 
state  of  the  affairs  of  St.  Domingo  should  alter  its  destination. 

In  these  circumstances  I  have  thought  it  prudent  to  ask  this 
Government  to  explain  itself  upon  this  important  measure,  and  I 
send  you  in  entire  confidence  Copies  of  my  Letter  and  of  the 
answer  which  I  have  received  and  transmitted  to  the  Department 
of  State. 

In  Thornton's  last  Dispatches  which  I  have  seen,  he  repeats  a 
conversation  between  him  and  the  President,  in  which  the  latter 
is  represented  to  have  said  that  this  cession  would  inevitably 
change  the  political  System  of  the  United  States  in  respect  to 
their  foreign  Relations  ;  inasmuch  as  it  would  lead  to  jealousies, 
irritation  and  hostility  ;  and,  alluding  to  the  northwest  boundary 
of  the  United  States,  suggested  the  expediency  of  an  immediate 
settlement  of  it  by  an  agreement  to  close  the  boundary  by  taking 
for  that  purpose  the  shortest  line  between  Lake  Superior  and  any 
part  of  the  Mississippi. 

With  sincere  regards  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  1 25 

G.  Cabot  to  R.  King. 

May  11,  i3o2. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

I  congratulate  you  on  the  success  of  your  Convention  which  is 
approved  by  men  of  all  parties.  We  are  this  moment  told  that 
the  Definitive  Treaty  is  signed  at  Amiens  but  many  of  us  see  as 
much  danger  in  the  peace  as  we  apprehended  in  the  war ;  for 
myself  I  decided  early  that  there  cou'd  be  no  security  in  paper 
promises  against  a  nation  of  conquerors — with  the  power  which 
France  possesses  she  cannot  possibly  be  at  rest  j  all  experience  of 
human  nature  forbids  the  expectation  that  she  will  cease  from  her 
exertions  until  she  is  compelled  by  force  or  shall  conquer  the 
remains  of  civilized  States.  It  might  be  very  troublesome  to  us 
but  wou'd  probably  be  happy  for  other  nations  if  France  shou'd 
assail  us  so  rudely  as  to  unite  us  internally  in  a  determined  re- 
sistance— we  cou'd  not  injure  her  by  any  force  of  our  own  but  we 
cou'd  defend  ourselves  with  certainty  if  united  &  cou'd  do  so 
much  toward  sustaining  those  who  are  able  to  injure  her  that  she 
cou'd  have  no  hope  of  success. 

\^The  Sect  "  which  now  governs  has  lost  much  reputation  since 
the  meeting  of  Congress  ;  the  want  of  principle  has  not  been 
more  manifest  than  the  want  of  talents  &  weight  of  character. 
So  much  time  &  labor  has  been  employed  in  search  of  faults 
without  finding  any  in  the  Members  of  the  old  administrations 
that  men  are  irresistibly  led  to  the  conclusion  that  the  charges 
against  them  were  false  which  were  circulated  while  they  were  in 
power.— From  Maryland  to  New  Hampshire  inclusively  the 
career  of  Jacobinism  is  arrested  &  in  most  places  the  tide  of 
opinion  sets  the  other  way.  You  know  we  were  all  deteriorating 
last  year,  the  progress  is  everywhere  checked,  in  most  places 
stopped,  &  in  many  the  course  changed.  There  has  never  been 
a  period  when  the  Federal  Cause  was  maintained  with  more  good 
sense  and  dignity  than  since  its  leaders  &  advocates  have  been 
in  the  minority.  I  am  fully  persuaded  that  the  Federalists  have 
a  more  salutary  influence  than  they  cou'd  have  had  if  the  Presi- 
dential Election  had  issued  according  to  their  wishes — they  can- 
not effect  a  positive  act  but  they  prevent  almost  every  bad  one 
that  is  meditated  &  those  which  pass  in  spite  of  opposition  still 
have  one  good  effect  that  of  strengthening  the  federal  cause — all 


126  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

this  needs  no  further  explanation,  so  I  pray  God  to  preserve  you 
many  years  !~\ 

G.  C. 


R.  King  to  N.  Low. 

London,  May  15,  1802. 

Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  I  am  glad  you  happened  to  ask  my  opinion  respecting 
Mr.  Samuel  Williams,  who  has  been  removed  from  the  orifices  of 
Consul  and  Agent  for  the  prosecution  of  claims  and  appeals. 
Indeed  I  almost  reproach  myself  for  not  having  mentioned  him 
to  you  after  I  heard  of  his  removal.  I  am  inclined  to  hope  that 
the  public  as  well  as  individuals,  whose  concerns  were  entrusted 
to  Mr.  Williams,  may  be  faithfully  served  by  his  successor ;  but 
sure  I  am  they  are  not  likely  to  be  better  served  :  for  I  am  con- 
vinced the  public  has  not  had  in  its  employ  a  more  attentive, 
intelligent  and  faithful  Officer  than  Mr.  Williams.  I  have  known 
him  well  for  more  than  twenty  years  (or,  as  our  friend  Genl. 
Knox  would  say,  upwards  of  a  quarter  of  a  century).  He  was 
my  contemporary  at  College,  has  been  known  to  me  ever  since, 
and  was  removed  from  Hamburgh  to  London  at  my  request,  on 
account  of  his  peculiar  fitness  for  the  employ,  and  I  would  con- 
fide my  business  and  property  to  him,  as  I  am  persuaded  you  and 
others  may  do,  with  the  most  unreserved  confidence  in  his  In- 
tegrity and  Talents. 

He  is  a  man  of  property,  has  been  regularly  bred  to  business 
and  is  established  in  London.  I  may  add  that  he  has  the  unani- 
mous testimony  of  the  Board  of  Commissioners,  which  his  late 
colleague,  Mr.  Cabot,  also  possessed,  of  having  neglected  nothing 
in  performing  his  duties  in  connection  with  them.  I  think  it  no 
more  than  mere  justice  to  Mr.  Williams  to  say  thus  much,  and  to 
add  my  consent  that  you  should  communicate  the  same  to  any 
person  who  may  desire  to  be  acquainted  with  his  reputation. 
With  perfect  Regard  &  Esteem 

Rufus  King. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  \2J 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  67. 

London,  May  17,  1802. 
Sir  : 

As  Lord  Grenville's  speech  against  the  Definitive  Treaty  of 
Peace,  and  Lord  Hawkesbury's  in  vindication  of  it,  will  both  be 
printed  under  their  respective  correction,  and  as  these  will  con- 
tain more  exactly  than  I  could  give  them  the  arguments  made  use 
of  in  the  two  Houses  of  Parliament  when  the  Treaty  was  under 
consideration,  it  is  unnecessary  that  I  should  do  more  than  state 
the  division  which  was  strong  in  both  Houses  in  support  of  the 
Treaty ;  the  opposition  had  only  16  in  the  Lords,  and  20  in  the 
Commons.  As  soon  as  these  discourses  are  published  I  will  take 
care  to  send  you  copies  of  them. 

Herewith  you  will  receive  a  copy  of  the  Convention  and  ad- 
ditional articles  between  Great  Britain  and  Russia,  together  with 
the  acts  of  accession  of  Denmark  and  Sweden.  The  explanatory 
article,  concerning  the  Colony  Trade,  taken  in  connection  with 
Lord  Grenville's  speech,  which  I  formerly  sent  you,  on  the  Rus- 
sian Convention,  is  worthy  of  attention  ;  as  the  article  consenting 
to  as  free  a  Trade  between  the  Colonies  and  the  North  of  Europe 
as  may  be  carried  on  between  them  and  the  United  States,  is  a 
departure  from  a  contrary  system  which  it  has  been  the  view  of 
the  past  administration  to  establish  and  may  become  the  founda- 
tion of  doing  away  the  discrimination  in  favour  of  direct  trade 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  sanctioned  by  the 
last  Treaty  between  Great  Britain  and  Russia. 

I  likewise  enclose  a  copy  of  the  Law  just  passed,  imposing  Duties 
upon  Imports  and  Exports,  and  upon  the  Tonnage  of  Vessels. 

Mr.  Eaton,  who  returned  to  Tunis  on  the  istof  March,  informs 
me  that  the  Tagan,  cloths  and  Jewels  had  all  arrived  in  safety, 
and  proved  highly  acceptable  to  the  Bey  ;  and  Mr.  Gavino  in  a 
letter  dated  on  the  5th  ultimo,  acknowledges  the  receipt  of  the 
arms  prepared  by  Mortimer  and  Company,  which  arrived  at 
Gibraltar  on  the  second  of  the  same  month,  and  were  to  be  put 
on  board  the  first  American  Frigate  touching  there  and  bound  up 
the  Mediterranean. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


128  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 
No.  68. 

London,  May  26,  1802. 
Sir: 

Considerable  solicitude  has  prevailed  among  the  British  manu- 
facturers and  merchants  concerning  their  Trade  with  France,  and 
her  late  Allies,  founded  upon  the  Belief  that  France  would  ex- 
clude either  wholly,  or  in  a  very  great  degree,  the  Manufactures 
of  this  country.  The  prohibitory  laws  of  France,  passed  during 
the  war,  have  been  declared  to  be  in  force,  and  were  it  not  for  a 
recent  and  extraordinary  Law,  which  puts  into  the  hands  of  the 
Chief  Consul,  provisionally,  the  whole  Regulation  of  Commerce^ 
as  well  in  respect  to  the  Imports,  as  to  the  admission  and  exclu- 
sion of  foreign  Manufacturers,  no  English  Fabrics  could  be,  as  at 
present  very  few  are,  imported  into  France  ;  the  want  of  some- 
thing ascertained  and  uniform  upon  this  subject  has  operated  to 
discourage  all  regular  and  advantageous  Commerce  between  the 
two  Countries. 

This  inconvenience  has  without  doubt  been  already  felt  on  both 
sides,  and  in  consequence  thereof  we  are  told  that  France  has 
made  an  overture,  not  to  enter  into  a  commercial  Treaty,  but  to 
digest  and  agree  in  certain  understood  and  reciprocal  Regulations 
to  be  established  by  Law,  and  according  to  which  the  Trade  be- 
tween the  two  countries  should  be  carried  on  for  a  limited  time. 
A  Proposition  of  this  sort  is  under  consideration  here,  and  seems 
likely  to  become  the  foundation  of  a  new  experiment  to  regulate 
the  mutual  Dealings  of  these  Rival  Countries.  Unless,  however, 
a  Law  be  immediately  passed  vesting  in  the  Executive  here,  as 
has  been  done  in  France,  the  power  of  regulating  the  commercial 
intercourse  between  France  and  Great  Britain,  the  subject  must 
be  referred  to  a  new  Parliament,  as  it  is  believed  that  the  present 
Parliament  will  be  dissolved  in  the  course  of  three  weeks,  in  order 
that  the  General  Election  may  take  place  without  interfering  with 
the  Harvests. 

Circumstances  have  lately  occurred  in  addition  to  the  refusal 
of  Bird,  Savage  and  Bird  to  advance  to  Mr.  Lenox  the  money  to 
enable  him  to  clear  off  his  public  accounts,  which  have  created  in 
my  mind  a  suspicion  that  their  affairs  may  not  be  altogether  free 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  129 

of  embarrassment,  altho'  their  fortune  may  turn  out  to  be  solid 
and  ample,  and  the  disappointments,  incurred  at  the  close  of  the 
war,  may  not  ultimately  and  materially  affect  them,  I  think  it  my 
duty  to  apprize  you  in  confidence  of  my  apprehensions  that  pos- 
sibly this  may  not  be  the  case. 

With  perfect  Respect  and  Esteem, 

Rufus  King. 

R.  King  to  Dr.  Drury. 

Dear  Sir:  London,  June  3,  1802. 

My  confidence  in  the  discipline  and  course  of  education  ob- 
served at  Harrow  leaves  me  nothing  to  desire  in  this  respect,  and 
I  ought  perhaps  to  beg  your  excuses  in  expressing  to  you  a  wish 
that  may  possibly  appear  to  interfere  with  the  regularity  of  this, 
course  ;  but  as  my  sons  are  advancing  towards  an  age  in  which  it 
would  suit  my  views  in  respect  to  the  completion  of  their  educa- 
tion, that  they  should  advance  in  the  school  as  fast  as  their  ac- 
quirements will  permit  (to  hurry  them  faster,  I  know  would  be 
disadvantageous),  I  have  thought  I  might  without  impropriety 
take  the  liberty  of  intimating  this  reflection  to  you,  in  doing  which 
I  persuade  myself  that  I  shall  not  be  understood,  either  as  sup- 
posing my  sons  to  have  more  pretensions  than  their  companions 
in  general,  or  as  being  behind  where  they  might  have  been  ex- 
pected to  be.     My  wish  is  that  they  should  receive  all  the  advan- 
tages to  be  received  from  going  through  Harrow  previously  to 
their  leaving  England,  which  it  is  my  intention  that  they  shall 
do  when  they  separate  from  your  instruction. 
<  Whether  they  will  then  be  sent  to  a  University  upon  the  Con- 
tment  *  or  only  pass  a  year  or  two  abroad  and  afterwards  return 
to  America  to  complete  their  education,  will  depend  upon  circum- 

*The  following  from  a  note  book,  with  extracts  from  Gibbon's  Memoirs 
shows  Mr.  King's  views  about  the  English  Universities  of  that  day  : 

"Mr.  Gibbon  has  written  much  to  prove  the  danger,  as  well  as  the  inutility 
of  sending  young  men  to  the  English  Universities.  His  sentiments,  joined  to 
the  opinion  of  Knox,  which  agree  with  my  own  reflections,  have  decided  me 
against  sending  any  of  my  children  there.  I  must  make  diligent  enquiry  con- 
cerning  the  Universities  upon  the  continent."     See  also  vol.  iii     n    «0 

VOL.    IV. — 9  '   t"    JJUl 


130  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

stances  of  which  I  am  not  at  present  master.  As  they  are  Amer- 
icans, their  education  must  not  be  entirely  abroad,  and  were  I  not 
desirous  of  giving  them  an  opportunity  to  obtain  the  modern 
languages  at  an  age  most  convenient  and  safe  for  this  acquisition, 
I  should  send  them  home  immediately  from  Harrow. 
With  most  perfect  respect 

Your  obliged  &  obedt.  Servt. 

Rufus  King. 


Dr.  Drury  to  R.  King. 

Harrow,  4th  June,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

It  will  always  afford  me  the  sincerest  pleasure  to  fulfil  the 
wishes  of  those  parents,  who  honour  me  with  their  confidence,  to 
the  utmost  of  my  power  and  to  take  care  that  their  children  have 
that  degree  of  attention  to  their  morals  and  improvement,  which 
duty  prescribes  ;  and  a  sufficient  stimulus  to  industry  and  com- 
petition to  call  forth  the  powers  of  their  minds.  But  we  must  be 
cautious  how  we  push  them  beyond  their  strength.  Your  sons 
possess  most  amiable  and  docile  minds,  their  understandings  are 
sound  and  good,  but  neither  of  them  have  shown  as  yet  that  supe- 
riority of  genius  wh.  would  allow  me  to  place  them  higher  in  the 
school  with  any  probable  advantage  to  themselves.  The  younger 
is  more  forward  for  his  age  than  many  who  are  below  him,  and  it 
is  fortunate  that  his  apprehension  is  so  far  quicker  than  his  broth- 
er's as  to  enable  him  to  proceed  with  him  in  the  same  class, 
[there  was  only  little  more  than  one  year  between  them]  and  of 
course  of  the  same  employments.  At  Xmas  next  they  will  be  in 
the  same  remove  in  which  most  of  those  authors  are  read,  which  are 
used  in  the  sixth  or  head  Form.  If  I  could  carry  my  own  ideas 
always  into  execution,  no  boy  should  attain  this  situation  before 
the  age  of  fourteen  [they  were  14  &  13].  But  this  I  have  found 
impossible,  the  different  ages  at  which  the  young  people  are  sent 
to  Harrow  and  the  very  different  state  of  their  proficiency,  when 
they  come,  as  well  as  the  variety  of  their  capacities  have  proved 
obstacles  to  my  design  ;  but  the  experience  of  more  than  thirty 
years  has  convinced  me  that  this  rule,  as  a  general  one,  would 
prove  more  safe  than  an  earlier  elevation  to  the  higher  Forms  of 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  131 

the  school.  .  .  .  With  regard  to  your  sons,  I  could  wish 
when  they  leave  Harrow,  if  they  choose  to  pursue  classical  stud- 
ies, they  may  want  no  aid  beyond  their  own  industry  to  perfect 
this  branch  of  study,  and  this  they  will  accomplish  if  your  con- 
venience and  engagement  will  allow  them  to  conclude  their  school 
education  at  Harrow. 

Most  respectfully  and  faithfully  yours 

Joseph  Drury. 

On  April  8,  1802,  Mr.  King  wrote  to  his  friend  General 
Hamilton  a  letter,  of  which  the  following  is  the  concluding 
portion,  showing  at  that  time  his  desire  to  return  home.* 
This  letter  is  here  given  in  connection  with  the  answer. 

R   King  to  A.  Hamilton. 

London,  April  8,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  I  do  not  enter  upon  the  situation  of  Europe  since  the 
peace.  It  would  be  too  long  a  labor  to  do  so.  While  the  war 
lasted,  constant  and  endless  occasions  presented  themselves  to 
employ  myself  here  in  the  benefit  of  our  countrymen,  and  I  flat- 
ter myself  for  the  public  advantage. 

The  revision  of  our  commercial  treaty  has  been  a  service  to 
which  I  have  all  along  looked  as  the  conclusion  of  my  mission,  f 
As,  however,  I  have  no  reason  to  suppose  it  likely  soon  to  take 
place,  I  am  not  much  inclined  to  remain  here  a  mere  figurant, 
and  am  therefore  seriously  thinking  of  my  return.  Without  de- 
ciding anything  on  this  point,  I  confidentially  ask  your  opinion 

*  Works  of  A.  Hamilton,  vol.  vi.,  p.  538. 

f  In  a  private  letter  to  Mr.  Madison,  Secretary  of  State,  Oct.  8,  1801  (vol. 
iii.,  p.  522),  Mr.  King  had  expressed  his  desire  "  to  assist  in  the  revision  of  our 
treaty  with  this  country  "  and  said,  as  it  might  require  conference,  with  refer- 
ence to  treaties  with  France  also,  "  should  the  President  confide  the  negotia- 
tion here  to  me,  might  there  not  be  considerable  advantage  in  my  receiving 
permission  to  pass  a  fortnight  with  you  at  the  Seat  of  Government  or  with  Mr. 
Livingston  here  or  at  Paris  ?  " 

To  this  suggestion,  no  answer  had  been  sent  to  him,  indicating  clearly  that  it 
was  not  the  President's  intention  to  confide  the  negotiation  to  him. 


132  XUFUS  KING.  [1802 

respecting   it.     This   I   have   not   done    except   in   the   present 
instance. 

Very  faithfully 

Rufus  King. 

Before  returning,  I  am  desirous  to  pass  a  few  months  upon  the 
continent. 


A.  Hamilton  to  R.  King. 

New  York,  June  3,  1802. 
My  Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  been  long  very  delinquent  towards  you,  as  a  correspond- 
ent, and  am  to  thank  you  that  you  have  not  cast  me  off  altogether 
as  an  irretrievable  reprobate.  But  you  know  how  to  appreciate 
the  causes,  and  you  have  made  a  construction  equally  just  and 
indulgent. 

In  your  last  you  ask  my  opinion  about  a  matter  delicate  and 
important  both  in  a  public  and  in  a  personal  view.  I  shall  give  it 
with  the  frankness  to  which  you  have  a  right,  and  I  may  add  that 
the  impressions  of  your  other  friends,  so  far  as  they  have  fallen 
under  my  observation,  do  not  differ  from  my  own.  While  you 
were  in  the  midst  of  a  negotiation  interesting  to  your  country,  it 
was  your  duty  to  keep  your  post.  You  have  now  accomplished 
the  object  and  with  the  good  fortune  not  very  common  of  having 
the  universal  plaudit.  This  done,  it  seems  to  me  most  advisable 
that  you  return  home.  There  is  little  probability  that  your  con- 
tinuance in  your  present  station  will  be  productive  of  much  positive 
good.  Nor  are  circumstances  such  as  to  give  reason  to  appre- 
hend that  the  substitute  for  you,  whoever  he  may  be,  can  do 
much  harm.  Your  stay  or  return  therefore,  as  it  regards  our  trans- 
atlantic concerns,  is  probably  not  material  :  while  your  presence 
at  home  may  be  useful  in  ways  which  it  is  not  necessary  to  par- 
ticularise. Besides  it  is  questionable  whether  you  can  continue 
longer  in  the  service  of  the  present  administration  with  what  is 
due  as  well  to  your  own  character  as  to  the  common  cause.  I  am 
far  from  thinking  that  a  man  is  bound  to  quit  a  public  office 
merely  because  the  administration  of  the  Government  may  have 
changed  hands.     But  when  those  who  have  come  into  power  are 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  1 33 

undisguised  persecutors  of  the  party  to  which  he  has  been  at- 
tached and  study  with  ostentation  to  heap  upon  it  every  indig- 
nity and  injury — he  ought  not  in  my  opinion  to  permit  himself  to 
make  an  exception  or  to  lend  his  talents  to  the  support  of  such 
characters.  If  in  addition  to  this,  it  be  true  that  the  principles 
and  plans  of  the  men  at  the  head  of  affairs  tend  to  the  degrada- 
tion of  the  Government  and  to  their  own  disgrace,  it  will  hardly 
be  possible  to  be  in  any  way  connected  with  them  without  sharing 
in  the  disrepute  which  they  may  be  destined  to  experience. 

I  wish  I  had  time  to  give  you  a  comprehensive  &  particular  map 
of  our  political  situation.  But  more  than  a  rude  outline  is  be- 
yond my  leisure,  devoted  as  I  am  more  than  ever  to  my  profes- 
sional pursuits. 

You  have  seen  the  course  of  the  Administration  hitherto,  espe- 
cially during  the  last  session  of  Congress,  and  I  am  persuaded 
you  will  agree  in  opinion  with  me  that  it  could  hardly  have  been 
more  diligent — in  mischief.  What  you  will  ask  has  been  and  is 
likely  to  be  the  effect  on  the  public  mind  ? 

Our  friends  are  sanguine  that  a  great  change  for  the  better  has 
been  wrought  and  is  progressive.  I  suppose  good  has  been  done 
— that  the  Federalists  have  been  reunited  and  cemented — 
have  been  awakened  and  alarmed.  Perhaps  too  there  may  be 
some  sensible  and  moderate  men  of  the  adverse  party  who  are 
beginning  to  doubt.  But  I  as  yet  discover  no  satisfactory  symp- 
toms of  a  revolution  of  opinion  in  the  mass. 

Nor  do  I  look  with  much  expectation  to  any  serious  alteration 
until  inconveniences  are  extensively  felt  or  until  time  has  pro- 
duced a  disposition  to  coquet  with  new  lovers — Vibrations  of 
power,  you  are  aware,  are  the  genius  of  our  Government. 

There  is  however  a  circumstance  which  may  accelerate  the  fall 
of  the  party.  There  is  certainly  a  most  serious  seism  between  the 
Chief  and  his  heir  apparent ;  a  seism  absolutely  incurable,  be- 
cause founded  in  the  breasts  of  both  in  the  rivalship  of  an  insa- 
tiable and  unprincipled  ambition.  The  effects  are  already 
apparent  and  are  ripening  into  a  more  bitter  animosity  between 
the  partizans  of  the  two  men  than  ever  existed  between  the 
Federalists  and  Antifederalists. 

Unluckily  we  are  not  as  neutral  to  the  quarrel  as  we  ought  to 
be — You  saw  how  far  our  friends  in  Congress  went  in  polluting 


134  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

themselves  with  the  support  of  the  second  personage  for  the 
presidency.  The  Cabal  did  not  terminate  there.  Several  men, 
of  no  inconsiderable  importance  among  us,  like  the  enterprising 
and  adventurous  character  of  this  man,  and  hope  to  soar  with 
him  to  power.  Many  more  through  hatred  to  the  Chief  and 
through  an  impatience  to  recover  the  reins  are  linking  themselves 
with  the  Vice-Chief,  almost  without  perceiving  it  and  professing 
to  have  no  other  object  than  to  make  use  of  him  ;  while  he 
knows  that  he  is  making  use  of  them.  What  this  may  end  in, 
it  is  difficult  to  foresee. 

Of  one  thing  only  I  am  sure,  that  in  no  event  will  I  be  directly 
or  indirectly  implicated  in  a  responsibility  for  the  elevation  or 
support  of  either  of  two  men,  who  in  different  senses,  are  in  my 
eyes  equally  unworthy  of  the  confidence  of  intelligent  or  honest 
men. 

Truly,  my  dear  Sir,  the  prospects  of  our  Country  are  not  bril. 
liant.  The  mass  is  far  from  sound.  At  headquarters  a  most 
visionary  theory  presides.  Depend  upon  it  this  is  the  fact  to  a 
great  extreme.  No  army,  no  navy,  no  active  commerce — natural 
defence,  not  by  arms  but  by  embargoes,  prohibitions  of  trade,  &c. 
— as  little  government  as  possible  within — these  are  the  pernicious 
dreams  which  as  far  and  as  fast  as  possible  will  be  attempted  to 
be  realized.  Mr.  Jefferson  is  distressed  at  the  codfish  having 
latterly  emigrated  to  the  southern  Coast  lest  the  people  there 
should  be  tempted  to  catch  them  !  and  commerce  of  which  we 
have  already  too  much,  receive  an  accession.  Be  assured  this  is 
no  pleasantry,  but  a  very  sober  anecdote. 

Among  Federalists  old  errors  are  not  cured.  They  also  con- 
tinue to  dream  though  not  so  preposterously  as  their  opponent. 
All  will  be  very  well  (say  they)  when  the  power  once  more  gets 
back  into  Federal  hands.  The  people  convinced  by  experience 
of  their  error  will  repose  a  permanent  confidence  in  good  men. 
Risum  teneatis  ?     Adieu. 

Yrs.  ever — 

A.  H. 

P.  S.  The  bearer  our  acquaintance — Wm.  Bayard  continues 
worthy  of  high  esteem  &  regard. 

A.  H. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  135 


R.  Troup  to  R.  King. 

tNEW  York,  June  6,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 
-  .     .     .     The  fatigue  occasioned  by  the  constant  sitting  of  our 
courts  exhausted  us  all  very  much.     I  find  that  Hamilton's  health, 
notwithstanding  the  quickness  and  enormous  strength  of  his  mind, 
is  impairing,  as  well  as  mine.     This  man's  mind,  by  the  by,  seems 
to  be  progressing  to  greater  and  greater  maturity  ;  such  is  the 
common  opinion  of  our  bar  ;  and  I  may  say  with  truth  that  his 
powers  are  now  enormous  !  and  the  only  chance  we  have  of  suc- 
cess is  now  and  then  when  he  happens  to  be  on  the  weaker  side  : 
and  yet  he  is  always  complaining  that  he  does  not  get  his  share  of 
judgments  and  decrees  !     Our  new  Chancellor  (Lansing)  is  at- 
tentive and  honest,  but  his  mind  is  narrow  and  piddling  ;  and  he 
is  utterly  destitute  of  those  liberal  and    comprehensive  views, 
which  are   suited  to  the  Court  over  which  he  presides.     It  is  a 
great  source  of  consolation,  however,  to  such  as  do  not  admire 
(and  I  confess  myself  of  this  number)  the  republican  system,  that 
our  Supreme  Court  and  Court  of  Chancery  respect  the  rights  of 

property. 

We  are  now  in  profound  tranquillity.  The  peace  has  drawn 
after  it  a  diminution  of  business  of  all  sorts.  .  .  The  fall  of 
our  produce  and  our  late  open  water  have  not  affected  the  prices 
of  lands,  but  they  have  materially  injured  payments.     .     .     . 

We  poor  fallen  federalists  are  indulging  our  expectation  that 
the  sun  of  federalism  is  beginning  to  rise  again.  In  Massachu- 
setts and  Connecticut  larger  majorities  for  the  federalists  appeared 
at  the  State  elections  than  in  those  of  last  year.  In  this  State  we 
have  also  gained— but  in  my  opinion  not  more  has  appeared  than 
demonstrates  the  existence  of  life  ;  what  two  or  three  years  will 
produce  is  beyond  conjecture.     ... 

The  Clintonians  and  Jeffersonians  are  at  open  hostility  with 
the  Burrites.  This  will  be  evident  from  the  pamphlet  accompany- 
ing this  letter.  Burr  is  now  at  Savannah  doing  what  he  can  to 
render  Jefferson  more  popular  and  promote  his  re-election.  That 
you  may  understand  the  pamphlet  better,  I  have  also  sent  you 
herewith  the  history  of  Adams'  administration.  The  rancour  be- 
tween these  parties  is  indescribable.  The  cant  of  the  Clintonians 
and  Jeffersonians  is  that  we  have  coalesced  with  Burr— which  is 


136  RUFUS  KING,  [1802 

an  infamous  falsehood — as  far  as  our  friends  in  this  State  are  con- 
cerned ;  though  we  have  reason  to  think  that  Burr  has  been 
caballing  with  some  of  our  friends  to  the  southward.  The  high 
probability  is  that  Burr  is  a  gone  man,  and  that  all  his  cunning, 
enterprise  and  industry  will  not  save  him.  The  pamphlet  ex- 
hibits a  just  picture  of  Burr's  character.  The  history  of  Adams' 
administration  is  a  paltry  and  rascally  thing  ;  the  author  is  a 
British  renegade.     .     .     . 

Coleman  is  very  zealous  and  devoted  to  the  federal  cause  ;  but 
his  paper  is  that  of  the  scholar  and  the  gentleman.     .     .  TV 

Yours  

Rob.  Troup. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

King  to  Secretary  of  State— Received  President's  and  Senate's  Approbation  of 
the  Convention  —  Sedgwick  to  King — Glad  he  will  return  Home  — 
Federalism  improving — District  of  Maine — King  to  Low — Confidence  in 
Government  Funds — King  to  Madison — Thanks  for  Permission  to  visit 
France,  etc. — Will  leave  Mr.  Gore  Charge  without  Expense  to  the  Public — 
King  to  Secretary  of  State— Commission  under  7th  Article  proceeding 
satisfactorily — Has  postponed  Discussion  of  the  Repeal  of  countervailing 
Duty  on  Tobacco — King  to  Erving — Claims  of  Seamen  for  Relief — King 
to  Lord  Hawkesbury — Has  received  the  Convention  ratified,  etc. — King 
to  Secretary  of  State — Loan  by  Holland  paid  in  Part  to  France  to  release 
Claims  of  the  Prince  of  Orange— King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury— Demanding 
Release  of  impressed  Seamen — King  to  Livingston — Floridas  possibly  not 
ceded — Free  Navigation  of  the  Mississippi  essential  to  United  States — 
Floridas  must  belong  to  us — Interesting  Suggestion  relative  to  them — 
Should  not  enter  into  a  Guaranty  as  to  their  Possession  by  Spain — King  to 
Secretary  of  State — Ratifications  of  Convention  exchanged — King  to  Secre- 
tary of  State — Morocco  declared  war  against  the  United  States — Agricul- 
tural Prospects  in  England  bad— King  to  Troup— Going  to  the  Continent 
— King  to  Secretary  of  State — Informing  him  of  his  Expenditure  relating 
to  the  Publication  of  Robinson's  Admiralty  Reports  and  why  incurred. 

R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 
No.  69. 

London,  June  10,  1802. 
Sir  : 

I  have  duly  received  your  Letter  of  Ap.  7th,  communicating  the 
President's  approbation  of  the  Convention  respecting  the  6th  and 
7th  Articles  of  the  Treaty  of  1794  ;  and  by  private  accounts  of  a 
later  date,  we  have  the  farther  satisfaction  to  hear  that  the  Senate 
has  likewise  added  its  sanction. 

In  respect  to  the  Countervailing  Duties,  I  have  nothing  to  add 

137 


I38  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

to  my  former  communication  ;  their  continuance  or  repeal  is  a 
question  submitted  to  the  decision  of  Congress.  The  press  of 
Business  towards  the  close  of  the  Session  of  Parliament  employs 
the  whole  time  of  the  Ministers  ;  at  present  therefore  I  do  not 
think  it  expedient  to  resume  the  subject  of  our  West  India  Trade. 
As  soon  as  a  convenient  opening  offers  I  will  recall  it  to  Lord 
Hawkesbury's  attention. 

By  this  opportunity  I  send  you  a  copy  of  the  Report  of  the 
Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons,  respecting  the  vaccine  in- 
oculation, a  discovery  of  the  highest  interest  to  humanity  ;  also  a 
statement  of  the  national  Debt  together  with  the  calculations  con- 
cerning the  late  modification  of  the  Sinking  Fund.  By  the  first 
ship  bound  to  the  Chesapeake,  I  will  send  you  a  copy  of  the  late 
Enumeration  of  this  Country,  so  far  as  it  has  been  completed  ; 
the  Supplement  shall  be  forwarded  as  soon  as  it  is  printed.  As 
our  Census  is  a  subject  of  much  enquiry,  I  shall  be  obliged  to  you 
to  send  me  a  dozen  copies  of  the  former  as  well  as  of  the  late 
Census,  some  of  which  I  wish  to  deposit  in  the  public  Museums 
and  Libraries. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


T.  Sedgwick  to  R.  King. 

Wiscasset,  in  Maine,  15  June,  1802. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

I  have  just  now  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  letter  of  the 
6th  of  April  for  which  I  am  much  obliged  to  you.  No  part  of  it 
has  given  me  more  pleasure  than  the  intimation  it  gave  of  your 
intended  return.  As  the  convention  you  made  is  ratified,  I  am 
of  opinion  your  presence  will  be  more  useful  here  than  in  Eng- 
land. Strange  as  it  might  appear  to  a  superficial  observer,  it  is 
nevertheless  true  that  an  adjustment  of  all  differences  with  G.  B. 
was  ardently  desired  by  J n  and  his  friends,  even  before  the  ces- 
sion of  Louisiana  afforded  additional  motives  to  it.  I  never  had 
a  doubt,  therefore,  that  any  reasonable  terms  would  be  accepted. 

In  my  last  letter,  as  well  as  I  can  recollect,  I  predicted  that  the 
policy  of  the  President  would  weaken  his  adherents  in  New  Eng- 
land.    This  prediction  is  verified  by  the  elections,  at  least  in  this 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  1 39 

state  ;  our  legislature  being  more  federal  than  it  has  been  since 
the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  and  as  far  as  I  am  informed 
composed  of  better  materials.  In  New  Hampshire,  it  is  true  that 
Governor  Gilman  was  elected  by  a  smaller  majority  than  this  the 
preceeding  year,  but  I  am  assured  that  the  defection  was  owing 
more  to  local  than  national  causes. 

Till  now  I  have  never  been  in  this  district,  and  have  been 
astonished  at  the  progress  of  improvement  which  is  everywhere 
apparent.  The  increase  of  population  has  everywhere  been  con- 
siderable, but  the  accumulation  of  wealth  incomparably  greater. 
Portland,  Bath,  this  place,  &  several  others,  have  become  flourish- 
ing trading  places,  but  none  more  so  than  the  village  of  Kenne- 
bunk.  I  have  indeed  been  astonished  at  the  appearance  which 
every  part  of  the  country  that  I  have  seen  exhibits.  But  among 
all  that  I  have  seen  here  none  has  been  more  pleasing  than  two 
of  your  nieces  ;  of  the  name  of  Southgate,  whom  I  saw  at  Port- 
land, and  one  of  whom  is  now  here. 

I  would  never  have  abandoned  the  govt,  personally  but  from 
the  most  complete  conviction  that  the  people  would  make  an 
experiment  of  democracy.  Under  this  conviction  I  could  per- 
ceive no  reason  for  sacrificing  my  comfort  to  objects  of  the 
attainment  of  which  I  despaired.  On  my  retiring  I  was  certain 
that  inaction  would  render  me  unhappy,  and  therefore  began 
anew  the  practice  in  my  profession.  This  soon  became  disgust- 
ing to  me,  and  I  was  inclined  to  accept  the  office  of  Judge 
merely  to  avoid  the  evils  of  idleness.  Whether  I  shall  continue 
in  it  is  as  yet  uncertain.  Should  I  quit  it  I  shall  never  again 
return  to  the  bar  but  try  what  I  can  do  in  the  cultivation  of  land. 

Farewell, 

Theodore  Sedgwick. 


R.  King  to  N.  Low. 

London,  June  15,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

...  I  observe  your  doubts  in  respect  to  the  funds  :  but  my 

confidence  is  not  yet  lost  and  I  therefore  desire  you  to  continue 

your  investments  on  my  account.     The  funds  may  be  less  secure 

than  they  ought  to  be,  and  the  prices  such  as  to  yield  but  little 


140  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

more  than  6  per  cent.  Nevertheless  Property  invested  in  the  funds 
requires  so  little  trouble  and  the  annuity  is  paid  with  so  much 
regularity,  and  the  capital  is  at  all  times  so  easily  converted  into 
money,  and  in  portions  suiting  one's  convenience,  that  to  people 
disliking  business  and  the  care  of  managing  property,  the  funds 
will  with  us,  as  everywhere  else,  in  general  be  preferred  to  other 
property.  .  .  . 

R.  King. 


R.  King  to  James  Madison,  Esq. 

Private. 

London,  June  16,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  Letter  of  Ap.  7.  and  beg  of 
you  to  present  my  respectful  acknowledgments  to  the  President 
for  the  permission  he  has  given  me  to  visit  France  and  some  of 
the  neighbouring  Countries. 

As  yet  I  have  not  formed  any  plan  upon  this  subject,  and  shall 
wait  for  the  return  of  the  Convention  before  I  do  so  ;  perhaps  I 
may  pass  a  few  weeks  at  Paris,  in  July  or  August,  but  do  not 
think  it  probable  that  I  shall  go  farther  from  my  post. 

It  is  some  months  since  the  return  home  of  my  Secretary  Mr. 
John  Pickering ;  I  have  expected  as  his  successor  my  nephew 
Mr.  H.  Southgate,  who  will  probably  arrive  in  the  course  of  the 
summer.  Since  Mr.  Pickering  left  me,  Mr.  John  Munro  of  Scot- 
land, who  has  been  employed  in  my  office  for  several  years,  has 
done  the  duties  of  my  Secretary  ;  and  as  I  have  been  fully  satis- 
fied with  his  fidelity  and  attention,  I  have  allowed  him  the  pay. 
If  I  avail  myself  of  the  President's  permission  to  extend  my 
voyage  beyond  Paris,  or  for  more  than  three  or  four  weeks,  I 
shall  leave  my  friend  Mr.  Gore,  (one  of  the  Commissioners  under 
the  7th  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  1794)  Charge  des  affaires  during 
my  absence  ;  in  this  case  you  will  understand  that  his  agency 
will  be  attended  with  no  expence  to  the  public. 

With  very  great  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  141 

R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  70. 

London,  June  20,  1802. 
Sir  : 

I  have  duly  received  the  duplicate  of  your  Letter  of  May  the 
first ;  the  original  has  not  yet  reached  me,  owing  probably  to  the 
Packet's  detention  at  Halifax  on  her  way  to  Falmouth.  As  soon 
as  she  arrives,  I  will  take  immediate  measures  to  complete  the 
Convention  by  exchanging  the  Ratifications. 

The  Commission  under  the  7th  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  1794, 
is  proceeding  in  a  satisfactory  manner  ;  upwards  of  fifty  cases 
which  were  prepared  for  hearing  soon  after  the  suspension  of  the 
Commission,  have  been  so  far  decided  since  the  recommencement 
of  its  business  that  they  wait  only  for  the  date  of  the  Exchange 
of  the  Ratifications  of  the  Convention  in  order  that  their  respec- 
tive Sums  maybe  computed  and  fixed.  The  question  of  Interest, 
about  which  nothing  has  been  said  since  the  reassembling  of  the 
Board,  will  occur  when  these  computations  are  to  be  made.  As 
the  claims  preferred  by  British  Subjects  for  captures  alleged  to 
have  been  illegal  amount  altogether  to  a  considerable  sum,  and  as 
it  is  conjectured  that  many  of  these  claims  are  destitute  of  any 
just  foundation,  it  is  desirable  that  they  should  receive  an  early 
consideration  and  decision  :  this  will  also  happen  as  soon  as  the 
Ratifications  are  exchanged. 

Mr.  Cabot's  assistance  will,  I  am  persuaded,  prove  a  material 
advantage  to  the  American  Claimants,  and,  at  the  same  time,  no 
small  relief  to  the  Commissioners  ;  as  his  knowledge  of  the  course 
of  our  Trade,  and  of  the  peculiar  manner  in  which  certain 
portions  of  it  are  carried  on,  enable  him  to  give  explanations  that 
are  familiar  to  mercantile  men,  but  without  which  there  would  be 
some  difficulties  in  deciding  many  of  the  cases  before  the  com- 
mission. 

Although  I  understand  that  the  Board  has  been  apprized  of  the 
annual  allowance  to  be  received  by  Mr.  Cabot,  during  his  service 
in  connexion  with  the  Commission,  I  purpose  to  write  a  letter  to 
the  Commissioners  communicating  to  them  agreeably  to  your 
letter  to  me,  that  to  induce  Mr.  Cabot  to  return  and  resume  his 
functions  in  this  country,  the  President  has  been  pleased  to  allow 
him  an  annual  salary  of  1500  Dollars. 


142  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

In  respect  to  the  Countervailing  Duties  upon  our  ships  and 
Cargoes  entering  the  Ports  of  Great  Britain,  I  can  only  repeat 
what  I  have  already  remarked  to  you  that  their  discontinuance 
partially  or  wholly  having  been  entirely,  and  as  I  thought  liber- 
ally submitted  to  the  decision  of  Congress,  I  do  not  perceive  that 
I  can  with  propriety  resume  the  subject  until  Congress  shall  have 
come  to  some  decision  concerning  it.  The  intention  of  suspend- 
ing immediately  the  countervailing  Duty  on  Tobacco  was  upon 
the  idea  that  the  discriminating  Duties  had  been  or  certainly 
would  be  repealed  in  America :  but  as  soon  as  I  perceived  that 
such  repeal  had  become  doubtful  on  account  of  the  unexpected 
opposition  the  proposal  met  with,  I  thought  it  due  to  a  candid 
course  of  Proceeding,  to  intimate  my  doubts  upon  this  point  to 
the  British  Minister ;  and  in  consequence  thereof  it  was  deter- 
mined by  the  Treasury  to  postpone  the  suspension  until  more 
precise  information  of  the  views  of  Congress  should  be  received. 
With  Perfect  Respect  and  Esteem, 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  George  W.  Erving,  Esq. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  June  21,  1802. 
Sir: 

As  the  answer  invariably  given  to  former  applications  respect- 
ing Seamen,  representing  themselves  to  be  American  Citizens,  but 
who  have  no  document  to  prove  their  citizenship,  would  without 
doubt  be  repeated  in  answer  to  any  further  and  formal  demands 
in  their  favour,  I  doubt  of  the  expediency  of  making  the  applica- 
tion suggested  by  you  in  favour  of  the  seamen,  whose  discharge  as 
Americans  has  been  refused,  but  who  have  been  released  in  con- 
sequence of  the  late  reduction  of  the  naval  forces  of  this  country. 

Mr.  Lenox  informed  me  that  he  delivered  to  you  a  List  of 
detained  Seamen  of  this  description  ;  by  comparing  the  names  of 
those  who  have  applied  to  you  for  succour  with  the  List,  you  will 
be  enabled  to  ascertain  how  many  of  the  applicants  are  of  this 
class.  I  request  you  to  make  the  comparison,  and  inform  me  of 
the  result :  as  in  case  the  number  is  very  considerable,  I  would 
take  an  opportunity  of  informally  speaking  to  Lord  St.  Vincent 
upon  the  subject.     I  am,  Sir, 

Your  obedient  Servant, 

Rufus  King. 


1802]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  1 43 

R.  King  to  G.  W.  Erving,  Esq. 

Randells,  Surry,  July  i,  1802. 
Sir: 

To  guard  against  unfounded  claims  for  relief,  as  well  as  to 
check  the  Repetition  of  those  which  are  correct,  it  has  heretofore 
been  deemed  indispensable  to  keep  an  alphabetical  and  descrip- 
tive list  of  all  seamen  representing  themselves  to  be  Americans 
and  claiming  succour  from  the  U.  S.  The  Description  should  at 
least  express  the  town  and  State,  and  if  foreign  born,  the  place  of 
their  nativity,  together  with  the  proof  of  Citizenship,  and  the 
name  of  the  man  of  war  from  which  they  have  been  discharged. 
Such  a  list,  if  collated  with  that  left  with  you  by  Mr.  Lenox, 
would  without  trouble  and  immediately  supply  the  information  I 
wished  for,  to  enable  me  to  determine  upon  the  expediency  of  the 
application  you  have  advised  to  be  made  to  the  Admiralty  ;  and 
I  request  that  you  will  in  future  keep  such  a  list.  Without  greater 
precision  in  respect  to  the  number  and  national  character  of  the 
persons,  representing  themselves  to  be  American  Seamen,  lately 
discharged  from  the  naval  service  of  this  Country,  I  am  not 
inclined  to  apply  to  the  admiralty  for  the  purpose  of  engaging  it 
to  defray  the  expence  of  their  passage  to  America ;  but  if  you 
should  continue  to  be  satisfied  of  the  citizenship  of  these  persons, 
and  the  means  designated  for  their  return  home  be  insufficient,  I 
recommend  to  you  to  call  upon  Mr.  Nepean  and  confer  with  him 
upon  the  subject  ;  this  being  in  my  opinion  a  better  course, 
whether  we  regard  the  success  or  failure  of  the  attempt,  than  to 
make  the  application  in  writing.  It  will  however  be  advantageous 
that  you  should  ascertain,  as  far  as  practicable,  the  number  of 
American  Seamen  who  have  been  lately  discharged  and  who 
desire  to  return  home ;  and  if  you  could  make  out,  even  with  a 
little  trouble,  a  List  of  their  names,  I  am  persuaded  it  might 
promote  the  accomplishment  of  your  object. 

With  due  respect  &c, 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury. 

Leatherhead,  Surry,  July  5,  1802. 
My  Lord  : 

I  have  the  Satisfaction  to  inform  your  Lordship,  that  1  have 

just  received  the  Convention,  which  we  signed  in  January  last, 


144  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

duly  ratified  on  the  part  of  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
together  with  Instructions  to  exchange  the  same  for  the  like  Rati- 
fication on  the  part  of  his  Majesty. 

It  affords  me  additional  pleasure  to  be  authorized  to  add,  that 
although  the  Subject  might  have  been  deferred  to  a  future  Session 
of  Congress,  the  President  conceiving  that  its  immediate  Con- 
sideration would  be  a  satisfactory  Evidence  of  the  disposition  of 
our  public  Councils,  lost  no  time  in  laying  the  Convention  before 
Congress,  which  has  made  the  requisite  appropriations  to  carry 
the  same  into  effect.  Whenever  it  shall  be  convenient  to  your 
Lordship,  I  will  wait  upon  you  to  complete  this  Business  by  ex- 
changing the  Ratifications. 

With  perfect  Consideration,  &c, 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 
No.  71. 

London,  July  5,  1802. 
Sir: 

The  loan  lately  obtained  by  the  Dutch  Government,  and  for 
which  a  rate  of  profit  is  secured  to  the  Lenders  hitherto  unknown 
in  that  frugal  and  industrious  Country,  and  which  it  is  thought  may 
have  a  disadvantageous  effect  upon  its  money  operations  in  future,, 
has  for  some  time  past  excited  a  good  deal  of  curiosity,  the  public 
being  at  a  loss  to  conjecture  the  purpose  to  which  so  considerable 
a  sum  could  be  destined.  It  is  now  believed  that  Fifteen  Mil- 
lions of  Guilders,  part  of  this  loan,  have  been  paid  to  procure 
from  France  a  release  of  the  claims  of  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
which  he  himself  would  have  given  up  for  half  the  sum  :  this  pay- 
ment explains  the  separate  engagement  signed  at  Amiens  by  the 
French  and  Dutch  ambassadors  relative  to  these  Claims. 

The  plan  of  indemnities  about  which  the  Princes  of  Germany 
have  been  so  long  amused,  is  supposed  to  be  settled,  between 
France,  Russia  and  Prussia,  and  without  the  assistance  of  Austria. 
We  are  told  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  is  to  receive  his  indemnity 
in  Germany,  and  that  Austria  will  consult  her  prudence  and 
acquiesce  in  a  statement  made  under  the  influence  of  France,, 
and  sanctioned  by  her  most  powerful  neighbours. 


802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE. 


145 


The  commercial  Negotiation  between  this  country  and  France 
has  hitherto  made  very  little,  if  any,  progress,  and  at  present  it 
seems  altogether  uncertain  whether  any  arrangement  upon  this 
subject  will  be  completed.  In  the  meantime  France  is  active  in 
extending  and  strengthening  her  influence  in  every  quarter,  as 
well  as  in  concerting  projects,  and  executing  plans  both  at  home 
and  abroad,  which  do  not  seem  capable  of  being  explained  in  a 
manner  consistent  with  the  sincerity  of  her  professions  concerning 
the  Peace  of  Europe. 

Mr.  Otto  is  still  here,  waiting  for  his  successor,  who  is  not 
expected  to  arrive  before  the  middle  of  September  :  this  delay  will 
probably  operate  to  postpone  Mr.  Otto's  journey  to  America  till 
the  ensuing  Spring. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem,  &c, 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  July  12,  1802. 
My  Lord  : 

I  have  received  the  orders  of  the  President  of  the  United  States 
to  lay  before  your  Lordship  the  enclosed  Evidence  of  the  mis- 
conduct of  O'Brien,  Esq.,  Commander  of  His  Majesty's 

Frigate  Emerald,  in  the  impressment  on  board  the  American 
Schooner  Sea-flower,  of  Philadelphia,  and  upon  the  high  seas,  of 
William  Munro  and  Lindsay  Addison,  Citizens  and  Seamen  of  the 
United  States.  Referring  to  the  reflexions  upon  the  Subject, 
which  I  have  heretofore  submitted  to  your  Lordship's  considera- 
tion, and  which  derive  new  force  from  the  reestablishment  of  a 
general  peace,  I  take  the  liberty  to  request  your  Lordship's  im- 
mediate interference  in  order  that  the  said  Munro  and  Addison 

may  be  forthwith  discharged,  and  orders  given  to  the  said 

O'Brien,  Esq.,  as  well  as  to  all  others,  his  Majesty's  Naval  Officers, 
carefully  to  abstain  from  the  like  irregularities  in  future. 

Acknowledging,  as  I  am  instructed  to  do,  the  equitable  and 
friendly  sentiments  of  his  Majesty's  Government  towards  that  of 
the  United  States,  and  which  are  fully  and  sincerely  reciprocated 
by  the  latter,  I  flatter  myself  that  your  Lordship's  influence  will 


146  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

not  be  wanting  in  favour  of  a  regulation  which,  without  injury  to 
Great  Britain,  is  due  to  the  rights  of  the  United  States  as  well  as 
essential  to  the  Security  of  their  Commerce. 

With  great  Consideration  &  Respect,  &c, 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Robert  R.  Livingston,  Esq. 

London,  July  12,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  had  the  honour  to  receive  your  letter  of  June  30th. 
Whether  either  or  both  the  Floridas  have  been  ceded  seems  alto- 
gether matter  of  inference  and  conjecture,  as  no  document  we 
have  seen  offers  any  direct  evidence  upon  the  subject.  The 
same  reasons  which  have  led  me  to  suppose  it  probable  that  the 
Floridas  would  not  be  reserved  by  Spain  after  Louisania  passed 
into  the  hands  of  France,  induce  me  to  think  that  West  Florida 
would  not  be  kept  if  East  Florida  be  ceded  with  Louisiana.  The 
chief  object,  and  almost  the  only  one,  which  has  made  the  Floridas 
of  any  value  to  Spain,  must  cease  with  the  cession  of  Louisiana, 
and  as  the  Floridas  in  themselves  are  rather  a  burthen  than  a 
benefit  to  Spain,  I  cannot  but  think,  whether  they  have  or  have 
not  been  ceded,  that  France,  being  mistress  of  Louisiana,  will 
acquire,  whenever  she  chooses  to  do  so,  a  Title  to  the  Floridas 
also.  If  so  France,  and  not  Spain,  is  the  Power  with  which  every 
efficient  discussion  should  be  made  concerning  these  Provinces. 
As  the  free  Navigation  and  use  of  the  Mississippi  is  a  Right  above 
all  computation  to  the  United  States,  New  Orleans  and  the 
Floridas  would  on  this  account,  as  well  as  others,  prove  a  most 
valuable  acquisition  ;  and  according  to  my  creed  they  must  and 
will  ultimately  belong  to  us.  If  so,  every  step  we  take  should 
have  a  reference  to  this  negotiation,  and  notwithstanding  we 
cannot  at  all  times  advance  towards  the  attainment  of  our  object, 
Prudence  should  restrain  us  from  whatever  may  serve  to  obstruct 
or  defeat  the  accomplishment  of  our  purpose.  Upon  these  princi- 
ples we  ought  to  give  no  explicit  sanction  to  the  transfer  of  these 
Provinces  from  Spain  to  any  other  Power,  nor  enter  into  any 
engagements  jointly  with  others  concerning  them  ;  for  altho'  we 
may  at  present  be  content  that  they  should  remain  in  the  posses- 


1802]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  1 47 

sion  of  Spain,  it  is  by  no  means  plain  that  it  would  be  consistent 
with  sound  policy  for  us  to  give  money  in  order  that  they  may  be 
left  in  this  situation.  If  doubts  may  however  exist  upon  this 
point,  there  surely  can  be  none  that  it  would  be  repugnant  to 
every  principle  of  policy  which  might,  or  is  likely  to,  influence 
our  Government  to  form  a  Guaranty  jointly  with  France  or  any 
other  Power,  to  secure  the  possession  of  these  Provinces  to  Spain 
or  any  other  Nation,  inasmuch  as  such  Guaranty  might  not  only 
prove  an  impediment  to  our  acquiring  them  ourselves,  but  proba- 
bly would  involve  us  in  a  disadvantageous  war  on  that  account. 
If  these  Provinces  remain  in  the  possession  of  Spain,  as  we  wish 
they  may,  it  cannot  be  long  before  all  the  continental  Colonies  of 
that  nation  will  imitate  the  example  we  have  given  them.  Having 
had  the  means  of  a  good  deal  of  information  upon  this  subject, 
concerning  which  so  little  is  known,  and  so  much  concealed,  I  feel 
confident  that  this  crisis  cannot  be  at  a  great  distance.  Aware 
that  such  is  the  situation  of  the  Colonies,  Spain  has  been  solici- 
tous and  pressed  the  point  with  zeal,  tho'  unsuccessfully,  upon 
Mr.  Pinckney  in  the  year  1795  t0  procure  from  us  a  Guaranty 
of  her  American  Possessions.  Should  another  war  break  out 
between  England  and  France,  as  we  cannot  doubt  will  be  the 
case  in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  Spain  as  heretofore  will  become 
a  party  of  it,  and  it  is  quite  probable  that  England  may  succeed 
in  the  attempt  to  take  possession  of  New  Orleans  and  the 
Floridas ;  either  of  these  events  would  constitute  the  casus 
foederis,  and  we  should  consequently  be  called  upon  to  fulfil  our 
Guaranty. 

On  account  of  the  peculiar  situation  of  these  Provinces,  and 
independent  of  our  views  as  to  the  acquisition  of  them,  we  should 
therefore  abstain  from  entering  into  any  Guaranty  concerning 
them  ;  a  species  of  stipulation  it  can  never  be  our  interest  to 
enter  into  with  any  of  the  great  commercial  Powers  of  Europe, 
since  it  is  one  rarely,  if  ever,  to  be  formed  except  by  a  Power  in 
a  condition  not  only  to  construe,  but  to  enforce  the  observance 
of  her  construction  of  the  engagement. 

From  the  tenor  of  these  observations,  which,  tho'  hastily  writ- 
ten, are  so  far  as  regards  their  principal  object  the  fruit  of  much 
consideration,  you  will  infer  my  dislike  of  a  purchase,  except  for 
ourselves,  as  well  as  my  repugnance  to  a  Guaranty  under  any 


148  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

circumstances.  As  I  write  to  you  without  any  reserve  and  upon 
a  subject  whose  limits  are  not  yet  fully  explored,  and  concerning 
which  opinions  may  therefore  be  supposed  to  vary,  you  will  I  am 
sure  excuse  the  little  ceremony  which  I  have  observed  in  the  ex- 
pression of  my  sentiments,  the  justness  whereof,  I  shall  on  all 
occasions  be  inclined  to  distrust,  if  they  happen  to  be  in  opposi- 
tion to  your  more  weighty  opinion. 

With  great  and  sincere  Respect,  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 
No.  72. 

London,  July  16,  1802. 
Sir  : 

As  soon  as  I  received  from  Mr.  Fenwick  the  President's  Ratifi- 
cation of  the  Convention,  I  gave  notice  thereof  to  Lord  Hawkes- 
bury,  and  we  yesterday  exchanged  the  Ratifications,  and  mutually 
executed  the  usual  Certificates  thereof.  Two  original  Copies  of 
the  British  Ratification  have  been  delivered  to  me  together  with 
duplicate  Certificates  of  the  exchange.  I  shall  commit  them  to 
the  charge  of  Mr.  Christie,  late  a  Representative  in  Congress  from 
Maryland,  who  will  deliver  them  to  you  in  Washington.  The 
duplicate  Ratification  and  Certificate  of  Exchange  shall  be  for- 
warded by  the  next  good  opportunity.  I  have  taken  the  liberty 
to  ensure  Mr.  Christie  that  whatever  expence  he  may  incur  in  the 
performance  of  this  service  will  be  readily  reimbursed  by  you. 
With  perfect  respect  and  esteem,  &c, 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  73. 

London,  July  19,  1802. 
Sir  : 

I  yesterday  received  a  letter  from  Commodore  Morris,  dated 
United  States  frigate  Chesapeake,  Gibraltar  Bay,  June  25, 
announcing  the  unexpected  declaration  of  war  against  the  United 


802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE. 


I49 


States  by  the  Emperor  of  Morocco.  I  have  given  notice  of  the 
event  to  our  Consuls  in  this  country,  to  the  end  that  all  American 
Vessels  in  the  Ports  thereof  may  make  use  of  such  precautions  in 
favour  of  their  security,  as  those  having  the  charge  of  them  may 
deem  expedient.  Whether  this  unjust  Proceeding  has  arisen  out 
of  the  civil  commotions  which  for  some  time  past  are  understood 
to  have  prevailed  in  Morocco,  or  from  some  other  cause,  I  am 
altogether  ignorant,  having  no  exact  information  either  concern- 
ing the  internal  condition  of  Morocco,  or  of  the  State  of  our  Rela- 
tions with  this  Power.  The  declaration,  however,  will  serve  as 
another  proof,  if  another  be  wanting,  that  our  security  against  the 
Barbary  Powers  must  depend  upon  Force  and  not  upon  Treaties, 
upon  Ships  of  war  instead  of  presents  and  subsidies. 

The  early  part  of  the  Summer  having  been  uncommonly  dry, 
the  crop  of  Hay  will  be  very  short ;  and  the  weather  during  the 
last  four  weeks  (the  Hay  season  for  the  South  of  England)  having 
been  cloudy  and  wet,  the  Crop  which  has  been  cut  is  not  only  short 
in  quantity  but  ill  cured.  Old  Hay  has  in  consequence  thereof 
risen  in  the  London  market  from  five  to  eight  Guineas  the  load  of 
eighteen  hundred  ;  and  altho'  the  Wheat  and  other  Grain  have 
promised  a  plentiful  Harvest,  the  continuance  of  rainy  weather 
begins  to  excite  serious  concern  lest  the  Corn  should  suffer  from 
mildew  and  other  injuries  to  which  it  is  exposed. 
With  perfect  Respect  and  Esteem,  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  R.  Troup. 

London,  July  19,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.     .     .     Mrs.  King  and  I  think  of  going  for  a  few  weeks  to 

France.     .     .     Though  I  have  not  fixed  upon  any  precise  time,  I 

am  much  inclined  to  return  home.     My  children  too  are  growing 

too  old  to  remain  abroad.     After  visiting  Paris,  I  must  come  to  a 

decision  on  this  subject. 

Adieu,  yours  &c, 

Rufus  King. 


150  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

R.  King  to  James  Madison,  Esq. 

Private. 

London,  July  21,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

As  an  item  in  my  contingent  account  relates  to  the  Publication 
of  Robinson's  Admiralty  Reports,  it  may  be  thought  proper  that 
I  should  say  a  word  or  two  in  explanation  of  this  expense. 

It  has  not,  as  you  may  well  know,  been  the  practice  of  this 
country  to  publish  Reports  of  the  decisions  of  its  prize  Tribunals  ; 
and  while  a  pretty  general  opinion  has  prevailed  that  England 
administers  the  Law  of  Nations  in  matters  of  prize  with  great 
rigour,  Englishmen  have  uniformly  asserted  that  these  Tribunals 
have  manifested  greater  moderation  in  that  respect  than  those  of 
any  other  Nation.  So  long  as  the  decisions  of  the  English  prize 
Courts  remained  unpublished,  this  Disagreement  would  continue 
to  exist,  and  so  long  likewise  foreign  States  would  remain  without 
precise  notion  of  the  maxims  of  Public  Law  by  which  these 
Tribunals  profess  to  regulate  their  Decisions. 

Upon  Sir  William  Scott's  appointment  as  Judge  of  the  High 
Court  of  Admiralty,  being  alike  distinguished  for  Learning  and 
Integrity,  and  desirous  of  extending  his  reputation  beyond  the 
limits  of  his  own  country,  it  occurred  to  me  that  the  opportunity 
was  a  favourable  one  to  endeavour  to  promote  the  publication  of 
the  Reports  of  his  Court,  the  natural  effect  whereof  upon  such  a 
mind  as  Sir  William  Scott's  seemed  likely  to  be  in  favour  of  a 
mild  interpretation  of  the  Laws  of  War  and  Peace,  and  what 
appeared  to  me  of  much  importance,  such  a  publication  would  have 
a  Tendency  to  procure  for  this  important  branch  of  public  Law 
a  fixed  character  in  place  of  the  uncertain  and  contentious  Repu- 
tation it  has  hitherto  possessed  :  by  going  into  the  hands  of  mer- 
chants and  men  of  business,  these  Reports  would  moreover  enable 
them  to  avoid  such  adventures  as  might  be  liable  to  interruption. 

I  accordingly  conversed  with  Sir  William  Scott  upon  the  sub- 
ject ;  at  first  the  proposal  encountered  difficulty  chiefly  on  account 
of  the  contrary  usage ;  this  objection  was  finally  yielded,  and  Sir 
William  Scott  acquiesced,  provided  Government  would  consent 
and  a  suitable  Reporter  could  be  found  to  undertake  the  work.  I 
then  applied  to  the  Minister  and  suggested  such  arguments  as 
seemed  to  me  likely  to  engage  his  attention,  and,  after  a  time,  the 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  151 

Government  gave  its  consent  and  nothing  remained  but  to  find  a 
Reporter. 

As  these  Reports  were  not  expected  to  be  called  for  by  profes- 
sional men,  who  are  the  principal  purchasers  of  the  Common  Law 
Reports,  it  was  apprehended  that  the  demand  might  not  be  suf- 
ficient to  reimburse  the  expenses  of  publication,  and  to  obviate  this 
objection,  recourse  was  had  as  usual  in  cases  of  this  character  to 
last  subscriptions.  Considering  the  utility  of  the  publication  and  the 
part  I  had  taken  to  promote  it,  I  thought  it  expedient  to  subscribe 
for  Fifty  Copies.  These  have  been  sent  from  time  to  time,  and 
in  the  order  of  their  publication,  to  the  Department  of  State, 
except  the  five  copies  which  I  have  distributed  among  the  Ameri- 
can Ministers  in  Europe  and  some  other  public  Characters. 

Upon  this  explanation  which  ought  to  have  been,  and  I  believe 
was,  given  to  your  Predecessor  at  the  time  of  the  subscription,  I 
flatter  myself  the  President  will  not  disapprove  of  this  small  Ex- 
pense. As  but  few  cases  remain  undecided  in  the  High  Court  of 
Admiralty,  which  expects,  as  I  hear,  to  get  through  the  whole  of 
its  Business  in  the  course  of  a  few  weeks  even,  I  presume  that 
these  Reports  will  not  be  extended  far  beyond  their  present  size. 
I  have  suggested  the  advantage  of  adding  to  them  an  appendix, 
containing  the  Form  of  all  Instruments  used  in  the  process  of 
the  Prize  Courts  ;  and  as  Sir  William  Scott  has  given  Direction  to 
the  Registrar  to  supply  Doctor  Robinson  with  all  such  copies  as 
he  may  require  for  this  purpose,  I  am  in  hopes  this  useful  addi- 
tion will  be  made. 

These  Reports  are  supposed  to  undergo  the  revision  and  cor- 
rection of  the  Judge  before  they  are  put  to  press. 

With  Sentiments  of  Sincere  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


CHAPTER  X. 

King  to  Livingston — Has  sent  in  his  Resignation — King  to  Marshall — Plan  of 
Settlement  by  the  Convention  completed  before  he  received  the  Views  of 
the  new  Administration,  though  approved  by  it — Has  resigned  his  Office — 
King  to  R.  Southgate — Has  resigned  his  Office — King  to  Secretary  of 
State — Resigns  his  Office  and  asks  to  return  Home  in  the  Spring  in  a  Frig- 
ate— King  to  Madison — Desires  to  return  in  a  public  Vessel,  etc. — King  to 
Secretary  of  State  —  Conference  with  Lord  Hawkesbury  on  Maryland 
Bank-Stock  and  West  India  Trade — Hoped  to  settle  these  before  he  left — 
Louisiana,  etc. — Gore  to  Lord  Hawkesbury — Boundaries  between  Terri- 
tories of  United  States  and  Great  Britain — Troup  to  King — Burr  ruined  in 
Politics  and  Fortune — Sedgwick  to  King — Politics — Burr. 

K.  King  to  R.  R.  Livingston. 

Private  and  personal. 

London,  Aug.  4,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Although  I  had  nothing  of  interest  to  say,  I  should  have  writ- 
ten to  you  by  Mr.  V.  R.  Livingston  had  he  not  left  us  a  day  or 
two  sooner  than  he  expected.  Having  ever  since  the  conclusion 
of  the  war  thought  seriously  of  returning  home,  1  have  lately  de- 
cided to  do  so,  and  in  my  official  letter  of  this  date,  have  resigned 
my  office,  and  requested  to  be  relieved  in  season  to  embark  early 
next  Spring.  As  I  think  it  possible  that  you  may  be  inclined  to 
pass  some  time  in  this  country  before  you  return  to  America,  and 
in  that  case  might  consent  to  be  transferred  from  your  present 
Residence  to  this  country,  I  take  the  earliest  moment  to  inform 
you  of  my  determination  to  return  home,  in  order  that  you  may 
be  apprized  of  the  vacancy,  which  my  resignation  will  create. 
Mrs.  King  and  I  availing  ourselves  of  the  leave  of  temporary 
absence  which  I  have  received,  propose  in  the  course  of  next 
week  to  embark  for  Holland,  from  whence  we  may  pass  entirely 

152 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  153 

thro'  the  Low  Countries  on  our  way  to  Paris,  where  we  think  of 
spending  five  or  six  weeks  in  September  and  October. 
With  Sentiments  of  great  Regard  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 

R.  King  to  John  Marshall,  Esq. 

Private. 

London,  Aug.  5,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  duly  received  and  beg  you  to  accept  my  acknowledge- 
ments for  your  obliging  Letter  of  May  4.  Notwithstanding  I  do 
think  the  settlement  of  the  British  Claims,  circumstanced  as  they 
were,  honourable  and  advantageous  to  us,  as  well  as  the  evidence 
of  a  conciliatory  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  English  adminis- 
tration, I  am  with  you  entirely  persuaded  that  it  would  have 
met  with  a  different  reception  at  home,  had  the  administration 
remained  in  the  hands  of  those  from  whom  it  has  been  lately 
removed. 

In  a  private  letter  to  you,  connected  and  influential  as  you  have 
been  in  the  promotion  of  this  adjustment,  I  may  without  impro- 
priety say  that  if  there  be  any  merit  in  this  settlement,  it  is  in 
every  respect  due  to  those  who  projected  and  approved  the  plan 
which  led  to  it.  For  not  only  every  material  point  of  the  negotia- 
tion was  completed,  but  the  precise  form  finally  accepted  had 
been  offered  as  an  ultimatum  before  I  had  any  knowledge  of  the 
opinion  of  the  present  Administration.  I  would  not  insinuate 
that  any  sentiments,  unfavourable  to  the  settlement  which  has  been 
made,  were  entertained  by  the  present  Administration  ;  on  the 
contrary,  it  approved  of  what  had  been  done  here,  and  I  think 
sincerely  desired  to  see  the  Business  closed  upon  the  terms 
which  had  been  offered.  I  earnestly  wish  that  on  other  and  still 
more  important  concerns,  its  sentiments  had  been  equally  correct, 
as  they  have  been  in  respect  to  this  Business  ;  but  I  must  disre- 
gard opinions  formed  with  solicitude,  and  after  careful  reflexion, 
not  to  hesitate  in  believing  this  to  have  been  the  case  ;  and  it  is 
for  this  reason,  among  others,  that  upon  mature  consideration  of 
my  duty  to  the  public,  as  well  as  of  what  I  owe  to  myself,  I  have 
thought  it  incumbent  upon  me  to  resign  my  Mission  and  ask  leave 
to  return  home. 


154  RVFUS  KING,  [1802 

Although  I  am  quite  sensible  that  this  is  a  measure  of  no  sort 
of  importance  in  a  public  view,  the  interest  which  you  have  so 
kindly  taken  in  what  personally  concerns  me,  induces  me  to  make 
you  this  communication  and  not  without  the  hope  that  it  will 
receive  your  approbation. 

With  Sentiments  of  the  highest  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Robert  Southgate,  Esq. 

London,  August  5,  1802. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  I  had  continued  to  expect  the  arrival  of  my  nephew 
Horatio.  I  rather  inferred  from  what  he  (Mr.  Boyd)  told  us, 
that  both  he  and  you  had  relinquished  the  plan  of  his  coming  to 
England. 

I  engaged  only  a  temporary  secretary,  and  now  shall  not  think 
of  looking  for  another,  as  I  have  in  my  official  letter  of  this  date 
resigned  my  mission  and  requested  to  be  relieved  in  season  to 
return  home  early  next  Spring. 

It  was  my  wish  to  have  returned  some  time  ago,  but  being  en- 
gaged in  a  negotiation  of  considerable  difficulty  and  importance, 
I  have  not  been  able  until  now  to  do  so  with  propriety.  The 
negotiation  which  detained  me  being  completed,  and  nothing  of 
importance  remaining  in  the  discussion  whereof  I  can  hope  to  be 
useful,  I  think  myself  free  to  resign  my  office  ;  a  measure  that 
will  I  hope  receive  the  approbation  of  my  friends.  .  .  . 
I  remain  with  Sincere  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 
No.  74. 

London,  Aug.  5,  1802. 
Sir: 

It  is  now  six  years  that  I  have  resided  in  this  country.  When 
I  left  America  it  was  not  my  expectation  to  be  absent  more  than 
four  years.  So  long  as  the  war  continued  I  did  not  think  of  re- 
turning home,  believing  that  my  residence  here  might  be  of  some 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  1 55 

public  advantage.  When  the  preliminaries  of  peace  were  signed, 
I  found  myself  engaged  in  a  negotiation  of  considerable  Difficulty 
and  importance  which  restrained  me  from  asking  the  President's 
leave  to  resign  my  mission.  The  negotiation  being  since  com- 
pleted, and  nothing  very  material  remaining  to  be  discussed  in 
which  I  can  flatter  myself  with  being  able  to  render  any  important 
service,  I  have  to  request  that  the  President  would  be  pleased  to 
accept  the  resignation  of  my  office  and  permit  me  to  return  home. 
The  season  is  already  too  far  advanced  to  leave  time  to  receive 
the  President's  permission  before  the  commencement  of  the  long 
nights  and  stormy  season  of  the  present  year.  I  am  not  there- 
fore solicitous  to  be  relieved  before  the  month  of  April  next  as 
my  family  is  large  and  I  am  moreover  desirous  to  carry  home 
with  me  my  library,  furniture,  carriages  and  other  bulky  articles, 
it  would  be  a  great  accommodation  to  me  if  the  President  would 
allow  me  a  passage  in  a  frigate  or  other  national  vessel,  which  at 
the  same  time  would  relieve  my  family  from  any  concern  in  re- 
spect to  the  cruizers  of  Morocco,  or  any  other  piratical  state,  and 
save  me  from  the  heavy  charges  which  I  must  otherwise  incur  in 
returning  home  after  seven  years'  residence  in  the  most  expensive 
Country  of  Europe. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem, 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  James  Madison,  Esq. 

Private. 

London,  August  5,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

In  my  official  letter  of  this  date,  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to 
ask  the  accommodation  of  a  passage  home  for  myself  and  family 
in  one  of  the  public  ships.  Should  the  President  consent,  the 
same  Vessel  might  bring  out  my  successor,  and  carry  me  back. 
At  first  I  thought,  that  a  frigate  returning  home  from  the  Mediter- 
ranean might  without  inconvenience  receive  orders  to  touch  here 
and  take  me  on  board  ;  but  upon  inquiry  I  find,  that,  coming 
from  that  quarter,  she  might  be  liable  to  perform  quarantine, 
which  would  occasion  a  long  detention,  as  well  as  great  expence. 
The  chief  purpose  of  this  letter  is  to  request  the  favour  of  you, 


156  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

to  inform  me,  as  early  as  you  can  with  convenience,  of  the  Presi- 
dent's determination  in  order  that  I  may  be  able  seasonably  to 
make  my  arrangements  concerning  my  baggage,  which  I  must 
endeavour  to  diminish  in  case  I  shall  be  obliged  to  hire  a  vessel 
to  carry  me  home.  I  have  likewise  to  ask  the  additional  favour 
of  you,  to  apprize  my  Agent,  Mr.  Nicholas  Low  of  New  York,  of 
the  President's  decision,  so  that  in  case  I  cannot  be  accommo- 
dated by  a  Passage  in  a  public  ship,  he  may  execute  a  provisional 
order  I  have  given  him  to  prepare  and  send  from  New  York  a 
Vessel  to  carry  me  and  my  family  home. 

With  Sentiments  of  great  Respect  and  Esteem, 

Rufus  King. 
P.  S.  In  case  I  go  home  in  a  public  ship,  I  should  like  to  be 
allowed  to  carry  in  her  a  few  sheep  of  the  Breeds  most  esteemed 
here,  and  perhaps  my  carriage  and  horses  ;  the  latter  are  free 
and  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  I  should  find  no  difficulty  in 
obtaining  permission  to  export  a  small  number  of  the  former 
whose  properties  are  certainly  superior  to  those  of  our  country. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 
No.  75. 

London,  Aug.  10,  1802. 
Sir  : 

As  I  am  about  to  avail  myself  of  the  President's  permission  to 
pass  a  few  weeks  upon  the  Continent,  I  have  thought  it  expedient 
to  endeavour  previously  to  ascertain  the  sentiments  of  this  Gov- 
ernment concerning  the  Trade  and  Navigation  between  the 
United  States  and  the  British  Colonies  in  the  West  Indies,  as  well 
as  to  press  for  a  final  decision  respecting  the  Maryland  Bank 
Stock.  For  these  purposes  I  asked  a  conference  of  Lord  Hawkes- 
bury  in  a  note,  the  copy  whereof  is  annexed.  His  Lordship 
received  me  at  the  time  I  had  proposed,  but  I  regret  that  I  am 
not  able  to  send  you  a  more  satisfactory  Report  of  what  passed 
on  this  occasion. 

In  respect  to  the  Bank  Stock  Lord  Hawkesbury  said  he  had 
lately  received  a  communication  from  the  Chancellor  concerning 
it,  and  that  measures  should  be  taken  to  effect  a  transfer  of  the 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  1 57 

Stock  to  the  Crown,  when  it  would  be  in  a  situation  that  would 
enable  him  to  receive  the  King's  pleasure  respecting  it.  He 
intimated  that  he  had  understood  there  were  other  claims  beside 
that  of  the  State  of  Maryland,  but  so  far  as  he  expressed  any 
opinion,  it  seemed  to  be  that  there  would  be  no  difficulty  of 
importance  in  the  way  of  a  satisfactory  settlement;  after  the 
Stock  had  been  transferred  to  the  Crown.  I  repeated  to  his 
Lordship  arguments  which  had  been  urged  upon  his  Predecessor, 
and  tried,  tho'  without  success,  to  obtain  from  him  an  explicit 
engagement,  that  the  Stock  should  be  transferred  to  me  after  its 
transfer  to  the  Crown. 

Respecting  the  West  India  Trade,  his  Lordship  said  after  a 
short  conversation  explanatory  of  our  expectations,  that  he  could 
give  me  no  explicit  information  whether,  or  how  far,  they  should 
be  able  to  accede  to  our  claims  ;  the  fact  being,  as  he  observed, 
that  not  only  on  account  of  the  constant  succession  of  more 
pressing  concerns,  which  his  Majesty's  Ministers  had  been  called 
upon  to  decide,  but  from  the  unsettled  as  well  as  uncertain  Con- 
dition of  the  West  India  Colonies,  they  had  not  been  able  to  go 
into  the  consideration  of  the  Regulations  which  it  might  be 
deemed  expedient  to  adopt ;  that  they  were  yet  also  to  learn  the 
real  Situation  of  Saint  Domingo,  as  well  as  of  some  other  impor- 
tant Colonies ;  and  that  as  any  change  in  their  former  system 
would  in  some  sort  depend  upon  the  probable  condition  not  only 
of  their  own  but  of  other  Colonies,  they  must  wait  a  little  longer 
before  they  could  form  a  safe  opinion  upon  this  important 
subject. 

I  remarked  to  Lord  Hawkesbury,  that  on  account  of  our  just 
claim  to  an  equal  participation  in  a  Trade  as  necessary  to  them  as 
to  us,  as  well  as  from  the  tenor  of  the  article  agreed  to  by  England, 
but  refused  by  America  in  the  Treaty  of  1794,  we  had  not  ex- 
pected that  a  recurrence  would  be  had  at  the  end  of  the  war  to 
the  exclusive  system  which  had  prevailed  before  ;  that  any  con- 
siderable delay  in  the  decision  of  this  point  would  operate  in  the 
same  way  as  a  decision  in  favour  of  the  old  system,  which,  as  his 
Lordship  must  know,  we  considered  as  unequal  and  injurious  ; 
that  my  apprehension,  therefore,  was  in  case  of  such  delay,  we 
should  think  ourselves  obliged  to  meet  the  disadvantages  to  which 
our  Navigation  is  liable  under  the  former  System  by  Regulations 


158  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

which  would  impose  the  like  Disadvantages  upon  the  British 
Navigation  :  these  Countervailing  Regulations  would  prove  mutu- 
ally, tho'  I  could  not  admit  that  they  would  be  equally,  incon- 
venient, and  might  moreover  have  the  effect  to  disturb  the 
harmonious  and  beneficial  intercourse  it  was  the  common  interest 
of  the  two  Countries  to  promote. 

His  Lordship  made  no  distinct  answer  to  these  Remarks,  con- 
tenting himself  to  repeat  in  substance  what  he  had  before  observed, 
concerning  the  pressure  of  affairs  of  greater  Interest,  and  the 
uncertain  Situation  of  the  West  India  Colonies. 

As  I  found  that  I  had  not  obtained  any  precise  assurance  upon 
the  subject,  which  probably  has  not  yet  been  discussed  in  the 
Cabinet,  I  observed  that  notwithstanding  the  question  might  not 
appear  to  be  of  equal  importance  with  others  which  continue  to 
engage  the  attention  of  the  English  Ministry,  it  nevertheless  had 
excited,  and  might  again  excite,  a  lively  interest  in  the  United 
States  ;  that  the  subject  had  employed  much  of  my  attention  ; 
and  I  had  sometimes  flattered  myself  with  the  hope  that  I  should 
during  my  residence  here,  be  enabled  to  assist  in  the  equitable 
and  satisfactory  settlement  of  it ;  that  I  expected  to  terminate 
my  mission  and  return  to  America  early  in  the  next  Spring  and 
that  it  would  afford  me  some  satisfaction  to  be  authorized  to 
inform  you  that  both  this  Business  and  the  other  regarding  the 
Maryland  Bank  Stock  should  be  decided  before  my  departure. 

Lord  Hawkesbury  replied  that  he  could  not  officially  assure  me 
that  this  should  be  done  ;  but  that  according  to  his  personal  view 
of  the  subjects,  he  foresaw  no  reason  likely  to  delay  the  Decision 
of  them  beyond  the  time  I  had  mentioned.  This  vague  reply, 
and  which  binds  to  nothing,  ended  our  Conference  upon  these 
Topics. 

Lord  Hawkesbury  then  enquired  of  me  if  I  had  received  any 
late  intelligence  concerning  the  Expedition  to  Louisiana  ;  on  my 
answering  in  the  Negative,  he  said,  according  to  their  advices  the 
French  Expedition  was  in  preparation  and  that  it  would  certainly 
proceed.  I,  in  turn,  asked  his  Lordship,  how  far  he  gave  credit 
to  the  rumour  which  had  of  late  been  circulated  that  France  was 
preparing  a  formidable  Expedition  against  Algiers  ;  he  answered, 
that  the  project  existed,  and  that  the  army  would  be  marched  into 
Spain,  and  embarked  in  the  Spanish  Ports,  and  that  Spain,  tho'  it 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  1 59 

was  understood  that  she  has  recently  concluded  Peace  with 
Algiers,  would  nevertheless  be  expected  to  aid  the  French  with 
Provisions,  Ships  and  perhaps  money.  I  did  not  ask  whether 
England  was  likely  also  to  be  embroiled  with  Algiers  in  conse- 
quence of  the  late  capture  of  one  or  two  English  Vessels  by  the 
Cruizers  of  this  Regency ;  having  understood  that  it  is  here 
admitted  that  the  Papers  of  these  Vessels  were  irregular,  and 
that  the  demand  of  England  would  be  confined  to  the  liberation 
of  the  Crew,  leaving  the  Vessels  as  forfeited  to  the  Captors. 

Before  leaving  Lord  Hawkesbury,  I  took  occasion  to  observe 
that  although  my  absence  would  be  only  for  a  short  time,  to 
guard  against  any  inconvenience  which  it  might  possibly  occasion, 
I  would  take  the  liberty  before  my  departure  of  introducing  to 
him,  Mr.  Gore,  one  of  the  Commissioners  under  the  7th  Article 
of  the  Treaty,  who  wd.  act  as  our  Charge  des  affaires  during  my 
absence.  His  Lordship  replied  that  he  should  be  happy  to  receive 
Mr.  Gore,  and  I  shall  accordingly  present  him  in  that  character 
to  Lord  Hawkesbury  before  I  leave  town.  My  plan  is  to  embark 
at  Harwich  about  the  15  th  instant  for  Holland,  from  thence  to  go 
to  Brussels,  and  then  either  directly  to  Paris,  or  turning  to  my 
left  and  travelling  a  few  days  on  the  Borders  of  the  Rhine,  to 
proceed  to  Paris  thro'  some  of  the  more  Eastern  Provinces  of 
France.  As  it  is  the  invaluable  Specimens  of  the  fine  arts  more 
than  the  men  and  manners  of  Paris,  which  I  am  desirous  to  see,  a 
few  weeks  residence  there  will  satisfy  my  curiosity.  I  do  not 
therefore  think  of  prolonging  my  absence  beyond  the  middle  of 
November,  when  the  New  Parliament  will  meet,  and  my  return 
hither  may  be  a  fortnight  sooner. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem, 

Rufus  King. 


C.  Gore  to  Lord  Hawkesbury. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  Aug.  24,  1802. 
Sir  : 

Mr.  Gore  presents  his  compliments  to  Lord  Hawkesbury,  and 
has  the  honour  to  inform  him,  that  since  the  departure  of  Mr. 
King,  he  has  received  for  this  Gentleman  Instructions  and  a  full 
power  from  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  adjust  by  ami- 


l6o  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

cable  Negotiation  with  the  Government  of  his  Britannic  Majesty 
whatever  remains  unsettled  as  to  the  Boundaries  between  the 
Territories  of  the  two  Nations. 

Mr.  Gore  takes  the  liberty  of  proposing  to  his  Lordship  to  com- 
municate to  him,  whenever  he  shall  be  at  leisure  to  attend  thereto, 
the  views  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  in  order  that  his 
Lordship  may  give  to  the  subject  such  consideration  as  he  may 
think  its  importance  requires,  and  that  having  a  distinct  knowl- 
edge thereof,  his  Lordship  may,  on  the  return  of  Mr.  King,  be 
enabled  to  concur  in  such  measures  for  defining  and  settling  the 
Boundary  lines  between  the  two  countries,  as  shall  appear  most 
conducive  to  their  mutual  interests  and  future  harmony. 

Mr.  Gore  flatters  himself  that  Lord  Hawkesbury  will  see, 
in  this  Proposal  of  the  President,  a  new  Proof  of  the  sincere  and 
earnest  desire  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  live  in 
friendship  with  that  of  his  Majesty,  inasmuch  as  it  invites  to  an 
adjustment  by  amicable  negotiation  of  not  only  whatever  may  now 
be  the  occasion  of  inquietude  between  the  Parties,  but  also  of 
everything,  as  far  as  can  be  foreseen,  which  may  interrupt  in 
future  that  good  understanding  so  essential  to  the  interests  and 
happiness  of  both  Nations. 


R.  Troup  to  R.  King. 

New  York,  Aug.  24,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  Burr  in  my  opinion  is  acting  a  little  and  skulking  part. 
Although  Jefferson  hates  him  as  much  as  one  demagogue  can 
possibly  hate  another  who  is  aiming  to  rival  him,  yet  Burr  does 
not  come  forward  in  an  open  and  manly  way  agt.  him.  On  the 
contrary  Burr  still  attempts  to  cause  it  to  be  believed  that  he  is  a 
sincere  supporter  of  Jefferson  and  administration  ;  and  this  we 
are  told  is  to  be  the  complexion  of  Burr's  intended  paper.  The 
duel  between  Clinton  and  Swartout  has  been  a  precious  morsel  to 
us  poor  fallen — and  hungry  federalists.* 

We  calculate  generally  that  Burr  is  ruined  in  politics  as  well  as 
in  fortune.     Saving  a  few  particulars  not  interesting,  the  view  of 
*  See  Hildreth's  Hist,  of  United  States,  2d  ser.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  468. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  l6l 

his  political  conduct  is  a  just  one.  His  manceuvering  for  the 
Presidency  is  past  a  doubt  with  us  all  ;  and  was  so  before  the 
view  made  its  appearance.  Hamilton  has  often  said  he  could 
prove  it  to  the  satisfaction  of  any  court  and  jury.  No  mortal  can 
yet  calculate  the  present  state  of  public  opinion.  Federalism  is 
looking  up.  At  the  last  4th  of  July  the  toasts  everywhere  given 
prove  that  Hamilton  is  regaining  that  general  esteem  and  confi- 
dence, which  he  seems  to  have  lost,  and  his  standing  is  very  much 
our  political  thermometer.  Was  an  election  now  to  be  held  either 
for  Governor  or  President,  it  is  my  opinion  we  should  lose.  What 
may  be  the  progress  of  opinion  towards  a  new  order  of  things,  it 
is  impossible  to  calculate  with  even  tolerable  precision.     .     .     . 

Yours, 

Robt.  Troup. 


T.  Sedgwick  to  R.  King. 

Stockbridge,  24  Aug.,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  The  last  letter  which  I  addressed  to  you  was  from 
Wiscasset.  Maine  has  improved,  is  improving,  and  will,  I  think, 
continue  to  improve,  beyond  what  you  can  easily  imagine.  The 
gentlemen  of  that  country  may  be  compared,  without  disgracing 
them,  to  those  of  any  other  part  of  New  England.  In  politics 
they  have  good  principles  and  a  good  spirit.  In  Massachusetts, 
generally,  the  political  tide,  is  setting,  strongly,  in  a  right  direc- 
tion, and  I  have  no  doubt  will,  for  some  time,  continue  and  in- 
crease.    .     .     . 

As  well  as  I  can  conjecture  from  the  best  information  I  have 
been  able  to  obtain,  the  measures  of  the  administration  have  not 
increased,  but,  on  the  whole,  impaired  the  popularity  of  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  friends.  With  the  better  part — those  whom  we 
esteem — from  facts,  which  you  understand,  there  exists  a  most 
profound  contempt  of  his  understanding  and  a  perfect  abhorrence 
and  detestation  of  his  morals.  The  opinion  which,  among  this 
class  of  people  universally  prevails,  that  he  is  hostile  to  the  chris- 
tian religion  has  produced  a  firm  union  among  the  clergy,  who 
possess  an  influence  in  New  England  that  will  be  felt.  In  this 
part  of  the  U.  S.  it  is  not  to  be  feared  that  either  democracy  or 

VOL.  IV. — II 


l62  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

Jacobinism  will  prevail.  In  New  York,  I  am  inclined  to  believe, 
that,  at  least,  the  progress  of  Clintonianism,  for  as  far  as  that  fac- 
tion prevails  it  is  neither  democracy  nor  jacobinism,  is  brought  to 
a  stand.  But  the  great  line  of  division  by  which  parties  are 
separated  in  other  states  is  more  obscurely  marked  there  than  any- 
where else — the  people  are  more  under  the  dominion  of  personal 
influence.  And  it  is  impossible  at  present  to  predict  in  what  the 
rupture  between  Burr  and  the  Clintons  will  ultimately  terminate. 
Burr's  intentions,  the  means  he  possesses,  and  the  instruments 
which  he  will  employ  are  at  present  unknown.  But  it  is  known 
that  many  active  and  ardent  spirits  are  enlisted  in  his  service,  and 
servilely  devoted  to  him  ;  and  that  his  party  comprises  in  it 
nearly  all  the  needy  and  desperate  adventurers  in  the  community. 
Such  a  party,  so  united,  and  with  such  a  leader,  is  not  to  be  de- 
spised, however  inconsiderable  the  number  at  present.  The 
breach  between  Burr,  the  Clintonians  &  the  Livingstons,  is,  in  all 
probability,  irreparable.  What  direction  Burr  will  take  will  depend, 
wholly,  on  the  opinion  he  shall  form  of  the  means  of  promoting 
his  present  aggrandizement  .  .  .  You  will  receive  a  warm  wel- 
come from  your  friends,  and  from  no  one  more  than  myself.  I 
am  sensible  that  your  residence  where  you  are  may  be  of  much 
benefit  to  our  country.  I  know,  too,  that  your  presence  here 
would  be  of  immense  importance.  Where  you  will  render  the 
best  service,  you  are  the  most  competent  judge.  Of  this,  I  think, 
you  may  be  certain  that  your  return  will  depend  on  your  own 
pleasure.     You  will  not  be  recalled.     .     .     . 

Your  sincere  friend, 

Theodore  Sedgwick. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Journey  of  King  to  the  Continent  of  Europe— Few  Details  of  it— Gore  to  King 
—Correspondence,  and  about  the  Latter's  Sons— King  to  Cazenove— Com- 
plaint  of  Livingston  against  Talleyrand— King  to  Erving— He  had  received 
no  Faculty  to  grant  Passports  to  American  Citizens— Mr.  Gore  has— How 
Slaves  captured  after  an  Insurrection  in  Virginia  in  1800  might  be  disposed 
of— President  Jefferson  to  King— Suggesting  sending  them  to  Sierra  Leone, 
Africa— Also  expressing  his  Satisfaction  with  Mr.  King's  Course  in 
England— And  his  Desire  for  peaceful  and  friendly  Relations  with  Great 
Britain— Gore  to  the  President— Answers  the  Letter  to  King,  giving  the 
Refusal  of  the  Company  to  receive  the  Blacks— J.  Q.  Adams  to  King- 
Condition  of  Affairs  in  the  U.  S.  —  Strength  of  the  Administration 
increasing. 

Availing  himself  of  the  permission  granted  to  him  by  the 
President,  Mr.  King  prepared  to  visit  the  Continent  of  Eu- 
rope and  pass  through  its  western  portions  until  he  reached 
Paris.  At  no  other  period  during  his  residence  abroad  as 
Minister  to  Great  Britain  could  he  have  left  his  post  in  Lon- 
don, for  the  state  of  war  between  that  country  and  France, 
and  the  hostile  aspect  of  the  latter  towards  the  United 
States,  would  have  prevented  his  visiting  those  States 
which  were  more  or  less  involved  in  the  active  operations  of 
the  war.  Peace  had  now,  however,  been  declared  between 
the  rival  nations  and  intercourse  was  again  free.  His  press- 
ing work  in  England  had  been  accomplished  to  the  satisfac- 
tion of  his  government ;  and  although  there  was  much  to  be 
done  to  arrange  the  still  unsettled  questions  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  and  to  strengthen  the  good 
feeling  between  the  two  countries,  it  was  not  probable  that 
for  some  months  anything  could  be  effected,  for  the  public 

163 


164  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

men  of  England  were  accustomed  at  that  time  of  the  year 
to  take  a  period  of  rest  and  relaxation  from  business.  Be- 
sides these  considerations,  the  relations  between  France 
and  the  United  States  were  on  a  better  footing,  although 
France  had  recently  consummated  what  seemed  an  un- 
friendly act,  and  one  by  which  the  future  welfare  of  the 
United  States  might  be  endangered,  in  accepting  the  cession 
of  Louisiana  from  Spain. 

Under  these  circumstances  Mr.  King  felt  that  he  could 
properly  and  satisfactorily  carry  out  his  wish  to  see  the 
western  countries  of  Europe  before  his  return  home,  and  en- 
joy the  pleasure  he  was  so  fitted  to  receive  of  spending  a 
few  months  in  lands  celebrated  for  their  beautiful  scenery, 
in  studying  the  habits  of  the  people  with  whose  history  he 
was  so  familiar,  and  in  examining  the  works  of  art  and  monu- 
ments in  their  cities,  terminating  his  journey  by  a  short 
sojourn  in  Paris,  where  so  much  was  to  be  seen,  so  many 
distinguished  men  were  assembled,  and  where  the  First  Con- 
sul had  firmly  established  himself. 

He  first  provided  for  the  conduct  of  the  business  of  the 
United  States  in  London  by  appointing  his  friend  Christo- 
pher Gore,  one  of  the  Commissioners  under  the  7th  Article 
of  the  Treaty  of  1794,  as  Charge  d' Affaires  during  his  ab- 
sence, having  notified  the  Secretary  of  State  that  this  "  would 
be  without  expense  to  the  public."  Having  thus  arranged 
his  affairs,  he  started  from  London  and  embarked  at  Harwich 
on  August  15th,  in  a  vessel  for  Helviotsluys,  which  place 
he  reached  the  next  day  after  a  short  and  comfortable  pas- 
sage. His  party  consisted  of  "  Mrs.  King,  Smith  and  Inger- 
soll,"* with  two  servants  and  travelling  carriage,"  as  he  says 

*  Mr.  Charles  J.  Ingersoll  of  Philadelphia,  then  a  young  man,  had  for  some 
time  been  on  intimate  terms  with  Mr.  King  and  his  family  in  London.  A 
warm  attachment  sprang  up  among  them,  due  largely  to  Mr.  Ingersoll's  bright- 
ness of  manner,  intelligence,  and  at  that  time  congeniality  of  views  with  those 
of  Mr.  King,  who  had  a  sincere  regard  for  him.  These  kind  feelings  continued 
during  Mr.  King's  life,  of  which  there  are  many  evidences  in  his  Correspon- 
dence. In  his  Recollections,  p.  16,  in  the  prefatory  chapter,  Mr.  Ingersoll  says  : 
"After  Rufus  King,  American  Minister  in  England,  performed  his  initiatory 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  l65 

in  a  Diary  which,  though  meagre  in  details,  was  kept  only 
until  he  left  Brussels.  Though  it  records  little  that  would 
be  particularly  interesting  to  reproduce  here,  the  pages  show 
the  interest  he  took  in  the  new  scenes,  in  habits  so  different 
from  those  of  his  own  country  and  of  the  English  people 
whom  he  had  so  recently  left,  and  in  the  buildings  and 
works  of  art  in  Holland,  with  the  latter  of  which  he  was  not 
much  impressed.  We  have  nothing  of  the  Rhine  along 
which  he  travelled,  nor  of  Switzerland  with  its  alpine  scenery 
and  its  sturdy  liberty-loving  people,  nor  of  Eastern  France 
through  which  he  journeyed  to  Paris,  where  he  arrived  about 
the  15th  of  October  and  which  he  left  in  the  middle  of 
November,  reaching  London  on  the  17th.  He  and  his  party 
seem  to  have  enjoyed  their  tour,  to  have  met  with  no  inter- 
ruptions or  mishaps,  and  to  have  returned  to  England  in 

health. 

During  the  whole  period  of  his  absence  a  constant  corres- 
pondence was  maintained  between  Mr.  Gore  and  himself, 
but  unfortunately  few  of  Mr.  Gore's  letters  are  preserved 
and  none  of  Mr.  King's.  The  former  kept  him  informed 
about  the  business  of  the  Legation,  consisting  of  communi- 
cations with  the  British  Ministry,  especially  relative  to  the 
boundaries  of  the  United  States,  for  the  adjustment  of  which 
a  commission  was  sent  to  Mr.  King  during  his  absence,  and 
for  the  early  settlement  of  which  Mr.  Gore  made  an  earnest 
plea,  as  likely  to  promote  mutual  benefit  and  the  future  peace 
of  the  two  countries. 

But  the  most  interesting  portions  of  his  letters  to  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  King  were  those  relating  to  the  boys,  whom  they  had 
left  in  England  at  school  and  under  the  loving  care  of  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Gore.  They  had  not  been  blessed  with  children, 
but  they  always  seemed  to  look  upon  the  children  of  their 
old  friends  as  if  they  were  their  own  and  took  them  to  their 

and  important  accessorial  part  in  the  attainment  of  Louisiana,  I  went  in  his 
diplomatic  family  from  London  to  Paris  in  1802,  .  .  .  returned  with  Mr. 
King  from  England  to  America,  with  the  first  intelligence  of  its  (Louisiana's) 
acquisition." 


1 66  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

hearts  as  they  had  taken  their  parents  before  them.  Nothing 
that  interested  the  boys  escaped  their  care  and  attention  and 
every  little  incident  of  their  lives  at  school  or  during  the 
holidays,  which  were  passed  with  Mr.  Gore,  was  treasured 
up  to  be  reported  to  their  absent  friends  as  accounts  they 
would  be  anxious  to  receive  and  which  would  cheer  them 
during  the  separation. 

Writing  of  the  Harrow  boys,  who  were  with  him,  he  says  : 
"  They  recite  sixty  or  seventy  lines  of  Virgil  every  morning — 
billiards,  shooting  and  riding  occupy  the  residue  of  the  day. 
Their  health  is  perfectly  right,  &  both  a  la  physique  &  a  la  morale 
they  are  in  every  respect,  as  we  or  you  would  desire  them  to 
be.  .  .  .  Frederick  (the  baby)  whom  I  have  just  been  tossing 
in  the  air  and  spanking,  for  he  is  literally  a  sans-culotte,  daily 
improves  in  strength,  good  humour  and  smiles." 

In  a  note  to  one  of  Mr.  Gore's  letters  the  Harrow  boys  say  : 

"  We  have  been  out  to  day  shooting  Moor  Hens  ;  we  killed 
three  and  by  the  first  of  September,  if  we  had  dogs,  we  should  be 
able  to  shoot  even  partridges." 

Having  procured  a  dog,  Mr.  Gore  writes  that  on  their  first 
going  out  for  game,  September  2d : 

"  John  shot  a  partridge  &  a  pigeon  &  Charles  a  partridge  & 
pigeon  ;  there  seems  some  question  whether  the  latter's  partridge 
had  not  been  dropped  before,  but  on  the  whole,  after  fair  discus- 
sion &  mature  deliberation  it  is  concluded  that  Charles  is  justly 
entitled  to  the  merit  of  having  killed  a  partridge  &  pigeon." 

The  following  quotations  will  show  the  way  in  which  Mr. 
Gore  continued  to  write  about  the  children  and  to  comfort 
their  parents : 

"  The  children  are  all  well.  Mrs.  Gore  who  came  to  town  last 
night  (Oct.  15th)  saw  Edward,  en  passant,  and  takes  him  to  Ran- 
dalls (their  country  place)  to-day.  Frederick's  teeth  in  front, 
that  is  to  say  two,  are  very  distinct  &  apparent.  His  health  is  firm 
&  he  will  soon  walk.  He  is  quite  an  aspiring  youth,  for  he  is  ever 
on  tiptoe  to  attain  a  commanding  view — to  humble  himself  to  the 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  167 

level  of  his  feet  is  all  that  is  necessary  for  him  to  move  like  other 
boys.  If  you  do  not  return  soon  it  is  not  absolutely  certain  that 
we  shall  not  have  him  in  jacket  and  breeches.  John  &  Charles 
say  they  study  hard  and  expect  to  be  in  the  Shell  at  Christmas 
when  they  shall  have  a  fag.  I  doubt  whether  enough  has  been  said 
to  convince  you  how  very  properly  the  boys  conducted  during 
the  vacation.  They  are  entitled  to  every  mark  of  remembrance 
which  their  mother  promised  &  she  will  not,  I  am  sure,  forget  to 
bring  all  and  more  than  they  expected,  as  tokens  of  her  regard 
and  satisfaction  in  their  good  behaviour." 

The  object  in  giving  these  extracts  is  to  show  that  the 
home  life  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  King  was  one  which  manifested  an 
affectionate  and  cheerful  intercourse,  that  showed  itself  in 
the  manner  in  which  their  children  were  taught  obedience 
to  them,  confidence  in  their  parents,  and  respect  to  those 
about  them.  It  could,  therefore,  and  must  have  been  a 
source  of  satisfaction  to  know  that  their  absence  produced 
no  change,  and  that  the  same  docile  and  winning  manners 
won  the  warm  commendation  of  their  friends  as  they  had 
among  their  teachers. 

It  has  been  said  that  there  are  no  letters  of  Mr.  King's 
during  his  tour  on  the  Continent  giving  an  account  of  his 
journey.  There  are,  however,  two  which,  though  a  little  out 
of  date  here,  and  written  while  in  Paris,  relate  to  public 
matters,  and  are  here  given. 

R.  King  to  Mr.  Cazenove,  Paris. 

Paris,  Oct.  23,  1802. 
Sir  : 

It  was  my  purpose  to  have  gone  last  evening  with  Mrs.  King  to 
pay  our  Compliments  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Talleyrand,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  have  said  a  word  or  two  to  you  concerning  the  affair 
you  communicated  to  me  on  the  part  of  Mr.  T.  Unfortunately 
we  were  detained  till  too  late  an  hour  by  some  friends  who  called 
upon  us  in  the  early  part  of  the  evening. 

I  have  just  been  at  Mr.  Talleyrand's  office,  but  he  has  not 
arrived  in  town,  and  I  must  therefore  send  you  this  note  to  say  in 


1 68  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

regard  to  the  communication  you  made  to  me  on  Thursday,  that 
as  I  do  not  perceive  that  my  interference  would  be  likely  to  prove 
beneficial,  I  must  ask  the  favor  of  you  to  regard  what  has  passed 
between  us  as  though  it  had  never  happened. 

With  unvaried  Sentiments  of  Esteem  &c.  yours 

R.  K. 

At  the  head  of  this  letter  Mr.  King  writes  as  follows,  to 
explain  the  matter  to  which  the  letter  refers  : 

"  Mr.  Livingston  being  twice  postponed,  and  others  who  came 
later  to  the  audience  chamber  of  Talleyrand  received  before  him, 
wrote  a  note  complaining  of  this  indignity  and  notifying  his 
determination  to  confine  himself  to  written  communications  with 
the  Department  of  for.  affairs.  Talleyrand  draughted  an  answer 
in  wh.  he  complains  of  the  captious  compt.  of  Livingston,  wh.  he 
ascribes  to  his  want  of  Experience  and  having  begun  late  in  life 
the  diplomic.  career,  and  expresses  a  hope  that  the  Pr.,  whose 
knowledge  of  diplomacy  he  foresees,  wd.  see  no  reason  to  justify 
his  minr.  This  letter  Talleyrand  gave  to  Cazenove  to  show  to 
me,  with  a  request  that  I  wd.  interfere  to  persuade  Livingston  to 
recall  his  complt.  &c.  I  communicated  this  overture  to  Mr.  L., 
and  it  was  our  joint  opinion  that  I  should  decline  any  inter- 
ference." 


R.  King  to  G.  W.  Erving,  Esq.,  Consul  of  the  United  States 

at  London. 

Paris,  Oct.  17,  1802. 
Sir  : 

I  have  just  received  your  Letter  of  the  19th  instant  and  lose  no 
time  in  sending  you  my  reply,  to  say  that  you  appeared  to  have 
misconceived  the  nature  and  object  of  your  Correspondence  with 
the  Alien  office,  which  neither  required,  nor  gave  to  you  any, 
much  less  the  exclusive,  faculty  of  granting  Passports  to  Ameri- 
can Citizens  upon  their  entry,  and  residence  within,  or  their  de- 
parture from  the  limits  of  your  Consulship.  Indeed  the  late 
modification  of  the  Alien  Law,  the  purport  whereof  was  commu- 
nicated to  the  several  American  Consuls,  especially  changed  the 
measures  of  Police  respecting  Aliens  which  had  before  existed, 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  1 69 

and  in  a  great  measure,  if  not  altogether,  dispensed  with  your 
farther  interference.  It  will  doubtless  be  sufficient  to  prevent  the 
steps  you  have  supposed  yourself  authorized  to  adopt  in  respect 
to  the  Passports  which  may  have  been  granted  by  Mr.  Gore,  that 
you  should  know  that  Mr.  Gore  is  charged  with  the  affairs  of  the 
United  States  in  England  during  my  absence,  and  that  he  finds 
of  course  among  the  ordinary  authorities  of  this  character  that  of 
granting  Passports  to  American  Citizens. 

I  am,  Sir,  with  due  respect  &c. 

R.  K. 

The  admirable  letters  of  Mr.  Gore  to  Mr.  King  and  his 
communications  with  Lord  Hawkesbury  and  Mr.  Madison 
might  well  find  a  place  here,  but  as  they  are  long,  and  gen- 
erally relate  to  matters  which,  though  then  brought  into 
notice,  were  not  settled  at  that  time,  they  must  be  passed 
over.  There  was,  however,  one  subject  of  deep  interest 
with  reference  to  which,  during  Mr.  King's  absence,  he  had 
to  take  an  active  part.  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  a  letter  to  Dr. 
Rush,  September  23,  1800,*  had  written,  "you  will  hear  of 
an  attempt  at  insurrection  in  this  State  (Virginia).  I  am 
looking  with  anxiety  to  see  what  will  be  its  effect  in  our 
State.  We  are  truly  to  be  pitied."  The  insurrection  was 
put  down,  and  the  leaders  were  captured  and  imprisoned. 
A  question  arose  as  to  what  should  be  done  to  them,  and 
the  Legislature  had  brought  before  them  some  resolutions 
relative  to  the  matter,  but  postponed  them  until  a  future 
time.  They  were,  however,  referred  to  Gov.  Monroe,  who, 
on  June  15,  1801,  communicated  them  to  the  President,  Mr. 
Jefferson,  and  again,  on  November  17,  called  his  attention  to 
them.  In  the  answer  to  this  letter,  Mr.  Jefferson,  Novem- 
ber 24,  1 80 1,  wrote  :f 

"That  the  publication  of  these  resolutions  might  have  an  ill 
effect  in  more  than  one  quarter.  In  confidence  of  attention  to 
this  I  shall  indulge  greater  freedom  in  writing.     Common  male- 

*  Jefferson? s  Works,  vol.  iv.,  p.  336. 
f  Ibid.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  419. 


1 70  R  UFUS  KING.  [  1 80 2 

factors,  I  presume,  make  no  part  of  the  object  of  that  resolution. 
Neither  their  numbers,  nor  the  nature  of  their  offences,  seem  to 
require  any  provisions  beyond  those  practised  heretofore,  and 
found  adequate  to  the  suppression  of  ordinary  crime.  Con- 
spiracy, insurgency,  treason,  rebellion,  (among  the  description  of 
persons  who  brought  on  thus  the  alarm,  and  on  themselves  the 
tragedy  of  1800)  were  doubtless  in  the  view  of  everyone  ;  but 
many  perhaps  contemplated,  and  one  expression  of  the  resolution 
might  comprehend,  a  much  larger  scope.  Respect  to  both 
opinions  makes  it  my  duty  to  understand  the  resolution  in  all  the 
extent  of  which  it  is  possible." 

Without  following  him  in  the  details  of  the  letter,  it  may 
be  stated  that  he  suggests  that  in  some  way  these  persons 
might  be  placed  in  colonies  in  lands  at  home,  or  even 
abroad,  and  discusses  various  plans  by  which  they  might  be 
removed,  with  the  objections  that  might  be  urged  against 
them.     Among  places  proposed,  he  writes :  * 

"On  our  western  and  southern  frontiers  Spain  holds  an  im- 
mense country,  the  occupancy  of  which,  however,  is  in  the  Indian 
natives,  except,  a  few  insulated  spots,  possessed  by  Spanish 
subjects.  It  is  very  questionable,  indeed,  whether  the  Indians 
would  sell  ?  Whether  Spain  would  be  willing  to  receive  these 
people  ?  and  nearly  certain  that  she  would  not  alienate  the  sov- 
ereignty, &c."  f 

He  speaks  also  of  the  West  Indies,  and  finally  says  that 
"Africa  would  offer  a  last  and  undoubted  resort,  if  all  others 
more  desirable  should  fail  us." 

With  this  statement  of  the  serious  question  which  was 
troubling  the  people  of  Virginia,  and  incidentally  the  other 
States  where  slaves  abounded,  we  are  prepared  for  the  fol- 
lowing letter,  which  the  President  wrote  to  Mr.  King  on 

*  Jefferson's  Works,  vol.  iv.,  p.  420. 

f  Mr.  Jefferson,  at  this  time,  evidently  ignored  or  thought  little  of  the  infor- 
mation of  the  reported  cession  of  Louisiana  and,  as  it  was  supposed,  of  the 
Floridas  to  France,  sent  to  him  by  Mr.  King  on  June  1  and  August  24  of  1801. 
—Editor. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  \J\ 

July  13,  1802,  asking  his  co-operation  in  obtaining  from  the 
Sierra  Leone  Company  permission  to  transport  "  the  slaves 
guilty  of  insurgency  "  to  their  colony,  and  giving  his  views 
upon  this  interesting  matter ;  at  the  same  time,  affording 
him  an  opportunity  "  to  assure  you  (Mr.  King)  of  his  perfect 
satisfaction  with  the  manner  in  which  you  have  conducted 
the  several  matters  confided  to  you  by  us."  * 

T.  Jefferson  to  R.  King. 

Washington,  July  13,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

The  course  of  things  in  the  neighboring  islands  of  the  West 
Indies  appear  to  have  given  a  considerable  impulse  to  the  minds 
of  slaves  in  different  parts  of  the  United  States.  A  great  dispo- 
sition to  insurgency  has  manifested  itself  among  them,  which,  in 
one  instance,  in  the  State  of  Virginia,  broke  out  into  actual  insur- 
rection. This  was  easily  suppressed  ;  but  many  of  those  con- 
cerned (between  twenty  and  thirty,  I  believe)  fell  victims  to  the 
law.  So  extensive  an  execution  could  not  but  excite  sensibility 
in  the  public  mind  and  begat  a  regret  that  the  laws  had  not 
provided,  for  such  cases,  some  alternative  combining  more  mild- 
ness with  equal  efficacy.  The  Legislature  of  the  State  at  a  sub- 
sequent meeting  took  the  subject  into  consideration,  and  have 
communicated  to  me  through  the  Governor  of  the  State,  their 
wish  that  some  place  could  be  provided,  out  of  the  limits  of  the 
United  States,  to  which  slaves  guilty  of  insurgency  might  be 
transported  ;  and  they  have  particularly  looked  to  Africa  as  offer- 
ing the  most  desirable  receptacle.  We  might,  for  instance,  enter 
into  negotiations  with  the  natives,  on  some  part  of  the  coast,  to 
obtain  a  settlement ;  and,  by  establishing  an  African  Company, 
combine  with  it  commercial  operations,  which  might  not  only 
reimburse  expenses,  but  procure  profit  also.  But  there  being 
already  such  an  establishment  on  that  coast  by  the  English  Sierra 
Leone  company,  made  for  the  express  purpose  of  colonizing 
civilized  blacks  to  that  country,  it  would  seem  better,  by  incor- 
porating our  emigrants  with  theirs,  to  make  one  strong,  rather 
than  two  weak  colonies.     This  would  be  more  desirable  because 

*  Jefferson's  Works,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  442-44. 


172  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

the  blacks  settled  at  Sierra  Leone  having  chiefly  gone  from  the 
States,  would  often  receive  among  those  we  should  send,  their 
acquaintances  and  relatives. 

The  object  of  this  letter  therefore  is  to  ask  the  favor  of  you  to 
enter  into  conference  with  such  persons  private  and  public  as 
would  be  necessary  to  give  us  permission  to  send  thither  the  per- 
sons under  contemplation.  It  is  material  to  observe  that  they  are 
not  felons,  or  common  malefactors,  but  persons  guilty  of  what 
the  Safety  of  Society,  under  actual  circumstances,  obliges  us  to 
treat  as  a  crime,  but  which  their  feelings  may  represent  in  a  far 
different  shape.  They  are  such  as  will  be  a  valuable  acquisition 
to  the  settlement  already  existing  there,  and  well  calculated  to 
co-operate  in  the  plan  of  civilization. 

As  the  expense  of  so  distant  a  transportation  would  be  very 
heavy,  and  might  weigh  unfavorably  in  deciding  between  the 
modes  of  punishment,  it  is  very  desirable  that  it  should  be  les- 
sened as  much  as  practicable.  If  the  regulations  of  the  place 
would  permit  these  emigrants  to  dispose  of  themselves,  as  the 
Germans  and  others  do  who  come  to  this  country  poor,  by  giving 
their  labor  for  a  certain  time  to  some  one  who  will  pay  their  pas- 
sage ;  and  if  the  master  of  the  vessel  could  be  permitted  to  carry 
articles  of  commerce  from  this  country  and  take  back  others  from 
that,  which  might  yield  a  mercantile  profit  sufficient  to  cover  the 
expenses  of  the  voyage,  a  serious  difficulty  would  be  removed.  I 
will  ask  your  attention  therefore  to  arrangements  necessary  for 
this  purpose. 

The  consequences  of  permitting  emancipations  to  become  ex- 
tensive, unless  the  condition  of  emigration  be  annexed  to  them, 
furnish  also  matter  of  solicitation  to  the  Legislature  of  Virginia, 
as  you  will  perceive  by  their  resolution  enclosed  to  you.  Al- 
though provision  for  the  settlement  of  emancipated  negroes  might 
perhaps  be  obtainable  nearer  home  than  Africa,  yet  it  is  desirable 
that  we  should  be  free  to  expatriate  this  description  of  people 
to  the  Colony  of  Sierra  Leone,  if  considerations  respecting  either 
themselves  or  us  should  render  it  more  expedient.  I  will  pray 
you  therefore  to  get  the  same  permission  extended  to  the  recep- 
tion of  these  as  well  as  the  first  mentioned.  Nor  will  there  be  a 
selection  of  bad  subjects  ;  the  emancipations,  for  the  most  part, 
being  either  of  the  whole  slaves  of  the  master,  or  of  such  indi- 


1802]  LIFE   AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  1 73 

viduals  as  have  particularly  deserved  well  ;  the  latter  is  most 
frequent. 

The  request  of  the  Legislature  of  Virginia  having  produced  to 
me  the  occasion  of  addressing  you,  I  avail  myself  of  it  to  assure 
you  of  my  perfect  satisfaction  with  the  manner  in  which  you  have 
conducted  the  several  matters  confided  to  you  by  us  ;  and  to  ex- 
press my  hope  that  through  your  agency  we  may  be  able  to  re- 
move everything  inauspicious  to  a  cordial  friendship  between  this 
country  and  the  one  in  which  you  are  stationed  ;  a  friendship 
dictated  by  too  many  considerations  not  to  be  felt  by  the  wise 
and  the  dispassionate  of  both  nations.  It  is  therefore  with  the 
sincerest  pleasure  I  have  observed  on  the  part  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment various  manifestations  of  just  and  friendly  disposition 
towards  us.  We  wish  to  cultivate  peace  and  friendship  with  all 
nations,  believing  that  course  most  conducive  to  the  welfare  of  our 
own.  It  is  natural  that  these  friendships  should  bear  some  pro- 
portion to  the  common  interests  of  the  parties.  The  interesting 
relations  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  are  certainly 
of  the  first  order  ;  and  as  such  are  estimated  and  will  be  faith- 
fully cultivated  by  us.  These  sentiments  have  been  communi- 
cated to  you  from  time  to  time  in  the  official  correspondence  of 
the  Secretary  of  State  ;  but  I  have  thought  it  might  not  be  unac- 
ceptable to  be  assured  that  they  perfectly  concur  with  my  own 
personal  convictions  both  in  relation  to  yourself  and  the  country 
in  which  you  are.  I  pray  you  to  accept  assurances  of  my  high 
consideration  and  respect. 

This  letter  of  the  President  was  received  by  Mr.  Gore, 
who  upon  ascertaining  its  contents,  under  his  authority  as 
Charge  d'Affaires  during  Mr.  King's  absence,  immediately 
took  steps  to  obtain  the  information  asked  for  in  it,  and  in 
a  letter  to  the  President  explains  the  result  of  his  inves- 
tigations. 

C.  Gore  to  His  Excellency  Thomas  Jefferson. 

London,  io  Oct.  1802. 
Sir: 

In  consequence  of  being  left  by  Mr.  King  in  charge  with  the 
affairs  of  the  United  States,  and  of  his  desire  that  I  should  inspect 


174  RUFUS  KING,  [1802 

all  letters  directed  to  him,  I  opened  that  from  yourself  under  date 
of  the  13  of  July,  and  which  was  received  on  the  13th  ultimo. 

This,  sir,  I  must  pray  you  to  accept  as  an  apology  for  having 
broken  its  seal,  and  if  my  subsequent  conduct  shall  appear  an 
intrusion,  you  will  do  me  the  justice,  to  impute  it  to  the  most 
respectful  motives,  combined  with  an  earnest  desire  to  promote 
the  object  of  the  Letter,  if  in  no  other  way,  at  least  in  obtaining 
and  forwarding  all  such  information  as  could  be  procured  here, 
and  might  help  to  advance  the  wise  and  humane  plan,  you  have 
so  benevolently  contemplated  of  opening  a  path  for  the  emanci- 
pation of  the  Blacks,  on  such  terms  as  may  prove  beneficial  to 
themselves  and  not  injurious  to  others.  I  was  the  more  induced 
to  act  in  this  business  from  the  belief  that  Mr.  King  would  not  be 
here  to  attain  any  information  in  season  to  reach  the  United 
States  until  late  in  the  winter. 

Lord  Hawkesbury,  to  whom  I  thought  proper  first  to  mention 
the  subject,  professed  a  warm  desire  to  do  everything  in  his 
power  to  promote  your  views,  but  at  the  same  time  the  affair 
must  rest  entirely  with  the  Directors  of  the  Sierra  Leone  Com- 
pany and  that  he  was  really  fearful  their  late  experience  had  been 
such  as  to  deter  them  from  the  admission  of  characters  like  those 
alluded  to. 

I  then  took  an  opportunity  of  conferring  with  Mr.  Thornton, 
Chairman  of  the  Court  of  Directors,  and  stated  to  him  the  Reso- 
lution of  the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  and  your  idea  of  the  best 
mode  of  carrying  the  same  into  effect  with  such  arguments,  so 
far  as  I  could  think  of  any,  in  addition  to  those  contained  in 
your  letter,  to  show  that  the  admission  of  the  Blacks  from  the 
United  States  might  under  such  regulations  as  wisdom  and 
prudence  should  prescribe,  prove  an  addition  and  strength  and 
benefit  to  their  colony.  But  the  establishment  has  suffered  much 
from  the  maroons,  who  have  been  permitted  to  go  there  from 
Jamaica,  and  the  Directors  consider  that  the  rise  of  their  colony 
has  been  rather  impeded  than  advanced  by  the  Blacks  from  Nova 
Scotia.  They  have  been  lately  obliged  to  apply  to  Parliament 
for  pecuniary  aid,  and  to  ask  assistance  of  troops,  to  keep  in 
check  the  restless  and  disturbed  spirits  already  there.  The  mili- 
tary force  is  not  so  great  as  they  wish  for,  and  they  entertain  seri- 
ous apprehensions  if  it  be  sufficient  to  protect  the  well  disposed, 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  1 75 

and  repress  the  constant  disposition  manifested  in  many  of  the 
Colonists  to  revolt  and  overturn  the  existing  Government. 

These  reasons  appear  to  have  great  weight  in  Mr.  Thornton's 
mind  against  the  policy  of  admitting  such  settlers,  as  would  be 
most  likely  to  come  from  the  United  States.  He  has  however 
come  to  no  determination  against  the  measure,  but  promises  to 
advise  with  his  friends  and  see  if  any  expedient  can  be  devised 
by  which  the  danger  to  be  feared  from  acceding  to  the  proposal 
may  be  guarded  against. 

It  is  possible  that  on  Mr.  King's  return  he  may  be  able  to  sug- 
gest such  reasons  as  shall  induce  the  Directors  to  lend  a  favour- 
able ear  to  the  plan.  He  is  intimate  with  some  of  the  most  influ- 
ential of  them,  and  if  aught  can  be  added  to  the  strong  motives 
they  profess,  and  I  have  no  doubt  sincerely,  to  do  every  thing 
acceptable  to  the  exalted  character,  at  whose  instance  the  propo- 
sition has  been  made,  it  may  be  expected  from  the  personal 
influences  of  this  gentleman.  Although  from  the  considerations 
mentioned,  which  with  others  are  to  be  seen  in  the  State  of  the 
Colony,  as  described  in  the  memorial  to  Parliament,  and  the 
report  of  the  Committee,  I  do  not  think  there  is  much  reason  to 
hope,  that  an  incorporation  of  the  Blacks  of  the  United  States 
with  those  of  Sierra  Leone,  can  be  reconciled  in  the  minds  of  the 
Directors  to  the  Safety  and  prosperity  of  the  Establishment. 

I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Thornton  for  the  Papers  referred  to,  and 
which  you  will  find  gave  an  accurate  statement  of  that  colony,  the 
evils  most  to  be  guarded  against,  with  the  means  thought  neces- 
sary for  its  security,  and  the  expenses  of  the  Establishment.  As 
these  Papers  are  scarce  and  contain  information  which  may  be 
valuable  on  this  subject,  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  enclose  them 
with  this  letter. 

Should  an  occasion  occur  which  may  promise  advantage  to  the 
proposal  from  any  endeavours  of  mine,  you  may  rely  on  their 
being  cheerfully  and  faithfully  exerted  to  that  end,  and  if  farther 
information  can  be  procured  which  in  my  judgment  may  be  use- 
ful in  this  interesting  business  before  the  arrival  of  Mr.  King,  I 
pray  you,  sir,  to  be  assured  that  I  shall  derive  great  pleasure  in 
forwarding  it. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  perfect  Respect, 

C.  Gore. 


176  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

J.  Q.  Adams  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  8  October,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

We  have  enjoyed  during  the  summer  an  extraordinary  degree 
of  tranquility,  and  since  the  session  of  Congress  terminated  in 
May,  no  public  event  of  material  importance  has  happened.  The 
newspapers  have  been  chiefly  rilled  with  personal  attacks  upon 
the  President  and  Vice-President,  coming  from  different  and  per- 
haps opposite  quarters  ;  all  arising  originally  from  divisions  in 
their  own  party.  These  divisions  have  occasioned  animosities  of 
no  small  inveteracy  between  individuals.  You  have  doubtless 
been  better  informed  of  the  transactions  at  New  York  than  it 
would  be  in  my  power  to  inform  you.  The  warfare  there  has 
been  between  the  friends  of  Mr.  Burr,  and  those  of  the  Clinton 
family.  In  Virginia  the  principal  batteries  have  been  pointed 
at  Mr.  Jefferson,  by  a  Scotsman,  named  Callender,  of  whom  you 
have  probably  heard  heretofore.*  He  writes  under  the  influence 
of  personal  resentment  and  revenge,  but  the  effect  of  his  publica- 
tions upon  the  reputation  of  the  President  has  been  considerable. 

What  the  consequence  of  these  internal  feuds  in  the  ruling 
party  will  be  is  not  yet  apparent.  But  independent  of  them  and 
considered  as  a  single  party  in  opposition  to  the  federalists,  the 
strength  of  the  present  administration  is  continually  increasing. 
It  has  obtained  and  preserves  an  irresistible  preponderance 
in  thirteen  of  the  sixteen  State  legislatures,  and  the  resistence 
in  the  three  others  scarcely  maintains  its  ground.  In  both 
houses  of  Congress  the  majority  is  already  decisive,  but  at 
the  ensuing  Congress,  will  be  much  larger.  The  division  in  the 
Senate  is  now  nearly  equal.  But  for  the  next  two  years,  there 
will  be  nearly  two  thirds  of  the  partizans  of  the  present  govern- 
ment. In  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  their  ascendancy  is  so  great 
that  the  federalists  have  scarcely  dared  to  name  a  candidate  in 
opposition  to  Governor  McKean's  re-election  ;  federalism  is 
indeed  in  that  state  so  completely  palsied,  that  scarcely  a  trace  of 
it  is  to  be  discovered  except  in  here  and  there  a  newspaper  edited 
by  New  England  men. 

This  party  triumph  is  not  enjoyed  with  moderation.     The  basis 

*  For  an  account  of  Callender  and  his  work  see  Hildreth's  Hist,  of  the  United 
States,  2d  ser.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  453  et  sea. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  iyy 

of  it  all  is  democratic  popularity,  and  the  leaders  are  all  sensible 
how  sandy  a  foundation  it  is.  Strong  as  the  fabric  appears  they 
are  constantly  trembling  lest  its  corner  stones  should  fail  :  and  as 
their  principal  alarm  is  lest  the  old  administration  should  recover 
favour  in  the  eyes  of  the  people,  the  great  engine  of  party,  with 
which  they  endeavour  to  fortify  themselves,  is  slander  upon  their 
predecessors.  This  they  continue  under  every  shape  and  on  all 
occasions.  Nor  are  these  exertions  unsuccessful.  They  carried 
the  system  to  such  a  pitch  that  even  a  Committee  of  the  National 
house  of  Representatives,  called  a  committee  of  Investigation,  at 
the  close  of  the  session  made  a  report,  the  manner  and  form  of 
which  were  both  highly  exceptionable  to  every  maxim  of  common 
justice  and  honour.  This  report  was  hurried  through  the  house 
with  as  little  regard  to  decorum  as  it  was  made.  It  has  since 
been  analysed  and  refuted  by  several  publications  in  various  parts 
of  the  Union,  but  most  effectually  by  a  pamphlet  of  Mr.  Wolcott, 
which  will  doubtless  be  sent  you  by  some  of  your  friends  ;  and 
which  will  shew  you  a  fair  specimen  both  of  our  Administration 
and  its  Opposition. 

The  concern  of  the  Republicans,  as  they  stile  themselves,  is  the 
result  of  consciousness,  rather  than  of  real  dangers.  The  power 
of  the  Administration  rests  upon  a  support  of  a  much  stronger 
majority  of  the  people  throughout  the  Union  than  the  former 
administrations  ever  possessed  since  the  first  establishment  of  the 
Constitution.  Whatever  the  merits  or  the  demerits  of  the  former 
administrations  may  have  been,  there  never  was  a  system  of 
measures  more  completely  and  irrevocably  abandoned  and 
rejected  by  the  popular  voice.  It  never  can  and  never  will  be 
revived.  The  experiment,  such  as  it  was,  has  failed,  and  to 
attempt  its  restoration  would  be  as  absurd,  as  to  undertake  the 
resurrection  of  a  carcass  seven  years  in  its  grave.  The  alarm  of 
the  pilots  at  the  helm  is  therefore  without  cause.  What  they  take 
for  breakers  are  mere  clouds  of  unsubstantial  vapour.  The  only 
risque  to  which  they  are  exposed  is  the  shallowness  of  their 
waters.  Their  system  is  so  short  sighted,  and  so  contracted,  that 
it  will  never  stand  a  popular  test  even  of  twelve  years,  and  the 
people  whom  almost  unbounded  prosperity  could  not  attach  to 
their  predecessors,  will  not  learn  from  adversity  to  be  better 
pleased  with  them. 


VOL  IV — 12 


178  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

The  yellow  fever  made  its  appearance  at  an  earlier  period  than 
usual,  in  many  of  our  cities.  It  has  not  hitherto  spread  so  exten- 
sively, as  upon  former  occasions  ;  but  it  has  been  as  malignant  in 
the  cases  which  have  happened  as  it  was  ever  known.  A  Dysen- 
tery of  extreme  violence  has  likewise  prevailed  in  the  western 
part  of  this  Commonwealth  and  the  neighbouring  part  of  Con- 
necticut. The  approach  of  the  Winter  season  gives  us  hopes  of 
relief  from  these  scourges.  But  the  summer  has  been  so  long 
protracted  that  at  the  moment  I  write  this,  Fahrenheit's  thermo- 
meter stands  at  82  and  has  been  higher  in  the  course  of  the  day. 
The  harvests  throughout  the  Country  have  been  plentiful. 
Your  very  obedt.  Servt. 

John  Quincy  Adams. 


CHAPTER   XII. 

George  III.  to  King-On  his  not  being  presented  to  Bonaparte  in  Paris-Also 
Precautions  taken  when  riding  on  cold  Days-Cabot  to  King-Affairs  in 
Massachusetts-Murray  to  King-Talk  of  King  as  Candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency-Democrats blame  him  in  Maryland  as  neglecting  the  Bank  Stock.- 
T  Paine-Hotels  refused  to  receive  him- W.  Hindman  to  King-Pro- 
posed Presidential  Nomination-Maryland  Bank  Stock-King  to  Living- 
ston-Insecurity of  the  Peace-King  to  Secretary  of  State-War  might  be 
renewed-No  Concert  with  Austria  and  Russia-Cabinet  sees  no  material 
Change  in  Continental  Powers  to  warrant  War-Difficulties  relative  to 
Malta  and  unsettled  commercial  Intercourse  with  France,  etc-Kmg  to 
Eaton-Hargrave's  Charges  for  Commission  in  purchasing  Jewels,  etc.,  for 
Bey  not  Right— Wilberforce  to  King-Distrusts  the  Ministry-King  to 
Addington-Urges  Settlement  of  Maryland  Bank-Stock  Question-King 
to  Secretary  of  State— France  the  Arbiter  of  Peace. 

In  Dr.  Lieber's  Letters  there  is  an  anecdote  about  Mr. 
King,  which  indicates  his  prudence  during  his  stay  in  Paris. 
His  journey  to  the  Continent,  and  Paris  particularly,  was  not, 
as  he  tells  us,  to  see  men  and  manners  but  to  enjoy  the  invalu- 
able specimens  of  the  fine  arts  collected  in  that  city.  It  is 
evident,  however,  that  the  high  position  he  held  as  the  rep- 
resentative of  his  country  in  England,  opened  to  him  an 
entrance  to  the  society  of  the  most  distingushed  men  in 
France,  of  which  his  correspondence  gives  us  no  hint,  farther 
than  that  he  and  his  wife  were  guests  at  Talleyrand's  house 
and  that  he  met  Lafayette  while  in  Paris.  There  is  nothing 
to  show  the  conferences  which  he  must  have  had  with  Mr. 
Livingston,  especially  relative  to  the  cession  of  Louisiana— 
which  was  a  matter  of  deep  interest  and  anxious  considera- 
tion, and  which  must  have  been  discussed  between  them. 
He  did  not  seek  to  come  in  contact  with  the  First  Consul, 

179 


l8o  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

and  indeed,  as  the  anecdote  here  given  shows,  declined  to  be 
presented  to  him. 
Dr.  Lieber  says:* 

"  I  give  you  an  anecdote  which  will  be  interesting  to  the  Chair- 
man of  Foreign  Affairs.  President  King  tells  me  that  when  his 
father  Rufus  King  was  American  Minister  in  London,  he  paid  a 
visit  to  Paris  after  the  peace  of  Amiens,  where  Fox  likewise  went. 
Fox  went  to  see  Consul  Bonaparte.  The  latter  desired  that  King 
would  have  himself  presented,  or  the  Chief  Officers  of  the  Consul 
told  King  that  they  would  gladly  present  him.  King,  who  was 
then  engaged  in  making  a  treaty  with  England,  declined  because 
he  knew  that  Bonaparte  was  very  disagreeable  to  George  III.  and 
he  thought  he  had  no  right  to  do  anything  that  could  interfere 
with  his  relation  to  the  British  court  or  ministry.  When  he 
returned  to  England  and  went  to  court,  George  III.  went  up  to 
him  and  said,  '  Mr.  King  I  am  very  much  obliged  to  you  ;  you 
have  treated  me  like  a  gentleman,  which  is  more  than  I  can  say 
of  all  my  subjects.' 

"  I  give  the  words  exactly  as  President  King  gave  them  to  me 
and  he  says  he  gave  the  words  to  me  exactly  as  he  could  remem- 
ber them,  the  anecdote  being  in  lively  remembrance  in  the  family. 
He  thinks  he  can  now  repeat  the  very  words  in  which  his  father 
told  the  affair  immediately  after  his  return  from  court  and  that 
they  are  the  tpissima  Verba  of  George  III." 

It  will  not  be  out  of  place  to  reproduce  here  another 
anecdote  of  George  III.  which  was  often  spoken  of  in  Mr. 
King's  family.  It  was  more  particularly  mentioned  by  his 
son,  Gov.  John  A.  King  when  on  a  very  cold  day  on 
November  25th  he  had  come  from  Albany  to  New  York  to 
review  the  troops  there.  He  had  been  out  all  the  morning 
in  his  uniform  without  an  overcoat,  and  when  one  of  his 
aides  expressed  his  astonishment  at  this,  he  said  to  him,  "  I 
remembered  King  George's  advice  to  my  father  and  have 
put  on  an  extra  shirt,"  as  he  was  accustomed  to  do  when  he 
went  out  on  horseback  on  cold  days. 

*  Extract  from  a  letter  from  Dr.  Lieber  to  Charles  Sumner  upon  a  diplomatic 
question  in  1863, — Dr.  Lieber's  Letters. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  l8l 

G.  Cabot  to  R.  King. 

Nov.  6,  1802. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

The  failure  of  the  Federalists  in  the  Election  of  J.  Q.  Adams 
may  be  attributed  to  negligence  or  rather  weariness.  They  were 
sufficiently  numerous  in  the  District  to  have  given  500  majority  : 
but  the  failure  of  Mr.  Pickering  proves  the  decline  of  good  influ- 
ence in  that  district.  On  the  whole  I  think  it  certain  that  Democ- 
racy gains  strength  in  number  &  loses  or  rather  has  lost  much 
among  the  sensible. 

.  .  .  Some  of  our  Jacobin  writers  have  abused  you  & 
charged  you  with  avowing  monarchical  sentiments  in  letters  to 
me  :  they  are  systematic  in  all  these  labors  to  render  odious  every 
man  who  they  foresee  may  rise  to  important  stations  &  is  not  of 
their  sect.     .     .     . 

I  am  glad  you  concluded  to  pass  over  to  France  &  see  for 
yourself  what  remains  to  be  seen.  I  want  you  to  see  the  disgust 
which  must  prevail  there  at  everything  Democratic  after  having 
made  the  world  mad  with  the  love  of  it.  I  want  to  see  if  weary 
of  Bonaparte's  power  they  are  ripe  for  new  changes  :  tell  me  what 
you  see  &  think  on  these  subjects  when  you  return  to  England. 

Ever  faithfully  yours, 
G.  C. 

Wm.  V.  Murray  to  R.  King. 

Baltimore,  12  Nov.,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

We  know  of  your  intention  of  returning — of  the  policy  of  that 
I  say  nothing.  Your  last  negociation  on  the  debts  gave  a  satis- 
faction which  had  nothing  surprising  in  it  but  that  it  should  please 
both  parties.  The  leading  Demos,  even  spoke,  I  learn,  in  high 
terms  of  it.  For  some  time  the  Feds,  have  talked  of  running  you 
&  Genl.  Pinckney  as  P.  &  V.  P.  fairly  &  side  by  side.  It  is  be- 
lieved that  this  has  alarmed  the  Demos.  :  for  lately  at  Annapolis, 
where  our  Legislature  is  now  in  Session,  some  of  the  subalterns, 
echoes  of  the  chiefs,  have  undertaken  to  blame  you  on  account 
of  the  Bank  Stock  which  they  say  you  neglect.  We  know  better. 
Their  object  is  to  prejudice  you  I  presume  in  this  state,  where  I 
may  be  allow'd  to  assure  you  that  you  are  in  great  esteem.     As 


182  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

this  letter  may  reach  you  before  your  taking  of  Leave  I  thought 
it  right  to  tell  you  this,  that  no  formality  of  proof  on  your  part 
which  wd.  enable  the  Feds,  to  give  an  answer  to  such  a  report, 
shd.  it  be  stirred  next  election,  might  be  omitted  and  out  of 
reach. 

Our  papers  will  show  you  to  what  an  excess  abuse  runs — The 
Louisiana  affair  staggers  many  of  the  more  thinking  Demos.  & 
materials  seem  to  accumulate  in  favour  of  the  Fed.  Side. 

Smith  lately  informed  me  that  you  were  on  your  way  to  Paris 
— I  rejoice  that  before  you  return  you  will  have  seen  that  singu- 
lar people  at  home — I  am  too  unwell  &  weak  to  write  to  G.  by 
this  ship  which  sails  I  learn  early  in  the  morning. 

Tom  Paine  arrived  here  12  days  since — few  of  the  respectable 
Demos,  visited  him — He  was  arrested  for  50  Louis  lent  him  by  a 
very  respectable  Irish  gentleman  (O'Mealy)  of  this  place  while 
Tom  was  confined  by  Robespierre — He  went  on  a  week  since  to 
the  Fed.  city  where  the  boarders  of  the  Tavern  where  he  alighted 
refused  to  remain  in  the  house  if  Tom  were  admitted  to  the 
public  table.  The  Tavern  where  I  am,  Evans,  the  best  in  Town 
I  hear,  refused  to  admit  him  because  the  frequenters  of  it  mani- 
fested the  same  spirit — He  will  do  no  harm — &  perhaps  some 
good. 

He  was  I  learn  civilly  received  by  the  P.  whom  I  suspect  he 
will  much  embarass.* 

Yours  respectfully, 

Wm.  V.  Murray. 


Wm.  Hindman  to  R.  King. 

Baltimore,  Nov.  21,  1802. 
My  Dear  Sir  : 

Inclosed  is  the  Speech  of  our  Governor  to  the  Legislature  in 
which  You  will  discover  Yourself  implicated — From  the  Informa- 
tion I  have  collected,  it  appears  to  Me  that  the  present  ruling 

*  One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  President  is  the  permission  given  to  Paine  in  a 
letter  to  him,  March  18,  1801.  He  writes :  "  You  expressed  a  wish  to  get  a 
passage  to  this  country  in  a  public  vessel.  Mr.  Dawson  is  charged  with  orders 
to  the  captain  of  the  Maryland  (which  had  carried  Mr.  Dawson  to  Havre  with 
the  newly  signed  Convention  with  France)  to  receive  and  accommodate  you  with 
a  passage  back." — Jefferson's  Works,  vol.  iv.,  p.  371. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  183 


Party  in  the  United  States,  dreading  your  Return  before  the 
ensuing  presidential  Election  (altho  some  Time  ago  lavish  in 
your  Praises,  &  highly  approbating  your  ministerial  Conduct)  are 
determined  as  far  as  in  their  Power  to  destroy  You  in  the  good 
Opinion  of  your  Countrymen,  and  particularly  in  the  State  of 
Maryland,  (which  may  hold  the  Balance  at  the  next  Election  for 
President,)  where  You  heretofore  stood  very  high,  &  in  which  I 
hope  there  will  be  no  Change  ;  for  the  Purpose  of  accomplishing 
their  diabolical  Purpose,  They  are  now  industriously  circulating 
a  Report,  "  That  You  have  not  exerted  Yourself  to  procure  the 
Bank  Stock  for  the  State  of  Maryland,  that  You  have  neglected 
its  Interest,  &  if  You  had  used  Your  Endeavors  the  Stock  would 
have  been  secured  long  ago." — This  I  am  persuaded  is  not  true — 
It  would  be  extremely  desirable  to  your  Friends,  who  are  anxious 
that  you  should  be  the  next  President,  &  at  the  same  Time 
greatly  promote  the  Federal  Interest,  if  this  Party  could  be  put 
down  by  a  Communication  to  the  Secretary  of  State  proving  this 
Report  to  be  altogether  without  Foundation  either  by  obtaining 
the  Stock  or  making  it  appear  that  every  Exertion  had  been 
made  by  You  for  that  Purpose. 

I  hope  You  will  excuse  the  Liberty  I  have  taken  in  this  Busi- 
ness, I  have  been  actuated  by  a  Love  to  my  Country  &  Yourself. 

I  wish  You  and  your  Family  a  happy  Return  to  your  native 

Country. 

Yr.  very  Hble.  Servt. 

Wm.  Hindman. 

R.  King  to  His  Excellency  Mr.  Livingston. 

London,  Nov.  24,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  cannot  write  to  you  with  confidence  respecting  the  critical  state 
of  public  affairs  ;  in  a  few  days  I  may  be  able  to  do  so.  The 
speech  and  addresses  of  the  two  Houses  pledge  the  country  to 
nothing  precise,  tho'  they  are  sufficient  evidence  of  the  insecurity 
of  Peace  ;  if  to  these  be  added  the  orders  which  have  been  sent 
in  every  direction  to  retain  such  of  the  Conquests  made  during 
the  late  war,  as  have  not  been  surrendered,  and  the  military  and 
naval  preparations  making  throughout  the  country,  the  proba- 
bilities seem  to  be  greater  in  favour  of  War  than  Peace. 


1 84  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

In  relation  to  our  affairs,  so  far  as  we  may  suppose  the  war 
would  affect  them,  the  chance  in  favour  of  its  happening  is  such 
as  should  lead  us  to  suspend  all  measures,  the  conclusion  of  which 
might  be  advisable  upon  the  supposition  of  the  continuance  of 
Peace.  I  shall  repeat  the  observation  with  which  I  began,  that  I 
have  not  yet  had  sufficient  opportunities  to  form  as  correct  an 
opinion  upon  this  most  interesting  and  important  subject  as  I 
hope  to  be  able  to  do  very  shortly.  Knowing  your  solicitude,  I 
have,  however,  thought  it  prudent  to  send  you  these  observations 
together  with  the  renewal  of  the  assurances  of 

Esteem  and  Respect  with  which,  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  76. 

London,  Nov.  26,  1802. 
Sir  : 

Mr.  Gore  has  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  such  letters  from  the 
Department  of  State  as  have  been  received  during  my  absence, 
and  his  correspondence  will  have  given  you  exact  informa- 
tion of  all  that  has  hitherto  been  done  towards  the  accom- 
plishment of  the  several  objects  of  the  President's  instructions. 
I  shall  immediately  resume  the  business  that  has  been  so  well 
commenced,  and  as  well  from  the  nature  of  the  subject  as  from 
the  temper  and  disposition  that  are  understood  to  prevail  in  re- 
spect to  America,  I  am  inclined  to  hope  that  we  shall  experience 
no  material  difficulty  in  effecting  a  final  and  satisfactory  adjust- 
ment of  our  Boundaries. 

At  the  date  of  Mr.  Gore's  last  letter  there  seems  to  have  been 
much  solicitude  on  the  subject  of  Peace  ;  the  sympathy  of  the 
nation  was  at  that  time  strongly  excited  by  the  conduct  of  France 
toward  Switzerland,  and  a  verbal  insinuation  was  made  by  the 
English  Minister  at  Paris,  that  the  King  would  not  see  with  indif- 
ference the  interference  of  France  in  the  internal  affairs  of  that 
country.  This  step  was  accompanied  by  orders  to  stop  the 
farther  reduction  of  the  land  and  naval  forces,  and,  as  is  believed, 
to  retain  provisionally  instead  of  giving  up,  according  to  the  Treaty 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  1 85 

of  Amiens,  the  conquests  which  England  had  made  during  the 
war.  These  measures,  which  little  pains  were  taken  to  conceal 
or  explain,  were  supposed  both  at  Paris  and  London  to  have  been 
adopted  in  consequence  of  a  concert  formed  with  the  two  Imperial 
Courts,  and  therefore  occasioned  serious  apprehensions  lest  Europe 
should  again  and  immediately  be  involved  in  a  new  and  disastrous 
war. 

Things  remained  in  this  situation  till  the  meeting  of  Parlia- 
ment, and  the  King's  Speech,  which  it  was  expected  would  re- 
move or  confirm  these  apprehensions,  was  waited  for  with  much 
impatience.  On  the  one  hand  it  offers  no  assurance  of  the  con- 
tinuance of  Peace,  while  on  the  other  it  is  too  vague  to  authorize 
a  conclusion  that  England  desires  or  may  expect  an  early  renewal 
of  the  war.  Neither  the  speech  nor  the  addresses  give  any  satis- 
factory explanation  of  the  measures  which  had  been  adopted  ; 
but  the  Debates  of  Parliament,  which  I  attended,  though 
cautiously  managed  by  the  Ministers,  cast  some  light  on  the 
subject  ;  and  from  them  combined  with  other  circumstances,  it 
appears  that  no  concert  has  been  established  either  with  Austria 
or  Russia  ;  that  although  the  State  of  the  Swiss  is  matter  of  deep 
regret,  it  will  not  influence  England,  unsupported  as  she  is  by  a 
single  ally,  to  engage  in  a  war  that  could  not  rescue  the  Swiss 
from  the  power  of  France  ;  and  that  moreover  no  such  material 
change  has,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Cabinet,  taken  place  in  the 
relative  condition  and  strength  of  the  Powers  of  the  Continent 
since  the  Treaty  of  Amiens  as  would  justify  England  in  renewing 
the  war. 

Upon  the  supposition  that  such  are  the  opinions  of  the  Cabinet, 
it  is  to  the  Treaty  of  Amiens,  and  not  to  certain  political  events 
that  have  since  occurred,  that  we  must  seek  for  an  explanation  of 
the  conduct  of  England  in  the  increase  of  her  Forces  and  in  the 
orders  which  she  is  said  to  have  dispatched  to  retain  such  of  her 
Conquests  as  have  not  been  surrendered. 

There  are  several  points  connected  with  the  Treaty  of  Amiens, 
some  or  all  of  which  may  have  had  an  influence  in  producing  the 
measures  alluded  to  ;  these  are  the  Government  of  Malta,  the 
commercial  intercourse  which  it  was  expected  the  peace  would 
restore  between  Great  Britain  and  France,  and  the  indemnity 
promised  to  the  Prince  of  Orange. 


1 86  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

As  the  difficulties  which  have  arisen  independent  both  of 
France  and  England  in  carrying  into  effect  the  Article  respecting 
Malta,  are  such  as  to  render  farther  time  or  stipulations  neces- 
sary to  secure  the  purpose  aimed  at  by  the  parties,  it  is  natural 
that  things  should  remain  as  they  are  until  these  difficulties  can 
be  adjusted  ;  there  is  therefore  nothing  extraordinary  in  England 
continuing  to  occupy  Malta  ;  still,  however,  France  may  press 
for  a  literal  performance  of  the  engagement  of  England,  and  this 
joined  to  other  motives  may  induce  England  to  increase  rather 
than  diminish  her  Forces. 

Though  the  Definitive  Treaty  did  no  more  than  restore  peace, 
it  was  generally  expected,  as  incident  to  a  state  of  peace,  that  a 
commercial  intercourse  would  be  opened  between  the  two  coun- 
tries subject  to  duties  as  well  as  partial  exclusions.  So  far  as 
regards  the  Trade  from  France  to  Great  Britain,  peace  has  replaced 
the  same  upon  the  footing  it  stood  before  the  last  commercial 
Treaty,  while  in  France  the  Laws  passed  during  the  War,  prohib- 
iting the  importation  of  every  sort  of  Goods  of  the  Growth  or 
Fabric  of  the  British  dominions,  and  making  them  liable  to  con- 
fiscation if  found  within  the  French  Territories,  are  not  only- 
maintained,  but  enforced  with  so  much  Rigour  that  a  number  of 
British  Vessels,  driven  into  the  Ports  of  France  in  distress  and  to 
escape  the  perils  of  the  Ocean  (such  is  the  English  account)  have 
been  confiscated  together  with  their  Cargoes  ;  and  the  only  answer 
given  to  the  complaints  of  the  English  Minister  at  Paris  has  been 
that  in  these,  as  in  other  cases  of  Judicial  cognizance,  the  Laws 
must  have  their  course.  This  evidence  of  the  views  of  France, 
whose  interference  has  produced  a  similar,  tho'  not  equally  ex- 
tensive, prohibition  of  English  Manufactures  in  Spain,  has  excited 
much  discontent ;  and  in  a  Nation  so  highly  commercial  as  Eng- 
land, cannot  fail  of  having  an  effect  upon  its  public  councils  :  yet 
neither  these  tokens  of  inhospitality,  nor  the  business  of  Malta 
would  justify  the  provisional  Detention  of  the  Conquests  which 
England  had  agreed  to  surrender. 

The  preliminaries  were  severely  censured  by  the  Grenville 
opposition,  as  in  no  respect  more  deficient  than  in  the  entire 
omission  of  a  Proviso  for  the  Prince  of  Orange.  The  Definitive 
Treaty  contains  an  express  stipulation  in  his  favour  ;  and  the  hon- 
our of  England  is  perhaps  bound  to  enforce  its  due  observance. 


1802]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  1 8? 

It  will  be  remembered  that  France  entered  into  an  engagement, 
(as  it  is  believed  for  a  sum  of  money  received  from  Holland)  on 
the  very  day  of  the  conclusion  of  the  Definitive  Treaty  to  release 
the  Dutch  from  contributing  towards  the  indemnities  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange.  England,  without  doubt,  remonstrated  against  the 
bad  faith  of  this  Transaction  and  probably  was  assured  that  ample 
Indemnities  would  be  found  in  Germany  ;  instead  whereof  the 
Compensation  that  has  been  offered  by  the  Diet,  under  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  initiating  Powers,  falls  far  beneath  the  just 
claims  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and,  in  the  opinion  of  most  per- 
sons, does  not  exceed  a  tenth  even  of  their  amount.  It  is  there- 
fore natural  enough  to  conjecture  that  seeing  the  inexecution  of 
the  Treaty  in  a  point  of  much  importance  to  an  ancient  and  fallen 
Friend,  as  well  as  material  to  her  own  honour,  England  may  have 
given  notice  of  her  having  resolved  to  suspend  the  farther  execu- 
tion of  the  Treaty  on  her  part,  until  she  sees  a  just  and  faithful 
performance  of  it  on  the  part  of  France  and  her  allies  ;  a  Suppo- 
sition the  more  probable  by  the  orders  being  made  to  exclude  the 
Dutch  colonies,  which  alone  were  likely  to  be  affected — Martinique 
and  St.  Lucie  being  already  surrendered. 

You  will  perceive  that  this  Speculation  goes  upon  the  idea  that 
orders  have  really  been  given  to  arrest  the  farther  execution  on 
the  side  of  England — a  fact  tho'  generally  believed,  not  yet 
acknowledged.  If  the  manifest  ill-humour  that  exists,  arises 
alone  or  principally  from  this  cause,  well  grounded  hopes  ought 
to  be  entertained  that  Justice  will  be  rendered  to  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  and  the  Treaty  of  Peace  suffered  to  go  into  complete 
operation. 

With  perfect  Respect  and  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  His  Excellency  Mr.  Livingston. 

London,  Nov.  29,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  duly  received  your  Letter  of  the  17th  ;  a  Note  I  wrote 
to  you  from  Calais  will  have  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  your 
Letter  dated  the  day  after  we  left  Paris. 

My  sentiments  in  regard  to  the  continuance  of  Peace  are  some- 
what changed  since  my  Letter  of  the  24th,  which  went  by  a 


1 88  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

Messenger  ;  and  notwithstanding  I  still  find  it  difficult  to  recon- 
cile the  Discourses  of  Ministers  with  the  Fact  mentioned  in  that 
Letter  I  am  more  inclined  than  I  was  to  believe  that  the  views 
here  are  pacific.     .     .     . 

I  have  seen  and  conversed  with  the  Bearer  of  your  Letter  of 
the  17th  ;  the  situation  of  St.  Domingo  may  give  us  farther  time  ; 
nothing  else  seems  likely  to  delay  the  measure  we  have  so  much 
at  heart  to  promote. 

Faithfully  &  with  great  Esteem  &c, 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Mr.  William  Eaton,  Tunis. 

London,  November  29,  1802. 
Sir: 

My  absence  from  England  for  the  last  three  months  has  delayed 
my  answer  of  your  letter  of  July  6,  respecting  Mr.  Hargraves' 
claim  of  a  commission  upon  the  cost  of  the  articles  prepared  in 
this  country,  and  sent  as  a  Present  to  the  Bey  of  Tunis.  So  far 
as  relates  to  the  personal  care  and  assistance  of  Mr.  Hargraves  in 
the  transportation  of  the  Jewellery  from  Algiers  to  Tunis,  he  has 
undoubtedly  a  claim  to  be  compensated  ;  for  the  transportation 
of  the  cloths  and  arms,  the  residue,  and  by  far  the  greatest  portion 
of  the  present  he  can  have  no  such  claim.  In  regard  to  the  order- 
ing the  articles  here,  and  the  superintending  their  execution,  I  am 
not  a  little  surprized  at  Mr.  Hargraves'  pretension,  which  most 
certainly  he  never  could  have  thought  of  making  to  me,  who  had 
put  the  whole  business  in  Train,  under  the  most  exact  Instruc- 
tions, before  his  arrival  in  England.  It  is  true,  on  the  refusal  of 
the  Bey  to  accept  the  cloths  first  sent  by  Mawhood  &  Co.,  and 
our  determination  to  send  cloths  of  the  first  instead  of  inferior 
quality  (which  was  likewise  resolved  upon  before  Mr.  Hargraves' 
arrival)  I  desired  Mr.  Hargraves  to  call  at  the  Store  of  Mawhood 
&  Co,  and  give  his  advice  in  the  choice  of  the  cloths  ;  as  these 
were  to  be  superfine,  this  advice  could  be  of  no  service,  except  in 
the  selection  of  colours,  a  matter  of  some  though  not  of  great 
importance.  He  did,  I  believe,  occasionally  visit  Mortimer  and 
Rundell  and  Bridge,  who  prepared  the  arms  and  Jewels,  but  I 


1802]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE,  1 89 

think  you  may  with  safety  refer  to  Mr.  Hargraves  for  the  fact, 
that  his  advice  and  instructions  were  in  no  sense  of  any  im- 
portance. Mr.  Hargraves  certainly  manifested  a  disposition  to 
be  useful  to  us  in  any  way  that  his  knowledge  and  aid  should  be 
wanted  ;  but  I  really  never  had  a  notion  that  he  thought  himself 
entrusted  by  you  or  me  with  the  superintendence  or  charge  of 
this  business  ;  and  my  finally  entrusting  him  with  the  Jewels, 
was  on  his  repeated  solicitations  and  an  alteration  of  my  first 
intentions. 

On  the  whole  if  Mr.  Hargraves  receives  one  hundred  Guineas, 
I  should  think  him  liberally  paid  ;  had  he  intimated  to  me  his 
expectation  of  being  paid  for  his  advice  and  assistance,  I  should 
have  entirely  excluded  him  from  any  concern  in  the  Business  ; 
the  Jewels  might  have  been  sent  by  a  different  route,  and  with 
very  little,  if  any,  addition  to  the  premium  of  Insurance. 

With  much  Respect  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


W.  WlLBERFORCE    TO    R.    KlNG. 

Bromfd.,  Tuesday,  Dec.  6,  1802. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

I  believe  you  are  an  early  man  (which  my  Health  does  not 
suffer  me  to  be)  &  perhaps  you  would  breakfast  with  me  some 
morning  on  your  way  to  town.  I  never  breakfast  before  J  after 
10,  and  seldom  go  from  home  before  12.  So  that  if  you  should 
do  me  the  favor  of  calling  on  Wednesday  morning,  you  would 
find  me  here.  ...  I  but  too  much  concur  with  you  concern- 
ing ye  probability  of  the  renewal  of  ye  war,  &  for  that  very  reason 
am  anxious  that  preparations  should  be  made  for  it.  It  is  here  (to 
speak  openly)  that  I  distrust  our  Minrs.  I  fear  they  are  not 
acting  up  to  the  gt.  exigencies  of  our  situatn.  It  may  be  strong 
language  ;  but  if  they  were  I  should  have  no  great  fears  as  to  the 
Issue — as  it  is,  my  Expectations  are  very  gloomy. 

Believe  me  always,  my  dear  Sir,  with  cordial  esteem  &  regard, 

Yours  very  sincerely, 

W.  WlLBERFORCE. 


I90  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

Right  Honourable  H.  Addington. 

Private. 
Randalls  near  Leatherhead,  Surry,  Dec.  7,  1802. 

Dear  Sir  : 

Upon  the  Experience  I  have  had  of  the  Efficacy  of  your 
interference  of  bringing  to  a  decision  Questions  which  had  been 
long  depending,  I  may  I  hope  be  allowed  to  ask  your  assistance 
to  hasten  the  conclusion  of  an  unsettled  affair,  that  justice,  and, 
if  I  may  be  permitted  to  say  so,  good  policy  require  should  be 
finished  without  farther  delay. 

I  refer  to  our  claim  of  the  Maryland  Bank  Stock,  a  subject 
with  which  you  are  not  wholly  unacquainted,  and  which  has  been 
depending,  sometimes  as  a  judicial  and  at  others  as  a  diplomatic 
question  ever  since  the  year  1783.  The  title  to  the  stock  may  be 
stated  in  a  few  words  :  it  was  purchased  by  the  Colony  of  Mary- 
land with  money  levied  by  a  tax  upon  its  inhabitants,  and  placed 
in  the  names  of  agents  in  London,  who  before  the  American  war 
received  and  applied  the  Dividends  according  to  the  instructions 
of  the  Colony  :  the  war  interrupted  the  correspondence  between 
Maryland  and  its  Agents  ;  in  the  Treaty  of  Peace,  by  which  the 
Independence  of  Maryland  and  the  other  colonies,  the  King 
"  relinquished  all  claims  to  the  Government,  Property  and  terri- 
torial Rights  of  the  same  (i.e.  the  Colonies)  and  every  part 
thereof."  Before  the  Treaty  the  stock  was  the  Property  of  Mary- 
land, and  by  the  Treaty,  which  consents  to  the  dissolution  of  the 
Colony  Corporation,  or  in  other  words  to  the  Independence  of 
Maryland,  the  King  in  express  words  relinquished  all  claims  to 
whatever  was  the  Property  of  Maryland,  and  consequently  to  the 
stock  in  question.  How  it  has  ever  been  supposed  that  this 
stock  accrued  to  the  King  upon  the  Dissolution  of  the  Corpora- 
tion of  Maryland,  when  he  not  only  consented  to  this  Dissolution, 
but  in  the  act  of  consent  transferred  to  Maryland  any  claim  he 
had  to  the  stock,  is  to  me  utterly  incomprehensible. 

I  have  thought,  sir,  that  you  would  excuse  me  for  troubling  you 
in  this  business,  especially  when  I  assure  you  that  it  has  been  the 
occasion  of  Dissatisfaction  in  an  important  part  of  my  country,  as 
well  as  the  subject  of  such  reiterated  application  on  my  part,  as  I 
never  could  have  reconciled  with  my  respect  for  others  or  myself, 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  I9I 

to  have  made,  but  from  a  strong  conviction  of  its  peculiar  im- 
portance. I  expect  soon  to  return  to  America,  and  it  is  no 
affectation  on  my  part,  when  I  tell  you  that  I  shall  feel  some 
embarrassment  with  the  sentiments  and  opinions  which  I  have 
sent  before  me,  if  this  stock  should  not  be  transferred  before 
my  Departure. 

With  sincere  Respect  and  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  77. 

London,  Dec.  18,  1802. 

From  whatever  cause  the  Language  and  measures  of  the  Eng- 
lish Ministers  in  the  month  of  October  proceed,  it  is  now  evident 
that  they  produced  no  beneficial  effect  upon  the  Government  of 
France,  and  that  the  Temper  then  manifested,  had  it  been  per- 
sisted in,  would  have  involved  the  Nation  in  a  new  War.  But 
the  tone  was  soon  lowered  ;  the  orders  supposed  to  have  been 
given  to  retain  certain  possessions  that  were  to  be  surrendered 
have  been  recalled,  and  with  the  exception  of  Malta,  concerning 
which  farther  negotiations  are  said  to  be  requisite  to  give  effect 
to  former  Stipulations,  every  thing  will  be  delivered  up  according 
to  the  Provisions  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace.  The  Discourses  of  the 
Ministers,  together  with  all  that  has  transpired  in  the  Debates  in 
Parliament  manifest  the  pacific  wishes  of  the  Nation,  and  France, 
in  regard  to  this  country,  continues  to  be  as  exclusively  the  Arbiter 
of  Peace,  as  she  was  of  the  continuance  of  War.  The  augmenta- 
tion of  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  Great  Britain  will  not  regain 
her  influence  upon  the  Continent,  and  the  measure  has  probably 
been  adopted  to  secure  the  Dominion  of  Ireland,  which  recent 
information  proves  to  be  as  extensively  disaffected  as  at  any 
period  of  the  war,  rather  than  to  promote  the  object  referred  to  in 
my  last  Dispatch. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

Troup  to  King — State  of  Parties — King  to  be  run  for  President  or  Vice-Presi- 
dent— King  to  Parker  in  Paris — Inquiry  about  Schools  for  his  elder  Sons — 
King  to  Secretary  of  State — In  new  Bill  to  be  introduced  in  Parliament 
Duties  will  remain  the  same  except  on  foreign  Oils — Change  in  Corn  Laws 
— King  to  Erving  respecting  Charges — King  to  President  of  United  States 
— Resumes  the  Subject  of  Transportation  of  Slaves  to  Sierra  Leone — Little 
Hope  of  Success  in  obtaining  Permission  to  send  them  there — Thanks 
him  for  his  Appreciation  of  his  Services,  etc. — King  to  Erving — No 
Danger  that  Mr.  Williams  will  embarrass  him  or  injure  the  Public — 
King  to  Madison — Acknowledging  Refusal  of  a  public  Vessel  for  his 
Return  and  asking  for  Letters  of  Recall  before  April  ioth — Madison  to 
King — Cause  of  Refusal — Reasons  given  by  the  President  for  this  Refusal 
— The  Decision  really  a  wise  one. 

R.  Troup  to  R.  King. 

New  York,  12  Dec.  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  The  papers  contain  proofs  thus  far  exhibited  of  Burr's 
manoeuvres  for  the  Presidency.  A  new  pamphlet  containing 
farther  proofs  against  him  is  on  the  tapis  and  will  be  out  as  soon 
as  Burr  turns  his  back  on  this  city  on  his  way  to  Washington. 
.  .  .  The  democratical  party  is  gaining  strength  through  the 
Union  generally.  The  late  election  for  members  of  Congress  in 
Massachusetts  shows  an  evident  growth  of  democracy.  ...  In 
Pennsylvania  federalism  seems  to  be  annihilated.  In  Jersey  the 
parties  in  the  Legislature  are  upon  a  tie.  ...  In  this  State, 
it  appears  to  me,  that  democracy  since  the  last  election  has  not 
decreased.  The  quarrel  between  Clinton  and  Burr  will  not  mate- 
rially divide  the  party.  Burr  is  a  gone  man  ;  he  is  expelled  from 
the  Jeffersonian  party,  and  I  believe  he  never  will  possess  any 
material  weight  in  the  political  scale.     Jefferson  is  really  in  the 

192 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  193 

dust  in  point  of  character,  but  notwithstanding  this,  he  is  looked 
up  to  and  venerated  as  the  Gog  and  Magog  of  his  party.  Things 
are  according  to  the  natural  destiny  of  the  government  and  I  see 
no  reason  to  suppose  they  will  alter.     .     .     . 

The  project  on  foot  here  seems  to  be  to  run  you  at  the  next 
election  for  Vice-President  or  President — which  of  the  two  is  not 
determined.  You  will  therefore  have  to  prepare  yourself  for  fur- 
ther political  contests.     .     .     . 

I  delivered  your  message  to  Benson,  but  he  declines  visiting 
Paris  till  Bonaparte  is  made  either  King  or  Emperor.  He  does 
not  like  the  democratical  title  of  First  Consul. 

God  bless  you. 


R.  King  to  Dan'l  Parker,  Paris. 

London,  Dec.  13,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

As  you  will  naturally  suppose  that  I  am  solicitous  concerning 
the  education  of  my  children,  you  will,  I  am  persuaded,  excuse 
the  trouble  I  am  about  to  give  in  requesting  that  you  will  have 
the  goodness  to  pursue  the  enquiries  we  proposed  to  make  respect- 
ing the  plan  of  education  lately  submitted  to  the  public  by  M. 
Thurot  and  associates.  .  .  .  My  object  is  to  endeavour  to 
unite  as  far  as  practicable  the  peculiar  advantages  of  English  and 
French  education,  each  good  as  well  as  deficient,  but  united 
probably  nearer  than  anything  else  is  a  perfect  system  ;  and  the 
enquiries  I  am  now  making  are  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  me  to 
decide  whether  such  an  establishment  exists  at  Paris  as  would  be 
likely  to  fulfill  my  expectations  in  regard  to  French  instruction, 
and  as  would  moreover  consent  to  receive  my  two  elder  sons  upon 
the  terms  on  which  alone  I  should  be  willing  to  send  them  there. 

In  a  few  months  they  will  respectively  have  completed  their 
15th  and  14th  years.  Their  standing  at  Harrow,  a  public  school 
near  London,  corresponds  with  their  ages,  and  in  about  two  and 
a  half  or  three  years,  they  will  probably  be  at  or  near  the  end  of 
the  school,  or  in  other  words  will  have  laid  the  foundation  of  a 
classical  education.  My  belief  is  that  they  would  be  able  to  at- 
tain this  station  by  being  at  Harrow  only  one  half  of  each  of  these 

VOL.    IV.— 13 


194  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

years  ;  that  is  to  say,  during  the  two  terms  which  include  the  six 
months  commencing  the  middle  of  January  ;  the  remaining  six 
months  from  the  middle  of  July  to  the  middle  of  January,  of 
which  fourteen  weeks  are  included  in  two  vacations  at  midsummer 
and  Christmas,  I  could  send  them  to  Paris.  Although  they  have 
some  knowledge  of  French  and  can  read  it  without  much  difficulty, 
they  would  require  the  first  half  year  to  become  sufficiently  familiar 
with  the  language  to  proceed  with  ease  and  advantage  in  some 
branches  of  instruction  ;  in  the  meantime,  however,  they  would  be 
taught  music,  drawing,  and,  what  is  more  important,  mathematics  ; 
they  could  likewise  continue  their  Greek  and  Latin  exercises  and 
might  begin  with  Spanish,  which  I  wish  them  to  know  early  and 
thoroughly. 

*  Not  only  the  instruction  but  the  discipline  is  an  object  of  much 
importance,  both  as  regards  the  cultivation  of  morals  and  the 
protection  of  the  pupils  from  the  vices  and  habits  to  which  their 
age  exposes  them.  With  this  explanation  of  my  views,  will  you 
confer  with  Mr.  Barlow  and  ask  him  to  unite  with  you  in  making 
such  enquiries  of  M.  Thurot  or  any  better  establishment,  as  will 
enable  you  to  give  me  your  opinion  and  advice.  I  would  send 
my  sons  in  July  next. 

With  sincere  regards,  &c,  I  am  yours, 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  78. 

London,  Dec.  19,  1802. 
Sir: 

In  the  Bill  that  after  the  holidays  will  be  brought  into  Parlia- 
ment for  the  consideration  of  the  Customs,  the  Duties  upon 
articles  imported  from  the  United  States  will  stand  nearly  as  they 
do  at  present,  except  that  it  has  been  proposed  to  raise  the  Duty 
upon  Oil  coming  from  any  foreign  Country  from  ^28.3.1  to 
^31.10.  I  have  had  one  or  two  Conferences  upon  the  subject 
with  the  Department  of  the  Treasury,  and  am  now  preparing  a 
Representation  upon  which  their  Lordships  will  decide  before 


802] 


LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  195 


the  Draught  of  the  Bill  is  completed.  The  British  St.  Malo 
fishery  produces  more  oil  than  is  consumed  in  the  country,  and 
fhe  proposed  augmentation  of  duty  is  vindicated  by  alleging  that 
Spermaceti  oil  having  of  late  years  considerably  receded  mpnce 
it  has  become  requisite  to  raise  the  Duty  upon  .t  m  order  that  .t 
may  be,  according  to  its  first  intention,  prohibitory 

Until  recently  there  has  been  no  discrimination  of  Duties  upon 
foreign  fish  oils  ;  notwithstanding  the  Spermaceti  Oil  is  so  much 
better  and  dearer  than  the  brown  oil,  the  duty  has  operated  to 
exclude  the  latter,  while  the  former,  by  reason  o    its  superior 
quality  and  price  has  found  here  a  precarious  market      Foreign 
oTs  are  not  only  meant  to  be  excluded  from  the  British  Market, 
but  the  Bounties  given  to  the  British  whale  Fisheries  mus    hke- 
wise  secure  them  a  preference  in  the  foreign  Markets     The  con- 
ferences with  the  Treasury  have  therefore  embraced  these  several 
Regulations ;    and  tho'  I  have  not  much   expectation    of    any 
such  reduction  of  the  Duties  as  will  allow  our  Oils,  except  in  ex- 
traordinary circumstances,  to  be  consumed  m  Great  Britain  I 
have  the  satisfaction  to  inform  you  that  foreign  Oils  of  every  sort 
will  hereafter  be  allowed  to  be  deposited  here  under  similar  Reg- 
ulations to  those  which  regard  our  Rice  and  lobacco.     This 
system  will  likewise  be  made  to  comprehend  our  F  our,  wheat 
and  other  species  of  corn,  as  well  as  some  other  articles  such  as 
Furs    Lumber  &c.  of  inferior  importance.     The  deposit  of  the 
chief  articles  of  our  Exports  upon  safe  and  convenient  Terms  in 
the  Ports  of  this  country,  a  system  altogether  different  from  that 
of  Importation  and  Exportation  under  Duties  and  Drawbacks, 
will  afford  a  considerable  advantage  to  our  Merchants,  who  may, 
thro'  their  correspondents  here,  distribute  as  before  their  Cargoes 
throughout  the  different  markets  of  the  continent  ;  and  if  the 
state  of  the  English  market  admit  it,  they  may  on  payment  of  the 
Duties,  likewise  dispose  of  them  for  the  consumption  of  this 

C°Therynew  regulation  of  the  Corn  Trade,  which  *  connected 
with  this  system,  will  likewise  merit  our  attention.  When  wheat 
is  under  5  4,  the  quarter,  the  duty  on  Importation  will  be  24/3- 
When  5  i  and  under  54,  the  duty  will  be  2/6  ;  and  when  54  and 
upwards,  the  duty  will  be  /«.  If  the  Foreigner  does  not  choose 
to  import  and  pay  the  duty,  he  may  deposit  his  wheat  in  the  pub- 


I96  RUFUS  KING.  [180 2 

lie  Warehouses  for  exportation  or  home  consumption  ;  in  the 
latter  case  it  will  be  liable  to  pay  the  second  rate  of  duties,  altho' 
the  price  may  be  54/,  or  above,  unless  the  King,  by  Proclamation 
permits  the  same  to  be  taken  out  of  the  Warehouses  and  sold  on 
payment  of  the  lowest  Duty. 

As  yet  the  notice  specifying  the  countervailing  Duties  upon 
goods  imported  in  American  vessels,  has  not  been  formed,  and  is, 
I  understand,  delayed  to  learn  whether  it  is  likely  that  our  dis- 
criminating Duties  will  be  repealed.  There  has  been  no  intima- 
tion of  an  intention  to  extend  the  countervailing  Duties  to  the 
System  of  Deposits.  I  have  not  yet  examined,  tho'  you  may  think 
it  worthy  of  consideration,  how  far  the  extension  of  this  plan  of 
depositing  instead  of  importing  our  Productions  may  have  an 
influence  upon  the  question  of  the  Expediency  of  the  repeal  of 
the  discriminating  Duties  on  our  side  and  the  countervailing. 
Duties  on  the  side  of  this  country. 

With  great  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Geo.  W.  Erving,  Esq. 

Randall's,  Surry,  Dec.  20,  1802. 
Sir: 

As  I  shall  stay  in  town  on  Tuesday  night,  I  request  that  you 
will  call  upon  me  between  9  and  10  o'clock  on  Wednesday 
morning,  in  order  that  I  may  understand  with  precision  what 
proportion  of  the  money  received  by  Mr.  Williams  in  the 
Mart'que  Cases  you  think  yourself  authorized  according  to  former 
usage  to  claim  for  the  United  States.  My  Letter  to  you  on  this 
subject  was  founded  upon  the  representation  you  had  made  to 
me  that  the  deductions,  according  to  former  usage,  ought  to  ex- 
ceed 1  per  centum  ;  but  as  Mr.  Williams  states  explicitly  that  it  was 
not  the  usage  to  deduct  more  than  one  per  centum  in  addition 
to  the  taxed  costs  and  average  sum  allowed  by  the  Board  of 
Commissioners,  I  desire  you  will  furnish  me  with  Evidence  that 
a  larger  proportion  was  retained  by  your  Predecessor. 
I  am,  sir,  your  ob.  St. 

R.  K. 


802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE. 


197 


R.  King  to  His  Excellency,  the  President  of  the  U.  S. 

London,  Dec.  20,  1802. 
Sir  : 

Mr.  Gore  having  during  my  absence  acknowledged  the  receipt 
of  your  letter  to  me,  and  at  the  same  time  transmitted  to  you 
copies  of  his  Correspondence  with  the  President  of  the  Sierra 
Leone  Company,  I  have  only  to  resume  the  subject  where  he 
left  it. 

The  idle  and  disorderly  character  of  the  slaves,  who  deserted 
their  Masters  and  joined  the  British  army  in  America,  and  who 
constitute  the  greater  part  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Sierra  Leone,  has 
produced  an  unfavorable  opinion  of  our  slaves  in  general,  which 
it  is  not  easy  to  correct,  and  which  unfortunately  operates  against 
the  adoption  of  the  Plan  we  have  offered  to  the  African  Company. 

Hitherto  the  colony  has  done  but  little  towards  defraying  the 
Expenses  of  its  Protection,  which  are  so  considerable  that  the 
Company  feels  the  burthen  and  is  unwilling  to  consent  to  any 
measure  that  may  chance  to  increase  it.  I  have  taken  some  pains, 
but  hitherto  without  success,  to  do  away  what  has  appeared  to  me 
an  unfounded  apprehension  on  this  subject  and  to  engage  the 
company  to  adopt  our  Proposition.  I  have  not  yet  pressed  for  a 
decision,  having  reason  to  believe  that  it  might  be  in  the  negative. 
At  present  I  am  recommending  a  modification  of  the  plan  to  be 
tried  in  the  first  instance  as  an  experiment  and  upon  a  small  scale, 
and  ultimately  adopted  upon  a  larger  one,  if  found  to  be  free 
from  the  inconveniences  that  are  apprehended.  Though  I  cannot 
encourage  the  expectation  that  the  Company  will  agree  to  the 
Proposal  upon  any  terms,  I  am  not  without  hope  that  it  may  consent 
to  receive  a  limited  number  of  our  negroes  by  way  of  experiment. 

There  is  no  prospect  whatever  of  our  being  able  to  combine 
the  Transportation  of  these  slaves  with  any  beneficial  plan  of 
Trade.  It  would  be  an  important  point  gained  could  we  obtain 
permission  to  send  them  to  Sierra  Leone,  and  the  Expense  of 
their  passage  would  be  small  in  comparision  with  the  advantage 
of  their  banishment. 

I  cannot  close  this  Letter  without  begging  you  to  be  assured 
that  I  am  truly  sensible  of  your  obliging  appreciation  of  the 
manner  in  which  I  have  performed  the  Duties  of  my  office  in 


I98  XUFUS  KING.  [1802 

this  Country.  The  like  zeal  and  industry  will  continue  to  be 
employed  during  the  residue  of  my  mission,  and  I  shall,  more- 
over, be  ready  after  my  return  home  to  give  to  the  Department  of 
State  any  such  information  as  it  may  be  supposed  my  residence 
here  has  enabled  me  to  acquire. 

With  distinguished  consideration  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Geo.  W.  Erving,  Esq. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  Dec.  22,  1802. 
Sir: 

It  having  been  the  practice  of  your  Predecessor  to  retain  only 
one  percentum  of  the  sums  recovered  in  the  Martinique  cases, 
there  seems  to  be  no  good  reason  for  claiming  more,  and  I  there- 
fore recommend  to  you  to  receive  from  Mr.  Williams  at  this  rate 
in  the  Martinique  Cases  referred  to  in  your  Letters  of  the  13  and 
20.  instant. 

In  regard  to  the  ascertainment  of  the  former  usage  in  reim- 
bursing the  Public  advances  in  these  and  other  Cases,  concerning 
which  you  repeat  your  apprehension  that  Mr.  Williams  may,  as 
the  private  agent  of  the  claimants,  pursue  a  course  embarrassing 
to  you,  and  injurious  to  the  public,  it  does  not  appear  to  me  that 
the  public  interest  is  in  any  degree  likely  to  be  disregarded  by  the 
American  Commissioners  with  whose  assistance  the  measures  to 
procure  this  reimbursement  were  concerted  and  who  will  have  it 
in  their  power  to  enforce  their  observance.  I  think  it  moreover 
due  to  Mr.  Williams  to  add,  what  a  knowledge  of  the  capacity  and 
zeal  with  which  he  served  the  public  as  your  Predecessor  author- 
izes me  to  do,  my  full  persuasion  that  so  far  from  embarrassing 
your  agency,  he  will  continue  to  afford  you  such  information  and 
aid  as  his  Experience  and  knowledge  of  the  business  enable  him 
to  do,  and  as  will  materially  contribute  to  the  discharge  of  your 
agency  with  satisfaction  to  yourself,  and  advantage  to  the  public. 

With  much  respect  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  1 99 


R.  King  to  James  Madison,  Esq. 

Private. 

London,  Dec.  31,  1802. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  duly  reed,  your  letter  of  Oct.  9.  and  am  obliged  to  you 
for  the  early  reply  you  have  sent  me,  as  well  as  for  the  like  com- 
munication you  were  good  enough  to  make  to  my  agent  in  New 
York.  As  I  expect  the  Vessel  coming  to  me  from  America,  will 
be  here  and  ready  for  me  and  my  family  to  embark  by  the  10th. 
of  April,  I  am  making  the  requisite  preparations,  and  hope  I  may 
not  be  disappointed  in  receiving  my  Letters  of  Recall  in  season, 
to  enable  me  to  leave  England  immediately  after  that  date. 
With  sentiments  of  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

R.  K. 


On  January  3,  1803,  to  anticipate  a  little,  Mr.  Low  writes 
that  he  has  made  an  arrangement  for  a  ship  of  which  the 
captain  is  to  provide  such  provisions  and  stores  as  may  be 
required,  with  the  permission,  if  Mr.  King  desires  it,  for  other 
passengers  than  his  family.  The  contract  was  that  the  vessel 
shall  be  ready  on  the  10th  of  April,  "  to  receive  his  family 
and  servants  with  his  furniture,  carriages,  horses,  sheep,  cow 
and  other  articles/' 

On  August  5,  1802,  Mr.  King  wrote  to  Mr.  Madison  a 
private  letter  saying  that  in  his  official  letter  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  of  the  same  date,  resigning  his  office  and  re- 
questing permission  from  the  President  to  return  home,  he 
had  asked  for  the  accommodation  of  a  passage  home  for 
himself  and  family  in  one  of  the  public  ships,  which  might 
be  returning  home  or  which  might  bring  out  his  successor 
and  carry  him  back.  It  is  to  the  answer  to  that  letter,  by 
Mr.  Madison,  privately,  on  October  9,  1802,  which  contains 
the  refusal  to  grant  this  request  of  a  public  conveyance  that 
Mr.  King  refers  above.  Mr.  Livingston  *  had  been  sent  out 
recently  in  the  Boston  Frigate  to  Havre,  and  it  was  natural 
for  Mr.  King  to  think  that  a  similar  privilege  might  be  ex- 

*  See  letter  of  R.  Troup,  vol.  iii.,  p.  526,  for  the  reasons. 


200  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

tended  to  him,  who  had  so  long  and  satisfactorily  served  his 
country  and  who  supposed  that  his  successor  would  be  ap- 
pointed before  the  next  April,  the  time  he  named  for  the 
termination  of  his  embassy.  What  reasons  were  assigned 
in  this  letter  for  the  refusal  of  the  request  cannot  be  here 
given,  for  the  letter  cannot  be  found.  But  in  the  official 
files  of  the  Department  of  State  there  is  a  letter  from  the 
Secretary  of  State,  which  follows,  and  gives  the  reasons. 

Washington,  Department  of  State,  Dec.  16,  1802. 

Rufus  King,  Esq.: 

Having  in  a  private  letter  under  cover  of  one  to  Mr.  N.  Low  of 
New  York  *  communicated  the  result  of  yours  on  the  subject  of 
your  return  to  the  United  States  in  a  national  ship  and  having 
had  nothing  to  add  to  my  last  several  letters  on  other  subjects,  I 
have  thus  long  delayed  an  official  answer  to  your  letters  numbered 
from  64  to  75  inclusive,  I  now  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  them 
and  inclose  the  permission  which  you  ask  to  return  to  the  United 
States.     Your  successor  is  not  yet  named. 

The  satisfaction  which  the  President  has  derived  from  the 
manner  in  which  you  have  pursued  the  several  objects  committed 
to  you,  and  which  I  am  authorized  to  repeat  to  you  on  this  occa- 
sion, makes  him  the  more  regret  that  the  particular  accommoda- 
tion you  wished  for  the  repassage  of  your  family  could  not  be 
afforded.  Considering  the  actual  situation  and  calls  for  the  pub- 
lic vessels  not  laid  up,  the  only  chance  of  such  an  arrangement 
lay  in  the  returns  from  the  Mediterranean  and  that  chance  is 
frustrated  by  the  Quarantine  regulations  in  Great  Britain  to 
which  vessels  from  that  quarter  are  subject.  .  .  . 
With  Great  Respect  &c. 

James  Madison. 

*  "  Mr.  N.  Low,  Mr.  King's  Agent  in  New  York,  writes  to  him  on  Oct.  23, 
1802,  that,  having  been  absent  from  New  York,  he  finds  on  his  return  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Madison  of  9th  inst.  with  one  inclosed  for  you  (which  you  have 
herewith)  from  which  I  learn  that  a  Government  ship  will  not  be  sent  for  you  ; 
and  as  you  depend  in  this  event  upon  one  being  sent  for  you  from  hence,  you 
may  be  assured  that  it  shall  be  done  upon  the  best  terms  that  may  be,  .  .  . 
to  be  ready  to  receive  you  and  your  baggage  at  London  on  the  10th  of  April 
next." 


1802]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  201 

The  appointment  of  a  successor  to  Mr.  King*  was  not 
made,  as  stated  above,  or  even  suggested  during  this  year, 
and  thus  the  contingency  of  one  being  sent  out  in  a  public 
ship,  on  which  Mr.  King  might  return,  did  not  occur.  But 
the  President's  own  views  of  such  an  employment  of  a 
public  ship  may  be  learned  from  a  letter  f  addressed  by  him 
to  Gov.   Monroe,  January  13,   1803,  informing  him  of  his 

*  Mr.  C.  J.  Ingersoll,  in  his  Recollections,  p.  353,  writing  of  the  appoint- 
ments of  foreign  Ministers  under  Mr.  Jefferson,  says  : 

"  But  no  step  was  taken  for  the  appointment  of  another  Minister  to  England, 
superseding  Rufus  King,  although  differing  entirely  from  the  President's  poli- 
tics, and  having  been  six  years  resident  in  London  as  American  Minister.  I 
believe  Mr.  Jefferson  has  left,  now  published,  his  opinion  that  four  years  is 
about  the  proper  duration  of  an  American  Mission  in  Europe  ;  with  Mr. 
King's,  when  his  had  lasted  six  years  and  he  considered  seven  a  reasonable 
period,  President  Jefferson  never  interfered  to  put  an  end  to  it,  but  left  the 
time  to  Mr.  King,  whose  valuable  services,  particularly  in  the  Louisiana  acqui- 
sition, were  officially  avowed  by  Mr.  Livingston  in  his  correspondence  with 
their  government." 

f  "lam  particularly  concerned  that,  in  the  present  case,  you  have  more  than 
one  sacrifice  to  make.  To  reform  the  prodigalities  of  our  predecessors  is  under- 
stood to  be  peculiarly  our  duty,  and  to  bring  the  government  to  a  simple  and 
economical  course.  They,  in  order  to  increase  expense,  debt,  taxation  and 
patronage,  tried  always  how  much  they  could  give.  The  outfit  given  to  min 
isters  resident  to  enable  them  to  furnish  their  house,  but  given  by  no  nation  to 
a  temporary  minister,  who  is  never  expected  to  take  a  house  or  to  entertain, 
but  considered  on  the  footing  of  a  voyageur,  they  gave  to  their  extraordinary 
ministers  by  wholesale.  In  the  beginning  of  our  administration,  among 
other  articles  of  reformation  in  expense,  it  was  determined  not  to  give  an  outfit 
to  ministers  extraordinary,  and  not  to  incur  the  expense  with  any  minister  of 
sending  a  frigate  to  carry  or  bring  him.  The  Boston  happened  to  be  going  to 
the  Mediterranean,  and  was  permitted,  therefore,  to  take  up  Mr.  Livingston 
and  touch  in  a  port  of  France.  A  frigate  was  denied  to  Charles  Pinckney,  and 
has  been  refused  to  Mr.  King  for  his  return.  Mr.  Madison's  friendship  and 
mine  to  you  being  so  well  known,  the  public  will  have  eagle  eyes  to  watch,  if 
we  grant  you  any  indulgences  out  of  the  general  rule  :  and  on  the  other  hand, 
the  example  set  in  your  case  will  be  more  cogent  on  future  ones,  and  produce 
greater  approbation  to  our  conduct." — Jefferson's  Works,  vol.  iv.,  p.  455. 

That  the  decision  of  the  President  was  a  correct  one,  though  not  for  the 
reasons  given  in  this  letter,  can  hardly  be  questioned :  the  Government  was 
relieved  from  the  necessity  and  embarrassment  of  deciding  such  a  question  in 
the  future,  and  left  it  to  those  appointed  to  make  such  arrangements  as  each 
might  desire. 


202  RUFUS  KING.  [1802 

nomination  and  confirmation  of  it  by  the  Senate,  as  Envoy 
Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  France  and 
Spain  to  assist  Messrs.  Livingston  and  Pinckney  in  their 
negotiations  about  Louisiana.  He  earnestly  pressed  his 
acceptance  of  the  mission,  and  deprecated  his  refusal,  telling 
him  at  the  same  time  that  he  could  not  send  him  in  a  public 
ship. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Troup  to  King— Spanish  Officers  at  New  Orleans  violating  the  Treaty— Jef- 
ferson's Message  an  Opiate— King  to  Vansittart— Duty  on  Oil  proposed 
would  materially  injure  U.  S.  in  withdrawing  skilled  Seamen — King  to 
Wilberforce— Urges  granting  Permission  to  send  emancipated  Slaves  to 
Sierra  Leone— Wilberforce  to  King— Importance  of  cultivating  Friendship 
between  their  two  Countries — Maryland  Bank  Stock — King  to  Lord 
Hawkesbury  and  Sir  Stephen  Cottrell  relative  to  contagious  Fever  on 
Board  of  Vessel  to  carry  American  Seamen  to  the  U.  S.— King  to  Erving, 
on  the  same  Matter— King  to  Gallatin— Exchange  with  Holland  and 
England— How  best  to  make  Remittances— King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury — 
Claims  equal  Participation  in  the  West  India  Trade— King  to  Governor 
of  Maryland,  relative  to  Communications  about  the  Bank  Stock— J.  Jay  to 
King — Domestic  Afflictions  have  prevented  writing — Sedgwick  to  Hamil- 
ton—Federalists should  hold  the  State  Governments— King  for  Governor 
of  New  York— King  to  Secretary  of  State— No  further  Progress  in  Settle- 
ment of  pending  Questions— French  Troops  possibly  going  to  Louisiana- 
King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury — His  Government  wishes  Settlement  of  Ques- 
tions with  England— King  to  Secretary  of  State— Failure  of  Bird,  Savage, 
and  Bird— King  to  Gallatin— Same  Subject— Propositions  to  Sir  Francis 
Baring. 

R.  Troup  to  R.  King. 

New  York  Jan.  8,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  Congress  have  not  yet  engaged,  so  far  as  the  papers 
inform  us,  in  any  important  measures.  It  is  said  that  a  few  days 
ago  they  were  deliberating  with  close  doors,  and  it  is  conjectured 
that  the  violation  of  our  Spanish  Treaty  by  the  Spanish  officers 
at  New  Orleans  was  the  subject.*  Jefferson's  milk  and  water 
communication  on  this  subject  is  not  generally  liked.  From  ap- 
pearances the  nation  would  not  be  opposed,  and  particularly  the 

*  See  Hildreth's  Hist,  of  U.  S.y  2d   Ser.,  v.  ii.,  p.  471. 
203 


204  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

Kentuckians  and  Tennesseans,  to  prompt  and  strong  measures. 
What  the  government  will  do  is  a  problem. 

Jefferson's  message  to  Congress  at  the  opening  of  the  session 
is  an  opiate  to  the  nation.  There  is  as  yet  no  promising  appear- 
ance of  his  declension  in  popularity  ;  and  as  he  and  all  his 
satellites  continue  in  their  demagoguish  career  I  have  little  doubt 
that  they  will  retain  their  places  ;  and  there  seems  to  be  little 
reason  to  conclude  that  it  will  be  wise  at  the  next  election  to 
attempt  to  disturb  them.  By  the  by,  they  begin  openly  to  avow 
that  it  will  probably  be  our  interest  to  draw  still  closer  our 
ties  of  amity  with  Great  Britain. 

Our  merchants  are  rising  up  pretty  generally  against  our  meet- 
ing Great  Britain  on  the  ground  of  abolishing  the  countervailing 
duties  ;  and  it  is  said  that  remonstrances  will  go  to  Congress 
against  the  measure.     .     .     . 

God  bless  you  and  grant  you  and  your  family  a  short  and  pleas- 
ant passage  home,  where  your  friends  will  be  very  happy  to  meet 
you  again,  and  amongst  them  none  will  be  happier  than,  Dear 
Sir, 

Your  very  humble  servt. 

Robt.  Troup. 


R.  King  to  Nicholas  Vansittart  Esq. 

Randalls,  Surrey,  Jan.  8,  1803. 
Sir: 

After  the  conversation  we  lately  had  upon  the  subject,  I  will 
not  trouble  you  at  much  length  respecting  the  proposed  augmen- 
tation of  Duty  upon  foreign  Spermaceti  Oil.  Under  the  Old 
System  of  Duties  our  whale  fishery  has  not  increased,  while  yours 
has  extended  itself  so  as  to  be  able  to  supply  more  than  your  own 
consumption,  which  our  united  fisheries  a  few  years  back  were 
unable  to  do.  Under  these  Circumstances  it  is  proposed  to  raise 
the  duty  on  foreign  Spermaceti  Oil  from  £22. 3.1.  to  .£31.10  the 
Ton.  The  obvious  effect  of  this  measure  will  be  to  depress  our 
whale  fishery  by  the  entire  exclusion  of  our  Spermaceti  Oil  from 
your  market,  where  it  sometimes  finds  in  small  quantities  a  pre- 
carious sale  :  the  proceeds  of  these  sales  are  laid  out  in  the  pur- 


1803]  LIFE   AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  205 

chase  of  British  manufactures.  Live  and  let  live  is  a  maxim  in 
Trade,  and  in  the  present  case  may  mean  a  little  more  than  it 
usually  does,  for  I  cannot  persuade  myself,  with  the  connexion 
that  naturally  exists  between  us,  and  seeing  as  we  must  the  efforts 
that  France  is  making  to  acquire  a  control  over  the  maritime 
strength  of  the  North  of  Europe,  as  she  already  has  done  over  the 
South,  that  the  Decrease  of  American  Seamen  can  be  indifferent 
to  Great  Britain  ;  and  if  it  be  not,  I  should  hope  for  the  sake  of 
a  common  interest  that  you  would  not  from  light  motives  be 
willing  to  sanction  any  measure  that  would  produce  this  effect. 

I  will  not  recall  to  your  recollection  by  way  of  complaint,  the 
various  modes  of  encouraging  your  whale  fishery,  which,  with 
whatever  views  adopted,  have  had  the  effect  to  withdraw  from 
our  service  numbers  of  our  most  intelligent  and  useful  ad- 
venturers. 

As  we  have  no  laws  prohibiting  the  transfer  of  their  skill  and 
persons  to  a  foreign  State,  they  were  free  to  accept  your  invita- 
tion and  we  could  only  regret  their  preference. 

But  it  would  be  matter  of  greater  concern,  should  these  meas- 
ures be  followed  up  by  a  Regulation  which  would  still  farther  de- 
press our  whale  fishery,  that  cannot  be  beneficial  to  your  Revenue, 
and  which  is  not  wanted  as  a  Protection  to  a  Branch  of  Industry, 
that  has  already  not  only  established  itself,  but  continues  to  thrive 
under  an  encouragement  that  has  brought  it  to  maturity. 

With  sentiments  of  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  William  Wilberforce,  Esq. 

Randalls,  Jan.  8,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Will  you  give  me  leave  to  recall  to  your  recollection  my  request 
that  you  would  converse  with  your  neighbor,  Mr.  Thornton,  con- 
cerning the  permission  we  have  applied  for  to  send  certain  of  our 
negroes  to  Sierra  Leone.  Although  I  really  cannot  suppose  the 
plan  in  its  full  extent  liable  to  the  objections  that  I  understand 
have  been  made  to  it,  and  which  are  founded  upon  the  presumption 
that  our  negroes  are  all  of  the  same  idle  and  disorderly  charactei 
as  those  who  joined  the  English  army  in  America,  and  who  were 


206  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

afterwards  abandoned  to,  and  infested  by,  the  vices  of  a  succes- 
sion of  garrison  towns,  yet  I  am  not  disposed  to  urge  a  project 
upon  merely  speculative  reasons.  Instead  therefore  of  the  first 
proposal,  suppose  the  Company  should  consent  to  our  sending  to 
its  colony  a  limited  number  of  negroes  by  way  of  experiment. 
If  benefit  instead  of  injury  should  be  the  result  of  the  Experi- 
ment, the  Permission  would  be  continued  ;  if  otherwise,  it  would 
be  refused.  The  Negroes  we  may  send  are  only  such  as  may 
hereafter  be  manumitted  by  their  Masters,  and  those  who  shall  be 
detected  in  attempting  to  excite  Insurrections  among  their  fellow 
slaves.  The  former  will  include  our  most  meritorious  slaves,  and 
the  latter  will  not  be  the  idle  and  the  vicious,  and  these  would  not 
possess  sufficient  influence  over  their  associates  to  become  Leaders 
in  Schemes  of  Insurrection. 

I  don't  think  it  requisite,  since  I  know  your  way  of  thinking  in 
this  respect,  to  enlarge  upon  the  advantages  to  our  respective 
Countries  that  may  be  derived  from  those  occasional  good  offices 
and  tokens  of  regard  which,  in  small  as  well  as  important  con- 
cerns, have  so  much  influence  in  extending  the  intercourse  and 
strengthening  the  friendship  of  Nations ;  these  are  reflexions 
with  which  your  mind  is  familiar  and  which  I  am  persuaded  you 
will  apply  as  far  as  may  be  reasonable  to  the  object  of  this  letter. 

With  great  truth  and  regard  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


W.  WlLBERFORCE    TO    R.  KlNG. 

Private. 

Broomfield,  Tuesday,  nth  Jan.,  1803. 
My  Dear  Sir  : 

Your  letter  having  been  written  on  Saturday,  did  not  reach 
London  until  yesterday,  and  owing  to  a  mistake,  I  have  only  this 
day  received  my  letters  of  yesterday.  I  lose  no  time  in  assuring 
you  that  I  will  not  fail  to  impress  in  the  strongest  manner  I  am 
able  on  Mr.  A.  the  extreme  Importance  of  cultivating  that  friend- 
ship betwn.  the  two  countries  so  desirable,  on  all  accounts,  for 
both.  I  will  endeavour  to  enforce  the  same  consideration  on 
Lord  H.y,  but  I  am  not  on  the  same  confidential  terms  with  him 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  207 

as  with  Mr.  A,  and  cannot  so  easily  create  an  opportunity  for 
full  and  unreserved  Discussion.  I  have  a  natural  and  fair  plea  to 
urge  in  vindication  of  my  Solicitude  on  this  Subject  besides  the 
Interest  I  take  in  it  on  general  grounds  as  an  English  M.  of 
Parlt.  anxious  abt.  the  welfare  of  his  country.  The  commercial 
connection  betn.  the  American  and  Yorke.  merchts.  has  long 
called  my  particular  attention  to  the  state  of  America  and  to  what- 
ever may  tend  to  cement  our  union  with  her. 

Before  I  heard  from  you  I  had  been  thinkg.  of  requestg.  you 
to  refresh  my  Memory  on  the  affair  you  mentioned  to  me  in  wh. 
the  State  of  Maryland  was  principally  concerned.  In  the  multi- 
tude of  topics  we  discussed  during  your  kind  Visit,  I  did  not 
recollect  what  you  stated  on  that  Head  with  sufficient  distinct- 
ness to  enable  me  to  reason  from  it  satisfactorily — at  ye  same 
time  being  a  matter  in  its  nature  public,  it  furnishes  on  that  ac- 
count a  peculiarly  fit  instance  of  the  course  of  proceeding  which 
ought  to  be  pursued  by  our  Govt,  with  a  view  to  the  effect  before 
stated  as  so  desirable.  May  I  beg  you  to  let  me  have  a  Statement 
of  the  Maryland  case  either  in  writing  or  verbally.     .     .     . 

I  cannot  conclude  without  assuring  you  that  I  am  gratified  by 
every  mark  of  your  confidence  and  that  you  may  be  assured  of 
my  bearing  in  mind  the  Secresy  and  ye  Discretion  which  that 
confidence  may  justly  claim  &  of  my  endeavouring  to  turn  it  to 
good  account  by  promoting  that  end  which  in  common  we  have 
in  view.     .     .     . 

With  cordial  Esteem  and  Regard,  yours  very  sincerely, 

W.  WlLBERFORCE. 


R.  King  to  the  Duke  of  Portland. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  Jan.  12,  1803. 
My  Lord  : 

I  lose  no  time  in  making  my  acknowledgments  to  your  Grace 

for  the  Communication  that  I  have  just  received  thro'  Sir  Stephen 

Cottrell  concerning  the  vessel  employed  to  carry  a  number  of 

American  Seamen  to  the  United  States,  and  which  has  been  for 

some  time  detained  at  Falmouth  on  account  of  a  contagious  fever 

that  broke  out  among  the  Passengers.     Sir  Stephen  has  engaged 


208  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

to  send  me  Copies  of  the  Report  of  the  Physician,  together  with 
such  other  Papers  as  will  explain  the  malignant  character  of  the 
Disease  :  these  being  forwarded  to  the  U.  S.  will  enable  the  Gov- 
ernment to  adopt  timely  precautions  against  the  Contagion, 
should  the  fever  again  break  out  during  the  Passage. 

With  Sentiments  of  the  highest  Respect  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Sir  Stephen  Cottrell. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  January  13,  1803. 
Sir: 

I  have  the  honour  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  Letter  of 
yesterday,  respecting  the  Ship  Mary  employed  to  carry  American 
Seamen  to  the  United  States,  and  at  present  under  quarantine  at 
Falmouth.  In  addition  to  the  Reports  of  the  quarantine  Physi- 
cian, I  have  endeavoured  to  inform  myself  of  the  actual  condi- 
tion of  this  Vessel,  as  well  in  respect  to  her  ability  to  perform  the 
voyage,  as  to  the  quantity  of  Provisions  remaining  for  the  sub- 
sistence of  the  Passengers  and  Crew  ;  and  am  sorry  to  learn  from 
Mr.  Erving,  the  American  Consul  in  London,  and  who  engaged 
the  Vessel  to  perform  this  Service,  that  although  he  has  doubts 
of  the  sea-worthiness  of  the  Ship,  as  well  as  of  the  sufficiency  of 
the  Provisions,  he  is  unable,  by  reason  of  the  present  situation  of 
the  Vessel,  to  obtain  such  information  on  these  points  as  both 
humanity  and  justice  seem  to  require.  In  these  circumstances  I 
take  the  liberty  to  request  thro'  you  the  interference  of  his 
Majesty's  Council  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  exact  information 
upon  these  two  points,  so  necessary  to  be  ascertained  previously 
to  the  Mary's  being  permitted  to  proceed  on  her  Voyage.  The 
same  motives  which  recommended  the  communication  on  this 
subject  that  his  Grace  the  Lord  President  so  obligingly  directed 
to  be  made  to  me,  will  I  am  persuaded  approve  the  measure  it  is 
the  aim  of  this  application  to  accomplish. 

With  perfect  Respect  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  20O 

R.  King  to  Geo.  W.  Erving,  Esq.,  Agent  for  Seamen. 
Great  Cumberland  Place,  January  13,  1803. 

OlR  \ 

Pursuant  of  our  conversation  of  last  Evening,  I  have  sent  a 
letter  to  Sir  Stephen  Cottrell,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  an 
order  of  Council  to  prevent  the  Ship  sailing  until  her  sea-worthi- 
ness and  the  sufficiency  of  her  Provisions  can  be  ascertained  ; 
this  will  without  doubt  be  done. 

But  I  infer  from  a  conversation  I  have  had  with  Sir  Stephen 
Cottrell  that  the  Council  will  be  likely  to  do  no  more  than  to  give 
orders  to  the  Quarantine  Officers  at  Falmouth  to  allow  the  Ship 
to  be  visited  by  such  persons  as  shall  be  employed  to  make  the 
proposed  Survey ;  and  that  it  will  be  expedient  that  Mr.  Fox 
should  engage  a  suitable  person  to  perform  this  service.  I  apprise 
you  of  this  circumstance,  in  order  that  you  may  write  to  Mr.  Fox 
to  have  the  Survey  made. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  obedt.  servt. 

R.  K. 

R.  King  to  Albert  Gallatin,  Esq.,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  U.  S. 

«      %  London,  Jan.  13,  1803. 

I  have  duly  received  your  Letter  of  Nov.  16,  together  with  one 
from  the  Treasurer  of  the  18.  of  the  same  month,  enclosing  Mr. 
Glassford's  Bill  of  Exchange  upon  the  Lords  Commissioners  of 
the  Treasury  of  this  Country  for  Seventy  thousand  Pounds  Ster- 
ling. The  Bill  was  presented  on  the  10th  instant,  has  been  dul)r 
accepted,  and  shall  be  disposed  of  according  to  your  direction. 

The  Exchange  between  London  and  Amsterdam  has  for  some 
time  been  growing  more  favourable  to  the  former,  and  bills  on 
the  latter,  as  you  will  perceive  by  the  annexed  note  of  the  rate  of 
Exchange,  are  at  this  time  above  par. 

In  addition  to  the  ordinary  Remittances  from  Holland  to  Eng- 
land, in  payment  of  the  manufactures  of  the  latter,  considerable 
sums  are,  and  will  continue  to  be,  remitted  to  the  English  Pro- 
prietors of  Estates  in  the  Dutch  Colonies  ;  the  produce  whereof 
is  now  obliged  to  go  to  Holland,  and  this  circumstance  among 


2IO  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

others  has  had  its  effect  in  turning  the  Exchange  in  favour  of 
England. 

I  shall  have  sufficient  time  before  the  Bill  upon  the  Treasury- 
falls  due  to  make  such  enquiries  as  may  be  requisite  to  enable  me 
to  engage  a  House  of  Reputation  to  transact  our  money  concerns 
in  this  country.  In  doing  this  it  will  be  my  aim  to  reduce  the 
compensation  to  the  lowest  rate  at  which  we  can  expect  our  busi- 
ness to  be  done,  by  a  House  whose  solidity  and  credit  are  above 
all  doubt. 

You  are  doubtless  apprised  of  the  embarrassments  of  the  Bank 
of  Amsterdam  during  the  late  war,  whose  stock  in  consequence 
thereof  suffered  great  depreciation  :  that  all  foreign  Bills  of  Ex- 
change were  acquitted  in  current  Guilders  instead  of  Bank  money 
as  had  been  the  usage.  Towards  the  close  of  last  September  the 
city  of  Amsterdam  published  a  Paper  founded  upon  a  Report  of 
the  commissaires  of  the  Bank,  announcing  that  the  deficit  had 
been  entirely  supplied  by  a  Tax  for  this  purpose  paid  by  the  city 
of  Amsterdam  ;  that  the  Guaranty  of  the  city  being  thus  satisfied 
and  the  Bank  completely  re-established,  it  had  become  expedient 
to  re-establish  the  ancient  Law  respecting  the  acquittance  of  Bills 
of  Exchange  and  therefore  that  it  had  been  resolved  : 

"  Art.  I.  That  the  value  of  every  Bill  of  Exchange  which  shall 
be  drawn  or  negotiated  in  this  city  of  the  30th  of  the  month  of 
October  approaching,  upon  places  situated  out  of  the  Republic, 
and  the  amount  of  which  shall  be  300  florins  and  upwards  shall 
be  acquitted  in  the  Bank  of  this  city. 

"  II.  That  all  Bills  of  Exchange  upon,  or  payable  in  this  City 
of  the  value  of  300  florins  and  upwards,  drawn  from  places  situ- 
ated in  the  French  Republic,  Great  Britain,  Spain,  Portugal  and 
Italy,  shall  be  paid  in  Bank  after  the  31st  Jany,  1803. 

"  III.  That  every  Bill  of  Exchange  which  conformably  to  the 
Articles  I.  and  II.,  is  to  be  acquitted  in  Bank,  and  shall  be  proved 
to  have  been  done  so  in  any  other  manner,  shall  be  held  to  be  ac- 
cepted, and  each  of  the  two  contravening  Persons  shall  pay  a  fine 
of  3  per  cent,  upon  the  total  sum  of  these  payments  made  out  of 
the  Bank. 

"  IV.  That  payments  of  Bills  of  Exchange  will  not  be  consid- 
ered good  but  conformably  to  the  1st  and  2d  Articles,  the  usage 
introduced   for   some   time  of   writing  in  Bank  to   oneself  for 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  211 


another,  as  well  as  that  of  regulating  the  payment  of  it  in  current 
money,  shall  cease  at  the  periods  mentioned  in  the  said  Articles  : 
the  Resolution  of  the  Council  of  Commerce  of  the  6th  of  October 
1796  being  in  that  respect  revoked  by  the  present." 

The  Bank  florins  in  which  Bills  from  this  Country  are  now 
payable  have  risen  and  are  now  5  per  cent,  above  the  current 

money. 

With  great  Respect,&c, 

Rufus  King. 

R.  King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  Jany.  18,  1803. 
My  Lord  : 

Referring  to  the  observations  transmitted  to  your  Lordship  in 
my  Letter  of  the  3d  of  Feby  past,  explanatory  of  the  principle 
upon  which  we  claim  an  equal  participation  of  the  Trade  between 
the  United  States  and  the  British  West  Indies,  I  take  the  liberty 
to  recall  the  subject  to  your  Lordship's  recollection  as  one  that 
has  been  long  under  consideration,  and  upon  which  I  have 
received  orders  to  require  the  Decision  of  his  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment. 

If  contrary  to  the  maxims  by  which  the  Trade  of  the  Colonies 
was  formerly  regulated,  new  circumstances  have  rendered  it  ex- 
pedient to  open  an  intercourse  between  them  and  foreign  States, 
it  is  this  measure  and  not  the  admission  of  such  foreign  States  to 
a  share  in  the  Trade,  which  breaks  in  upon  a  system  that  could 
no  longer  be  maintained  with  advantage. 

Such  intercourse  being  opened,  each  party  is  alike  competent 
to  make  Laws  for  its  Regulation,  and  as  neither  can  claim  or  ex- 
pect to  do  so  exclusively  of  the  other,  such  Regulation  becomes 
fit  matter  for  mutual  Explanation  and  agreement. 

In  conformity  with  this  principle,  an  Article  respecting  this 
Trade  was  prepared  and  inserted  in  the  Treaty  of  1794,  although 
afterwards  excluded  at  the  instance  of  the  United  States  by 
reason  of  its  inequality. 

Should  the  United  States  in  imitation  of  the  example  set  them 
by  Great  Britain  pass  a  Law  applying  the  same  rule  to  British 
Vessels,  which  the  law  of  Great  Britain  applies  to  those  of  the 
United  States,  the  effect  would  be  that  neither  British  nor  Amer- 


212  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

ican  vessels  could  carry  on  the  Trade  :  but  on  Flour,  Corn,  Timber, 
Staves  and  other  articles,  of  first  necessity  to  the  Colonies,  which 
must  be  received  from  the  United  States,  the  American  vessels 
would  carry  them  to  some  Port  or  Island  in  the  West  Indies, 
belonging  to  a  third  Power,  whither  the  British  vessels  would  go 
to  receive  the  same  ;  carrying  thither  to  purchase  them  such 
articles  of  Colonial  produce  as  are  allowed  to  be  exported  to  the 
United  States.  In  this  way  an  Entrepot  would  be  established  in 
the  West  Indies  for  the  mutual  sale  and  purchase  of  these  com- 
modities, and  as  the  Question  principally  regards  the  Navigation 
of  the  two  Countries,  it  is  evident  that  the  effect  of  these  exclusive 
Regulations  would  be  more  beneficial  to  the  United  States  than 
to  Great  Britain,  inasmuch  as  the  voyage  from  the  United  States 
to  the  Place  of  Deposit  in  the  West  Indies  would  be  longer  and 
consequently  would  afford  more  employment  than  between  the 
said  place  of  Deposit  and  the  British  West  Indies. 

Notwithstanding  the  Equity  of  such  a  Law  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  and  the  probable  advantage  it  would  secure  to  their 
navigation  we  have  no  hesitation  in  preferring  an  amicable  and 
equal  participation  of  the  Trade,  to  the  certainty  of  even  acquir- 
ing an  unequal  share  of  it,  by  a  measure  of  retaliation,  which, 
being  resorted  to  in  one  branch  of  Trade,  may  by  one  or  both 
sides  be  extended  to  others,  and  in  the  end  might  have  the  effect 
to  disturb  the  harmony,  as  well  as  the  extensive  and  mutually 
beneficial  intercourse  between  the  two  countries. 

Whether  it  may  be  deemed  more  convenient  to  alter  the  exist- 
ing Law  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  so  as  to  allow  the  Trade 
in  question  to  be  carried  on  equally  by  American  and  British 
Vessels,  or  to  enter  into  a  compact  for  this  purpose,  as  was  in- 
tended by  the  Treaty  of  1794,  is  not  a  point  of  material  difficulty  ; 
tho'  in  the  nature  of  the  subject,  a  preference  seems  due  to  an 
adjustment  by  mutual  stipulation  :  in  either  mode  as  a  security 
against  the  Extension  of  this  Trade  beyond  the  Limits,  which  it 
may  be*desired  to  give  it,  it  might  be  provided  that  the  return  Car- 
goes of  American  vessels  should  be  carried  directly  to  the  United 
States,  and  that  they  should  moreover  be  purchased  as  well  as 
limited  by  the  proceeds  of  Cargoes  imported  in  American  Vessels. 
With  distinguished  Consideration  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  213 

R.  King  to  His  Excellency,  the  Governor  of  Maryland. 

London,  Jan.  18,  1803. 
Sir: 

Having  lately  seen  your  Excellency's  Message  of  November 
last  to  the  General  Assembly  of  Maryland,  I  was  a  little  surprised 
at  that  part  of  it  which  refers  to  a  verbal  message  stated  to  have 
been  delivered  by  Mr.  Christie  from  me  to  the  Executive  of 
Maryland  ;  and  I  think  it  alike  due  to  your  Excellency  and 
myself  to  take  the  earliest  opportunity  to  correct  a  representation 
that  has  arisen  without  doubt  from  a  misapprehension  of  the 
object  and  perhaps  the  tenour  of  the  communication  that  I  made 
to  Mr.  Christie.  Not  having  had  the  honour  of  a  direct  corre- 
spondence with  the  Executive  of  Maryland  concerning  the  State 
interest  in  the  Bank  of  England,  I  might  have  doubted  the  pro- 
priety of  my  commencing  it,  especially  as  the  subject  had  been 
repeatedly  given  me  in  charge  by  the  President,  and  my  commu- 
nications respecting  it  had  been  regularly  made  to  the  Department 
of  State,  and,  I  presume,  thro'  it  to  the  Executive  of  Maryland. 
Knowing  however  the  solicitude  which  existed  in  Maryland 
respecting  this  property,  so  long,  and  I  may  add,  so  unreasonably 
detained,  I  thought  it  probable  that  Mr.  Christie's  friends,  upon 
his  return  from  England,  would  make  enquiries  of  him  concern- 
ing it,  and  therefore  took  an  opportunity  before  he  left  London 
to  explain  to  him  its  precise  situation  ;  but  without  any  expecta- 
tion that  the  explanation  would  or  could  assume  the  shape  of  an 
official  communication  to  the  Executive  of  Maryland.  Being 
unacquainted  with  the  purport  of  Mr.  Christie's  communication, 
I  can  say  nothing  of  its  accuracy,  and  the  sole  object  of  this 
Letter  is  to  beg  you  to  be  assured  that  I  should  have  made  a 
direct  and  written  communication  to  the  Executive  of  Maryland, 
had  it  been  my  intention  to  have  made  any  direct  and  written 
communication  whatever.         With  great  Respect  &c. 

Rufus  King. 

John  Jay  to  R.  King. 

Bedford,  20  Jany,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  ought  to  have  written  to  you  long  ago,  but  a  series  of  occur- 
rences have  for  two  years  past  left  me  little  Leisure  for  epistolary- 
correspondence.     I  allude  to  Mrs.  Jay's  long  and  painful  Illness, 


214  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

and  (when  she  appeared  to  be  fast  recovering)  her  unexpected 
Death.  The  Vicissitudes  in  my  own  Health,  the  Removal  of  my 
Family  to  this  place,  and  the  many  things  to  be  done  for  their 
Accommodation,  the  gradually  increasing  Indisposition  of  my 
Son,  who  is  now  on  the  Ocean  going  to  Italy  to  avoid  the  Winter 
here,  &c,  these  are  afflicting  Circumstances  ;  but  considering 
where  and  what  we  are,  Troubles  of  one  kind  or  other  are  to  be 
expected  and  to  be  borne  with  Patience  and  Resignation. 

My  Expectations  from  Retirement  have  not  been  disappointed  ; 
and  had  Mrs.  Jay  continued  with  me,  I  should  deem  this  the  most 
agreeable  part  of  my  life. 

The  post  once  a  week  brings  me  our  Newspapers,  which,  with 
those  you  are  so  kind  as  to  send  me,  furnish  a  History  of  the 
Times.  By  this  History,  as  well  as  those  of  former  times,  we  are 
taught  the  Vanity  of  expecting  that,  from  the  Perfectibility  of 
human  nature  and  the  Lights  of  Philosophy,  the  Multitude  will 
become  virtuous  &  wise,  or  their  Demagogues  candid  and  honest. 
As  G.  Morris  says  "  what  is,  is  "  and  we  must  make  the  best  of 
it.  For  the  present  they  probably  reason  so  in  France.  It  would 
not  however  surprize  me  if  future  Irruptions  from  that  Volcano 
should  again  desolate  some  of  the  neighbouring  Countries.  View- 
ing the  French  Revolution  as  a  Tragedy  I  am  inclined  to  think, 
that  we  have  only  seen  the  first  act  concluded.  You  may  live  to 
see  the  next  j  but  I  shall  doubtless  by  that  time  be  removed  to  a 
Theatre  of  a  different  kind. 

Not  having  had  leisure  to  visit  New  York  since  my  Removal 
from  Albany  to  this  place,  I  cannot  give  you  any  particular  Infor- 
mation relative  to  our  mutual  Friends  there.  Judge  Benson  is 
again  at  the  Bar,  and  I  regret  it.  If  these  are  not  upside  down 
Times,  they  certainly  are  up  and  down  Times — but  Athens  the 
City  of  Philosophers,  and  Rome  the  City  of  everything,  saw  and 
felt  much  worse.         With  great  Esteem  and  Regard  I  am 

Dear  Sir 

Your  most  obt.  Servt. 

John  Jay. 

Mr.  Sedgwick,  January  27,  1803,*  writes  to  General 
Hamilton  among  other  things  : 

*  Hamilton's  Works,  vol.  vi.,  p.  553. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  215 

It  is  very  important  that  the  federalists  should  retain  and 
acquire  the  possession  of  the  State  governments  wherever  in  their 
power.  For  this  reason,  and  indeed  for  many  others,  I  am  glad 
Mr.  King  is  about  to  return  home.  With  wisdom  and  prudence, 
I  think  it  is  probable  that  he  may  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
government  of  New  York.  He  may  there  do  infinitely  more 
good  than  in  the  inefficient  office  of  Vice-President.  General 
Pinckney  must  in  all  events  be  considered  as  our  candidate  for 
the  first  office.  I  have  been  inexpressibly  disgusted  with  some  of 
our  friends  who  have  suggested  that  we  ought  to  consider  him 
only  as  designed  for  the  second.  There  is,  however,  another 
consideration  on  the  subject  which  ought  to  be  considered  as 
conclusive.  We  shall  most  certainly  not  succeed  at  the  next 
election,  nor  is  it,  in  my  mind,  desirable  that  we  should.  Should 
Mr.  King  be  holden  up  for  this  office,  it  would  lessen  at  least  the 
probability  of  his  success  for  the  government  of  New  York. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.   79. 

London,  Jany.  28,  1803. 
Sir  : 

No  farther  progress  has  yet  been  made  in  the  discussion  of  the 
Boundaries  :  from  one  or  two  conversations  that  I  have  had  with 
Col.  Barclay,  who  has  returned  to  town,  I  perceive  that  his  opinion, 
whatever  influence  it  may  have,  will  be  favourable  to  such  a 
settlement  of  the  Eastern  Boundary  as  would  be  satisfactory  to 
us  :  the  chief  difficulty  in  the  Settlement  that  I  foresee  at  present, 
respects  the  Island  of  Campo  Bello  which  to  avoid  questions  of 
interfering  jurisdiction  arising  from  its  being  Westward  of  the 
suitable  Boundary-Line,  should  belong  to  Massachusetts.  If  it 
should  be  ceded,  I  shall  have  no  hesitation  to  agree  to  a  confir- 
mation of  the  Titles  of  the  Settlers,  derived  from  Nova  Scotia.  But 
the  Minister  may  hesitate  about  a  cession.  Lord  Hawkesbury 
some  weeks  ago  sent  an  Instruction  to  the  Attorney  General  to 
take  measures  to  effect  the  Transfer  of  the  Maryland  Bank  Stock 
to  the  King,  in  order  that  his  majesty  might  be  enabled  to  dispose 


2l6  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

of  it  in  such  a  way  as  he  should  think  fit  ;  and  as  Hilary  Term 
has  commenced,  I  presume  the  transfer  will  shortly  be  made  to 
the  Crown.  On  this  subject  I  have  lately  seen  in  the  News  Papers 
the  Message  of  the  Governor  of  Maryland  to  the  General  Assem- 
bly of  that  State,  and  take  the  liberty  to  annex  to  this  Letter  the 
copy  of  one  that  I  thought  myself  called  upon,  in  consequence  of 
this  Message,  to  write  to  Governor  Mercer. 

In  my  last  conversation  with  Lord  Hawkesbury  respecting  the 
intercourse  between  the  United  States  and  the  British  Colonies 
in  the  West  Indies,  he  desired  me  to  write  him  a  Letter  upon  that 
subject,  in  order  that  he  might  submit  it  to  the  consideration  of 
the  Cabinet,  and  I  accordingly  sent  him  the  Letter,  a  copy  of 
which  is  adjoined.* 

Although  I  have  received  no  answer  to  the  Letter  to  Mr.  Van- 
sittart,  a  copy  whereof  is  likewise  annexed,*  respecting  the  pro- 
posed augmentation  of  Duty  upon  Spermaceti  Oil,  he  told  me  a 
few  days  ago  that  unless  they  found  stronger  opposition  from  the 
Board  of  Trade  than  was  expected,  the  Treasury  would  be  dis- 
posed to  abandon  the  proposed  increase  of  Duty.  .  .  . 
With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

R.  K. 

P.  S.  At  Paris,  they  say  Victor  will  proceed  with  his  troops 
directly  to  Louisiana  ;  here  it  is  believed  that  the  General  with 
the  Etat  Major  and  a  few  troops  may  go  to  Louisiana,  but  that 
the  greater  part  of  the  forces  will  be  landed  in  St.  Domingo. 


R.  King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury. 

Private. 

London,  Feby.  1,  1803. 
My  Lord  : 

There  are  three  subjects  upon  which  I  have  received  orders  to 

press  for  the  final  determination  of  his  Majesty's  Government 

before  I  leave  England.     These  are  the  Maryland  Bank  Stock, 

the  Boundaries  and  the  Intercourse  between  the  U.  S.  and  the 

British  Colonies  in  the  West  Indies.     As  I  expect  to  embark  in 

*  The  length  of  these  letters  prevents  their  insertion  here. — Ed. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  2\*J 


the  Month  of  April,  your  Lordship  must  be  sensible  that  no 
further  time  is  to  be  lost  in  taking  measures  to  bring  these  points 
to  a  decision,  if  it  be  intended  that  they  shall  be  adjusted  before 
my  departure. 

With  perfect  Respect  &c. 

R.  K. 


R.  King  to  Messrs.  Bird,  Savage,  and  Bird. 

London,  Feby.  7,  1803. 
Gentlemen  : 

I  received  at  a  late  hour  last  Evening  a  Letter  from  your  Mr. 
H.  M.  Bird,  communicating  the  information  that  your  House 
will  be  obliged  to  stop  payment  this  morning  and  that  the  U.  S. 
are  your  Creditors  for  a  considerable  sum. 

Having  casually  heard  from  the  late  American  Consul,  Mr. 
Williams,  that  he  had  lately  accepted  Bills  for  several  Thousand 
Pounds  payable  to  your  House  on  account  of  the  U.  S.,  I  cannot 
doubt  that  you  will  be  of  opinion  with  me  that  these  Bills,  being 
held  in  Trust,  should  be  delivered  to  me  in  order  that  they  may 
be  collected  and  applied  to  the  Service  of  the  U.  S.  and  I  there- 
fore request  you  to  deliver  the  same  to  the  Bearer,  John  Munro. 

With  due  Respect  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 
No.  80. 

London,  Feby.  7,  1803. 
Sir  : 

Last  Evening  (Tuesday)  I  received  a  note  from  Mr.  Bird,  in- 
forming me  that  his  House  would  be  obliged  to  stop  payment 
this  morning,  and  that  the  United  States  are  Creditors  for  a  con- 
siderable sum.  The  former  Consul,  Mr.  Williams,  having  casu- 
ally informed  me  that  he  had  lately  accepted  Bills  for  several 
Thousand  Pounds,  payable  to  Bird,  Savage  &  Bird,  for  the  service 
of  the  United  States,  I  have  written  them  a  Letter  requiring  that 


218  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

they  would  deliver  up  to  me  all  Bills  of  Exchange  that  have  been 
remitted  to  them  and  which  they  hold  in  trust  for  the  United 
States.  I  have  not  yet  received  their  answer  but  as  they  have 
without  doubt  been  pressed  in  their  affairs,  I  fear  there  is  little 
probability  of  recovering  these  Draughts,  which  may  have  been 
already  discounted. 

In  consequence  of  this  failure,  I  shall  be  under  the  necessity  of 
making  the  best  arrangement  in  my  Power  with  some  other  House 
for  the  payment  of  the  appointments  of  the  several  agents  of  the 
United  States  in  this  country. 

Mr.  Livingston  in  a  Letter  dated  at  Paris  the  3rd  instant, 
informs  me  that  he  had  just  received  accounts  from  Mr.  Graham 
at  Madrid  that  the  Spanish  Government  has  passed  a  most  extra- 
ordinary decree  by  which  all  American  Vessels  coming  from  the 
United  States  are  denied  entry  into  any  of  the  Ports  of  Spain 
until  they  shall  have  duly  performed  Quarantine  in  some  foreign 

Port. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  81. 

London,  Feb.  9,  1803. 
Sir: 

As  I  apprehended  might  be  the  case,  Bird,  Savage  &  Bird  have 
answered  my  demand  for  the  surrender  of  the  Bills  of  Exchange 
lately  remitted  to  them,  by  saying  they  were  unable  to  deliver 
them  up,  as  they  had  been  discounted  before  their  failure.  I 
have  requested  them  to  prepare  and  send  me  their  accounts, 
including  all  receipts  and  payments  up  to  the  day  on  which  they 
stopped,  and  I  hope  to  receive  them  in  season  to  forward  by  the 
mail  of  this  month  which  will  not  be  dispatched  before  the  12th. 

Having  understood  the  assigned  reason  for  the  failure  to  be 
the  delay  that  has  attended  the  Remittances  on  account  of  large 
debts  due  in  America,  I  shall  direct  Mr.  Erving,  the  Consul  to 
attend  the  first  meeting  of  the  Creditors,  when  a  State  of  the 
affairs  of  the  House  is  to  be  exhibited.  By  this  means  we  may 
ascertain  the  names  and  debts  of  the  American  Debtors,  and  by 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  219 

the  priority  due  to  the  United  States,  I  presume  the  Treasury 
will  be  able  to  secure  the  speedy  and  full  recovery  of  the  Debt 
due  from  this  House. 

With  great  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  A.  Gallatin,  Esq. 

London,  Feb.  9,  1803. 
Sir: 

My  Letters  to  the  Secretary  of  State  will  apprise  you  of  the 
failure  of  the  House  of  Bird,  Savage  &  Bird,  and  their  accounts 
which  I  expect  to  forward  by  the  mail  of  this  month,  will  enable 
you  to  take  immediate  measures  for  the  recovery  in  America  of 
the  considerable  balance  that  I  understand  to  be  due  to  the 
United  States. 

It  is  fortunate  that  the  large  Bill  upon  the  English  Treasury 
was  sent  to  me  instead  of  this  House.  The  Bankers  in  Holland 
recommend  to  me  to  invest  its  amount  when  received  in  a  Bill  at 
3  months.  I  am  making  inquiries  here  upon  this  subject  and 
shall  adopt  what  may  appear  to  me  the  most  advantageous  mode 
of  remittance. 

I  have  had  several  conversations  with  Sir  Francis  Baring  with 
the  view  of  settling  the  Terms  upon  which  his  House  (which  is 
perhaps  the  most  solid  House  in  England)  would  undertake  our 
money  agency  in  this  Country.  He  will  receive  and  collect  Bills 
of  Exchange  and  remit  the  proceeds  to  Holland  for  one  half  per 
centum  ;  this  is  as  low  as  the  Business  could  be  done  by  inferior 
Houses.  I  have  pressed  him  to  receive  and  sell  our  funded  stock 
and  to  remit  its  proceeds  upon  the  same  Terms.  This  he  declines 
doing,  but  would  transact  this  part  of  the  Business  for  one  per 
centum.  The  proposition  I  last  made  him,  and  which  he  has 
under  consideration,  is  to  allow  one  per  centum  on  the  sale  of 
stocks  and  the  remitting  of  the  proceeds,  including  the  Brokerage 
upon  the  sale  of  the  Stocks,  which  I  understand  to  be  as  much  as 
a  quarter  per  centum. 

With  great  Respect  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

King  engages  a  Country  House  near  New  York — King  to  Vansittart — Demands 
Restoration  of  Wines  and  Spirits — Remains  of  Stores  on  Merchant  Vessels 
seized  by  the  Custom's  Officers — King  to  Bird,  Savage  &  Bird — How 
Balances  to  be  Settled — King  to  Sir  F.  Baring — Terms  of  Money  Arrange- 
ment— Baring  to  King — Answer — King  to  Livingston — Monroe  appointed 
Envoy,  etc.,  to  France — King  to  Gallatin — Arrangement  with  Sir  F. 
Baring  as  Financial  Agent  of  the  U.  S. — King  to  Secretary  of  State — 
Northeast  Boundary  Line — King  to  Livingston — Relative  to  the  Closure 
of  the  Port  of  New  Orleans — King  to  Livingston — The  King's  Message  to 
Parliament  looks  to  War — Measures  taken — Effect  on  the  U.  S. — 
Especially  with  reference  to  Louisiana — King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury — 
Vessels  of  U.  S.  from  New  Orleans  denied  Entry  because  a  Spanish  Port 
— Asks  him  to  remove  this  Impediment — King  to  Secretary  of  State —  Ex- 
pedition to  Louisiana  will  not  proceed — King  to  Secretary  of  State — War 
more  probable — France's  Demands — England's  Preparations — King  to 
Secretary  of  State — England's  Answer — Malta — Cabot  to  King — Affairs  in 
U.  S. — Regrets  King's  Return — King  to  Secretary  of  State — France's 
Answer  to  England — War  inevitable. 

Mr.  King,  in  anticipation  of  his  return  home  had  written 
to  Mr.  N.  Low  to  procure  for  him  a  ready  furnished  house 
in  the  country  to  which  he  might  go  on  his  arrival  at  New 
York.  He  had  received  an  answer,  that  one  ready  furnished 
was  out  of  the  question.  "  You  seem  to  have  forgotten  the 
state  of  things  in  this  country,  when  you  direct  a  ready 
furnished  house  to  be  engaged."  Search,  however,  was 
made  and  on  Feb.  2,  1803,  Mr.  Low  wrote  to  him. 

"  I  have  succeeded  beyond  all  calculation  in  obtaining  for  you 
a  ready  furnished  country  house  .  .  .  with  the  privilege  of 
making  it  your  first  winter  residence,  which  it  is  mine  and  the 
opinion  of  your  friends  here  that  you  will  do." 

220 


1803]  LIFE  AND    CORRESPONDENCE.  221 

The  house  was  situated  in  Greenwich  about  two  miles 
and  a  half  from  the  City  Hall,  belonging  to  a  Mr.  Andrew 
Smith,  who  was  about  to  make  a  voyage,  with  his  family,  to 
India. 

R.  King  to  Nicholas  Vansittart,  Esq. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  Feb.  16,  1803. 
Sir  : 

I  take  the  liberty  to  sd.  you  enclosed  a  letter  that  I  have  re- 
ceived from  the  Master  of  the  American  Ship  Iri$%  a  regular 
Trader  between  New  York  and  London,  complaining  of  the  seiz- 
ure of  several  small  quantities  of  wine  and  spirits,  being  the 
remains  of  Sea-stores  provided  for  the  use  of  the  passengers  and 
crew.  I  likewise  enclose  the  copy  of  a  letter  which  I  wrote  to 
Mr.  Rose  in  the  year  1799  upon  this  subject  ;  on  this  occasion 
Mr.  Rose  assured  me  that  he  would  either  by  a  clause  to  be  in- 
serted in  an  Act  of  Parliament,  or  in  some  other  way  take 
measures  to  prevent  a  repetition  of  their  Proceedings.  The  ships 
employed  as  regular  Traders  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain,  derive  no  small  portion  of  their  earnings  from  the  passen- 
gers who  pass  and  repass  in  the  prosecution  of  their  commercial 
concerns  ;  and  it  seems  as  reasonable  that  the  requisite  stores  for 
their  accommodation  should  be  provided  in  America  where  they 
are  cheaper  than  in  England,  as  that  the  Provisions  for  the  crew 
should  be  there  laid  in. 

If  the  captains  be  held  to  report  all  such  stores,  the  quantity  of 
which  may  be  limited  and  to  deposit  them  on  his  arrival  at  the 
Custom  House,  they  might  be  delivered  back  previous  to  his  sail- 
ing and  the  Revenue  thereby  secured  against  fraud. 

I  ask  the  favour  of  you  to  give  an  order  for  the  restoration  of 
the  Stores  of  the  Iris,  and  moreover  to  procure  the  establishment 
of  some  safe  and  convenient  Regulations  upon  this  subject,  appli- 
cable to  further  cases,  not  only  in  the  Port  of  London,  but  in  that 
of  Liverpool  and  others  with  which  we  have  frequent  intercourse. 

With  great  respect,  &c. 

R.  K. 

P.S. — Since  writing  the  above  I  have  received  a  second  letter 
from  the  Captain  of  the  Iris,  asking  my  interference  to  relieve 


222  RUFUS  KING,  [1803 

him  from  the  embarrassment  to  which  he  may  be  liable  in  conse- 
quence of  the  discovery  of  some  Chocolate  and  other  articles  in 
the  possession  of  the  Ship's  Steward.  On  this  subject  I  can  say 
no  more  than  that  I  have  reason  from  the  good  character  of  the 
Master  to  believe  him  ignorant  and  innocent  of  this  transaction, 
and  therefore  flatter  myself  that  he  may  not  be  made  liable  to  ex- 
pense or  embarrassment. 


R.  King  to  Messrs.  Bird,  Savage,  and  Bird. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  Feby.  13,  1803. 
Gentlemen  : 

It  is  quite  indifferent  to  me  whether  you  balance  my  private 
account  by  a  transfer  from  the  Diplomatic  Fund  on  account  of 
the  current  quarter's  salary,  or  allow  me  to  pay  you  the  Balance 
in  Cash,  which  I  am  ready  to  do.  Perhaps  it  will  be  most  cor- 
rect, because  it  will  correspond  with  the  fact,  that  you  should 
balance  my  account  as  well  as  those  of  the  other  agents  of  the 
United  States  by  suitable  transfers  for  this  purpose  from  the  pub- 
lic accounts  to  which  they  respectively  belong. 

In  regard  to  Mawhood  &  Co's  claims,  as  you  took  no  discharge 
from  them  (which  if  you  were  in  Cash,  I  think  you  ought  to  have 
done)  it  remains  to  be  paid  :  but  the  transaction  should  appear 
by  proper  entries  in  the  Debtor  and  Creditor  sides  of  the  account. 

I  agree  with  you  in  opinion  that  it  will  be  proper  to  bring  the 
balances  of  the  several  accounts  into  a  general  account  which  may 
show  the  real  Balance  due  to  the  United  States. 

Be  good  enough  to  send  me  my  Book  with  these  accounts  duly 
entered,  in  order  that  I  may  be  able  to  examine  them  before  they 
are  finally  made  up. 

I  remain,  Gentlemen,  your  obed.  servt. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  R.  R.  Livingston. 

London,  23  Feb.  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Having  just  seen  a  Letter  from  Mr.  Thornton,    the  British 
charge-  des  affaires  at  Washington  dated  January  n,  which  states 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  223 

that  the  President  had  just  nominated  Mr.  Monroe,  Envoy  Extra,  and 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  France  and  Spain  to  treat  with  either 
or  both  concerning  the  Mississippi.     No  mention  is  made  of  my 

Successor. 

Yours  faithfully 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Albert  Gallatin,  Esq. 

London,  Feb.  25,  1803. 
Sir: 

The  annexed  copy  of  my  correspondence  with  Sir  Francis 
Baring  &  Co.,  will  sufficiently  explain  the  Terms  upon  which 
I  have  in  your  behalf  agreed  with  this  House  to  transact  such 
Business  as  may  be  committed  to  it  by  the  Department  of  the 
Treasury  or  any  other  Branch  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States. 

My  Letter  of  the  9th  instant  is  erroneous  in  stating  that  this 
House  would  consent  both  to  sell  the  funded  Debt  and  remit  the 
Proceeds  for  a  commission  of  one  per  cent.  This  error  arose 
from  a  misconception,  on  my  part,  of  the  tenour  of  a  conversa- 
tion on  this  subject  that  I  had  with  Sir  Francis  Baring,  and  which 
was  corrected  by  subsequent  conferences  ;  the  offer  having  been 
confined  to  the  mere  Sale  of  the  funded  Debt,  exclusive  of  Bro- 
kerage and  the  Commission  for  remitting  the  Proceeds  to  the 
Continent. 

I  have  taken  pains  to  inform  myself  of  the  Terms  upon  which 
similar  Business  is  done  between  our  Merchants  and  those  of  this 
Country  ;  and  the  result  is  a  persuasion  that  this  arrangement  is 
not  only  safe  and  reputable,  as  it  regards  the  solidity  and  charac- 
ter of  the  agents  (points  of  considerable  importance)  but  more- 
over that  the  Terms  are  as  low  as  the  like  Business  has  been  done 
between  individuals  ;  the  more  general  custom  appearing  to  have 
been  a  charge  of  half  per  cent  on  remittances  from  America  and 
half  per  cent  more  on  remitting  the  Proceeds  to  any  part  of  the 
Continent ;  and  in  respect  to  the  Sale  of  Stocks,  I  have  not  found 
that  it  has  in  any  instance  been  done  for  less  Commission  than 
one  per  cent,  exclusive  of  Brokerage,  and  in  most  cases  the  Com- 
mission has  been  from  two  to  two  and  a  half  per  cent.     One  half 


224  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

per  cent  is  understood  to  be  the  regular  and  common  charge  for 
making  remittances  from  this  Country  to  the  Continent. 

The  failure  of  Mess.  Bird,  Savage  and  Bird  made  it  requisite 
to  have  recourse  to  some  other  House  to  receive  and  pay  the  ap- 
pointments of  the  public  agents  of  the  United  States  in  this 
Country.  I  received  offers  from  several  respectable  Commer- 
cial and  Banking  Houses  to  transact  the  Business  on  the  same 
Terms  as  had  been  done  by  Bird,  Savage  and  Bird  ;  but  as  Sir 
Francis  Baring  &  Co  were  willing  to  do  it  upon  the  like  Terms, 
and  were  moreover  to  be  employed  as  the  Bankers  of  the  United 
States  in  a  more  important  concern,  I  had  no  hesitation  in  giving 
them  a  preference.     .     .     . 

With  great  respect  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  82. 

London,  Feb.  28,  1803. 
Sir: 

I  have  duly  received  your  Letters  of  the  16  and  23  December. 
By  Lord  Hawkesbury's  desire  I  have  conferred  with  Col.  Barclay 
respecting  the  continuation  of  the  Boundary  thro'  the  Bay  of 
Passamaquoddy,  who  has  made  no  objection  to  the  line  we  have 
proposed,  tho'  he  appears  to  think  that  it  would  be  improper  to 
cede  to  us  the  Island  of  Campo  Bello  unless  the  cession  should 
be  desired  by  the  Inhabitants.  No  objection  has  been  made  to 
our  Title  to  Moose  Island  and  at  present  I  foresee  nothing  to 
impede  a  settlement  of  this  Boundary,  except  the  difficulty  of 
engaging  the  Ministers  to  bestow  upon  the  Subject  sufficient  time 
to  understand  it.  With  regard  to  the  line  between  the  Source  of 
the  St.  Croix  and  the  North  West  corner  of  Nova  Scotia,  I  have 
no  reason  to  suppose  there  will  be  any  objection  to  its  being 
ascertained  in  the  way  we  have  proposed. 

Not  having  been  able  to  fix  the  attention  of  Lord  Hawkesbury 
upon  the  Subject,  I  am  not  able  to  give  you  any  information  con- 
cerning the  line  between  the  North  West  corner  of  Nova  Scotia 
and  the  head  of  the  Connecticut  River,  or  between  the  Lake  of 
the  Woods  and  the  Mississippi. 


1803]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  22Z 


As  soon  as  I  have  informed  myself  of  the  practical  interpreta- 
tion of  the  Law,  which  it  is  supposed  impedes  the  importation  of 
the  cotton  and  other  produce  of  the  Western  Country,  I  will  make 
such  application  to  the  Government  as  may  be  proper  to  remove 
the  impediments.  .  .  .  General  Victor  is  still  detained  in 
Holland,  and  it  is  said  the  Expedition  will  proceed  to  Louisi- 
ana in  a  few  weeks. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  R.  R.  Livingston. 
Dr    Sir  .  London,  Mar.  4,  1803. 

I  have  seen  a  letter  from  one  of  the  Senators,  dated  Washing- 
ton Jan'y  10,  that  says  a  message  had  been  sent  to  the  H.  of 
Reps.,  but  not  to  the  Senate,  which  was  received  with  closed 
doors,  and  was  understood  to  communicate  the  answer  of  the 
Gov'r  of  New  Orleans  to  Gov.  Claiborne's  Letter. 

The  answer  insinuates  that  the  shutting  of  the  Port  by  the  in- 
tendant  was  not  in  compliance  with  an  express  order  of  the  King 
of  Spain,  but  a  measure  resulting  from  general  Instructions  for 
the  Government  of  the  Colonies  on  the  return  of  Peace  ;  that  be- 
ing shut,  it  would  not  be  proper,  nor  in  his  power,  to  open  the 
Port  without  the  express  orders  of  the  Crown;  and  as  the 
deposit  would  be  inconvenient  to  the  Colony,  that  it  would  be  unjust 
to  construe  the  Treaty  so  vigorously  as  to  claim  it  as  a  Right. 
The  writer  observes  that  he  has  not  seen  the  letter  which  is 
kept  secret,  but  that  he  has  rec'd  good  information  as  to  its 
purport. 

I  do  not  learn  that  any  communication  has  been  made  to  Con- 
gress of  the  Representations  or  Exertions  you  have  made  upon 
this  Subject,  an  omission  that  seems  to  me,  in  several  respects  to 
be  of  much  importance. 

We  have  newspapers  from  New  York  to  the  28  Jan'y.  The  en- 
closed scraps  were  sent  me  in  a  letter  ;  when  I  receive  my  Papers 
I  will  forward  them  to  you.  A  Gentleman  of  New  York  in  a 
lettevoL0IvhiSI5C°rreSp0ndent  here'  says  the  Vice  President  will  visit 


226  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

the  western  country  and  the  Mississippi  Territory  next  Spring,  and 
insinuates  that  it  is  not  improbable  that  he  may  hereafter  reside 
there.  Yrs.  most  sincerely, 

R.  King. 

R.  King  to  R.  R.  Livingston,  Esq. 

London,  March  11,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

The  Newspapers  will  have  given  you  the  message  of  Tuesday 
from  the  King  to  Parliament ;  the  two  Houses  have  without  dis- 
sent offered  in  reply  the  usual  assurances  of  support  which  are 
made  at  the  commencement  of  a  war.  I  attended  the  House  of 
Commons,  but  the  conversation  which  passed,  for  there  was  no 
debate,  cast  no  light  upon  the  discussion  depending  with  France. 
The  Mins'r  merely  said  that  a  full  disclosure  shd  be  made  in  case 
no  satisfactory  settlement  shd  not  be  attained.  The  Message  has 
been  followed  by  a  general  Impress  of  Seamen,  the  calling  out  of 
the  Militia,  and  by  Proclamation  recalling  all  Br.  Seamen  in  for. 
service,  and  offering  bounties  to  such  as  shall  voluntarily  enter 
into  the  Navy. 

Without  puzzling  oneself  to  discover  the  exact  points  in  dis- 
cussion, the  temper  manifested  on  both  sides,  and  the  Eclat  which 
each  has  chosen  to  give  to  its  measures,  will  make  it  difficult  to 
accomplish  a  Reconciliation.  It  seems  to  me  that  the  Ministry 
here  cannot  go  back,  if  so  the  decision  rests  with  Bonaparte. 
From  the  reference  which  the  message  has  made  to  the  arma- 
ments in  Holland,  it  is  pretty  natural  to  conclude  that  a  fleet  of 
observation  will  immediately  appear  in  the  Channel,  and  that  de- 
tachments, or  small  squadrons  will  watch  the  arsenal  Ports  of 
both  France  and  Holland  ;  if  so,  the  Expedition  to  Louisiana 
must  remain  in  Port,  until  the  questions  in  discussion  are  decided. 
How  far  our  affairs  will  be  beneficially  effected  by  this  unex- 
pected, tho'  very  natural  course  of  things,  is  more  than  I  am  able 
to  determine,  and  I  shd  be  thankful  for  the  assistance  of  your 
Sentiments  to  enable  me  to  form  a  satisfactory  opinion  respecting 
this  Point.  Should  we  like  to  see  the  English  in  N.  O.  not  with 
the  view  of  keeping  it,  but  to  prevent  its  going  into  the  hands  of 
France  ;  or  perhaps  to  assist  us  in  acquiring  a  title  to,  and  the 
possession  of  it  ?     If  you  are  authorized  to  negotiate  a  purchase, 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  227 

would  not  the  occupation  by  the  English  benefit  your  bargain,  it 
being  well  and  previously  understood,  that  if  we  obtain  the  Title, 
they  would  give  us  the  Possession  ?  All  this  is  mere  speculation, 
and  more,  it  is  very  hasty  and  occurs  as  I  write.  But  crude  as  it 
is,  it  may  be  worth  consideration.  You  see  I  write  in  confidence 
and  without  the  least  reserve  ;  I  need  not  say  that  it  is  merely  be- 
tween you  and  me.  Most  faithfully, 

R.  K. 


R.  King  to  Rt.  Honorable  Lord  Hawkesbury. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  Mar.  12,  1803. 
My  Lord  : 

The  Cotton,  Flour,  and  other  Articles,  the  produce  of  the 
Western  States  of  America,  and  which  are  brought  down  the  Mis- 
sissippi, are  according  to  a  Treaty  between  the  United  States  and 
his  Catholic  Majesty,  deposited  at  New  Orleans  from  whence  the 
vessels  of  the  United  States  receive  and  carry  the  Same  to 
the  Ports  of  America  or  to  those  of  some  foreign  State. 
American  Vessels  laden  with  Cotton,  and  other  Articles,  the  pro- 
duce of  these  Western  States,  and  which  were  taken  on  board  at 
New  Orleans  have  of  late,  upon  their  arrival  in  this  Country,  been 
denied  an  Entry  upon  the  ground  that  they  came  from  a  Spanish 
Port. 

Without  objection  to  the  Law,  which  forbids  a  foreign  Ship  to 
import  into  Great  Britain  the  produce  even  of  her  own  country 
except  the  same  be  brought  directly  from  the  Ports  of  the  country 
to  which  she  belongs,  it  is  evident  that  the  Prohibition  does  not 
in  its  principle  or  object  apply  to  the  Case  of  Vessels  in  the  cir- 
cumstances of  those  just  mentioned  ;  and  without  detaining  your 
Lordship  with  Reflexions  to  elucidate  this  truth,  I  take  the  liberty 
of  submitting  the  case  to  your  Lordship's  consideration  and  of  re- 
questing your  interference  in  such  way  as  may  be  proper  for  the 
purpose  of  removing  the  Impediments  which  prevent  the  entry  of 
American  Vessels  coming  from  New  Orleans  and  laden  with 
Articles  of  the  growth  and  manufacture  of  the  United  States. 
With  great  consideration,  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


228  RUFUS  KING.  [1803. 

R.  King  to   Secretary  of   State. 

No.  84. 

London,  Mar.  16,  1803. 
Sir: 

Couriers  last  evening  arrived  at  the  French  Ambassador's  from 
Paris,  and  at  the  same  time  a  Messenger  from  Lord  Whitworth  ; 
they  left  Paris  after  the  communication  of  the  King's  Message  to 
Parliament  of  the  8th  inst.  had  been  received  there.  General 
Andreossi  and  the  Dutch  Ambassador  both  told  me  to-day  that 
for  the  purpose  of  taking  away  the  pretext  of  war  (as  they  ex- 
pressed themselves)  arising  out  of  the  Colonial  Expeditions, 
prepared  in  the  Dutch  and  French  Ports,  the  Expedition  to 
Louisiana  has  been  countermanded  and  will  not  now  proceed. 

The  answer  from  Paris,  it  is  understood,  possesses  a  sincere 
desire  of  Peace,  demands  the  immediate  fulfilment  of  the  Stipula- 
tions of  the  Treaty  of  Amiens,  and  precise  explanations  why  the 
Evacuation  of  Malta  has  been  hitherto  delayed.  It  likewise 
alludes  to  the  King's  Message,  and  insinuates  that  it  is  impossible 
to  imagine  that  it  can  be  here  believed  that  the  proposed  arma- 
ments can  have  any  influence  upon  the  determination  of  France. 
With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem,  &c. 

Rufus  King. 

G.  Cabot  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  March  10,  1803. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

My  spirits  sink  when  I  look  upon  the  picture  you  have  given 
of  Europe  in  your  several  letters  of  3d  &  4th  January.  I  scarcely- 
recollect  a  period  in  the  course  of  the  war  when  the  destructive 
power  of  France  was  so  much  to  be  feared.  It  seems  to  me  that 
only  two  nations  remain  whose  aid  would  be  effectual  if  it  cou'd 
be  directed  to  the  support  of  the  British  Empire  against  the 
dangers  that  assail  it.  I  mean  Russia  &  the  U.  S.;  the  former 
has  less  powerful  motives  for  giving  it  than  the  latter,  for  Russia 
is  not  only  invincible  but  almost  invulnerable  from  the  want  of 
Civilization. 

It  ought  to  be  the  policy  of  England  to  refrain  from  the  Com- 
bat  (if  she  can  safely)  until  some  substantial  cooperation  can  be 
secured.     I  hope  you  won't  think   me  extravagant  if  I  say  that 


1803]  LIFE   AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  229 

this  Country  wou'd  be  a  competent  ally  if  we  were  once  fully 
engaged  ;  but  we  shall  not  engage  if  we  can  avoid  it  :  we  shall 
rather  pay  tribute  for  being  permitted  to  remain  neutral  while 
others  are  destroyed  whose  safety  is  necessary  to  our  own.  Such 
at  least  must  be  the  conclusions  which  every  man  will  draw  from 
the  measures  of  our  Govt.  &  especially  the  mission  of  the  french 
hearted  Monroe. 

All  good  men  regret  that  you  are  about  to  leave  the  place  you 
have  filled  so  well  for  seven  critical  years  ;  few  however  wonder 
at  it  &  not  many  can  disapprove  your  determination.  From 
something  you  said  I  infer  that  you  contemplate  a  visit  to  this 
part  of  the  Country  after  your  arrival ;  I  pray  ardently  that  this 
may  be  realized  as  I  am  persuaded  you  will  receive  some  pleasure 
&  communicate  a  great  deal  ;  I  hope  you  will  come  early  & 
allow  yourself  ample  time  to  see  your  well-ripened  friends  lei- 
surely. The  Louisiana  business  interests  the  public  very  much 
but  I  have  long  ago  settled  my  opinion  upon  it  &  endeavored  to 
propagate  it,  which  is  that  "  France  will  not  push  us  to  a  war  at 
this  time."  I  ground  this  upon  the  obvious  policy  of  avoiding  to 
create  for  G.  B.  the  only  important  ally  she  needs  &  can  hope 
for,  &  on  the  other  side  the  certainty  that  we  shall  take  no  part 
against  France  if  we  can  avoid  it,  but  may  be  foolish  &  even  base 
enough  to  favor  the  views  of  France  against  the  only  power  in 
the  World  able  &,  from  interest,  necessarily  disposed  to  assist 
in  defending  us.  If  however  it  shou'd  happen  that  France  has 
grown  too  arrogant  to  make  these  calculations  &  shou'd  treat  us 
as  she  does  her  neighbours,  she  may  provoke  us  to  a  resistance 
which  wou'd  be  happy  for  this  Country  &  perhaps  for  many 
others.  I  pray  you  to  receive  my  best  wishes  for  a  favorable 
passage  home.     I  remain  always  your  sincere  friend 

George  Cabot. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  85. 

London,  Mar.  17,  1803. 
Sir  : 

War  seems  more  and  more  probable,  and  it  appears  to  me  in- 
evitable. Holland  will  be  immediately  involved,  and  Spain  and 
Portugal  must  obey  the  commands  of  France.     The  day  after  the 


23O  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

King's  Message  to  Parliament  was  communicated  to  the  French 
Government,  Bonaparte  delivered  to  Lord  Whitworth  a  Paper  (a 
copy  of  which  I  have  seen)  stating 

1st.  That  the  Expedition  preparing  in  the  Dutch  Ports  was,  as 
all  the  world  knew,  destined  for  America,  but,  in  consequence  of 
the  Message,  that  it  had  been  recalled  and  would  not  proceed. 

2d.  That  if  the  armament  announced  in  the  Message  be  not 
satisfactorily  explained,  or  if  it  take  place,  that  France  would 
march  20,000  men  into  Holland. 

3d.  That  the  forces  debarked  in  the  Ports  of  Holland  would 
be  reinforced  and  assembled  on  the  coast  of  Flandres. 

4th.  That  the  French  army  will  be  immediately  put  on  a  war 
establishment. 

5th.  That  camps  will  be  formed  on  the  coasts  of  France 
between  Dunkirk  and  Boulogne. 

6th.  That  an  army  would  enter  Switzerland. 

7th.  That  an  army  would  march  into  Italy  and  occupy  Tarento. 

8th.  That  England  must  not  expect,  under  the  cover  of  an 
armament,  to  avoid  the  execution  of  the  Treaty  of  Amiens. 

The  greatest  activity  continues  to  prevail  in  the  military  and 
naval  Departments  ;  it  is  understood  that  the  Squadrons  in  the 
West  and  East  Indies  &  in  the  Mediterranean  will  not  immediately 
require  reinforcement,  and  that  a  respectable  fleet  will  soon 
appear  in  the  Channel  and  on  the  Coast  of  Ireland.  The  regular 
Army  on  foot  in  Great  Britain  (exclusive  of  the  forces  in  Ireland, 
Egypt,  Malta,  Gibraltar  and  the  Colonies)  consists  of  27,000  In- 
fantry and  12,000  Cavalry,  and  it  will  be  reinforced  immediately 
by  37,000  of  the  militia  which  have  been  called  out. 

I  don't  yet  hear  of  Mr.  Monroe's  arrival,  tho'  I  learn  from  Mr. 
Livingston  that  he  is  daily  expected  in  France.  Mr.  Merry  is 
preparing  to  embark  for  the  U.  S.  and  is  pressed  by  his  Govern- 
ment to  be  ready  to  leave  England  the  first  week  in  April. 

With  perfect  Respect.     R.  K. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  86. 

London,  Mar.  19,  1803. 
Sir  : 

Orders  are  sometime  past  given   to  evacuate  Egypt  and  the 
English  forces  have  at  this  time  probably  left  that  Country.     The 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  23 1 

independence  of  Malta,  by  the  Treaty  of  Amiens  is  placed  under 
the  protection  and  guarantee  of  Great  Britain,  France,  Spain, 
Austria,  Russia  and  Prussia.  Austria  has  acceded,  Russia  con- 
sents to  accede,  provided  the  Maltese  language  be  abolished,  to 
which  France  agrees,  and  Prussia  is  ready  to  assume  the  guaran- 
tee, when  that  alone  is  wanted  to  give  effect  to  the  Stipulation 
respecting  Malta.  This  view  is  necessary  to  enable  you  to  form 
a  correct  opinion  of  the  demand  which  the  French  Ambassador 
has  just  made  for  the  Evacuation  of  Malta,  and  of  Lord  Hawkes- 
bury's  answer  which  was  received  by  the  French  Ambassador  on 
the  15  th,  and  as  soon  as  it  could  be  translated  sent  to  Paris, 
where  it  is  expected  to  have  arrived  last  evening  or  this  morning. 

The  answer  begins  by  laying  down  the  maxim  of  the  Law  of 
Nations  that  "  Conventio  omnis  intelligitur  rebus  sic  stantibus,"" 
and  after  declaring  that  the  consideration  of  things,  as  settled  by 
the  public  Treaties  of  Europe,  and  the  restitutions  to  be  made 
pursuant  to  the  Treaty  of  Amiens,  was  a  principal  and  essential 
reason  with  his  Britannic  Majesty  for  entering  into  that  Treaty, 
and  without  which  it  would  not  have  been  made,  it  enumerates 
the  changes  that  have  since  happened  without  the  privity  and 
consent  of  Great  Britain,  and  which  have  so  materially  altered  the 
relative  condition  of  the  Powers  that  are  Parties  to  the  Treaty  of 
Amiens  :  this  recapitulation  is  followed  by  a  reference  to  the 
publication  of  Sebastiani's  Report  of  his  Mission  to  the  Barbary 
Powers,  Egypt  &  Syria  as  well  as  to  the  Exposition  of  the  affairs 
of  France,  sent  by  Bonaparte  to  the  Legislative  Body,  both  of 
which  are  stated  to  contain  sentiments  injurious  to  the  Reputa- 
tion and  Honour  of  the  British  Nation.  The  answer  concludes 
by  insinuating  that  Great  Britain,  in  these  circumstances,  might 
justly  refuse  to  proceed  in  the  farther  execution  of  the  Treaty  of 
Amiens,  instead  whereof  his  Majesty  desirous  of  the  continuance 
of  Peace,  and  willing  to  offer  to  France  still  farther  proofs  of  his 
moderation,  is  ready  to  enter  into  such  mutual  discussions  and 
explanations  with  France,  as  in  the  present  posture  of  affairs  may 
be  calculated  to  secure  the  just  Rights  of  the  two  Nations  and  to 
maintain  the  Repose  of  Europe. 

Instead  of  a  mere  discussion,  respecting  the  interpretation  of  the 
Treaty  of  peace  of  Amiens,  or  the  execution  of  any  of  its  articles, 
this  answer  renders  the  subject  so  intricate  that  even  in  a  different 
Temper  from  that  which  now  exists,  the  Parties  would  find  great 


232  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

difficulty  in  adjusting  their  respective  Pretensions.  The  French 
Ambassador  expects  to  receive  the  Reply  of  his  Government  on 
the  22.  The  military  preparations  proceed  here  without  the 
smallest  relaxation,  and  every  appearance  indicates  to  my  mind 
the  Expectation  of  War. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  &c. 

R.  K. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


King  to  Livingston — France's  Alternative  War  or  Evacuation  of  Malta — For 
Latter  England  requires  Security — King's  Successor  not  yet  named — King 
to  Secretary  of  State — Question  before  the  Commissioners  under  7th  Article 
relative  to  awarding  Interest  during  its  Suspension — King  to  P.  Sansom — 
Acknowledges  Kindness  from  American  Merchants — King  to  Secretary  of 
State — France's  Answer  to  Lord  Hawkesbury — Vindicating  Conduct  of 
France — England  will  continue  to  occupy  Malta — War  will  probably  ensue 
— King  to  Livingston — Neither  France  nor  England  would  care  to  begin 
the  Assault — King  to  C.  Abbot — How  to  preserve  Public  Records — King  to 
Secretary  of  State — No  Change — War  inevitable — England  without  Ally — 
In  Case  of  War,  England  should  seek  to  benefit  Neutral  Commerce — Mr. 
Addington  said  England  might  attempt  to  occupy  New  Orleans — King  ob- 
jected— Might  involve  Misunderstanding — Hopes  his  Successor  may  arrive 
before  his  Departure — King  to  Livingston — England  will  not  Evacuate 
Malta — Affairs  so  critical,  hopes  his  Successor  will  arrive  before  his  De- 
parture— King  to  Secretary  of  State — French  Answer  called  Evasion — De- 
cision for  War  remains  for  France. 


R.  King  to  R.  R.  Livingston,  Esq.,  Paris. 

London,  Mar.  23,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  received  your  Letters  of  Feb.  24  and  March  8  &  15. 
Except  the  last  I  think  I  have  written  to  you  by  every  Messenger, 
since  my  Letter  of  the  nth  the  words  of  the  Communication 
respecting  the  Expedition  for  Louisiana  were,  "  the  message  (of 
the  King)  speaks  of  the  expedition  of  Helveotsluys  ;  all  the  world 
knows  it  was  destined  for  America,  and  about  proceeding  to  its 
Destination,  mais  d'apres  le  message  de  S.  M.  l'embarquement  et 
le  depart  vont  etre  contremandes." 

Bonaparte  gave  Lord  Whitworth  the  alternative  of  war  or  the 
Evacuation  of  Malta  on  the  13th  instant.     I  refer  to  the  scene  at 

233 


234  XUFUS  KING.  [l8o3 

the  Drawing  Room.*  Lord  Hawkesbury's  note  of  the  15  in 
answer  to  General  Andreossi's  demand  of  the  Evacuation  of  Malta, 
states  that  Sebastiani's  Report  and  other  information  disclose  the 
views  of  France  upon  the  Turkish  Empire  and  "that  the  King 
cannot  consent  to  evacuate  Malta  unless  substantial  security  be 
provided  for  those  Objects  which  in  present  circumstances  would 
be  endangered  by  that  measure  " — in  other  words  the  King  will 
evacuate  on  the  provision  of  such  security  ;  if  the  Turkish  Empire 
be  those  objects  which  wd.  be  endangered  by  the  Evacuation  of 
Malta  and  the  possession  of  this  Island  .  .  .  by  G.  Britain 
be  deemed  security  against  the  danger,  would  not  the  possession 
of  it  by  some  other  Power  who  would  be  able  to  defend  it,  and 
be  likely  to  resist  the  views  of  France,  afford  the  substantial 
security  that  the  note  requires  ?  if  so,  would  not  the  possession 
by  Russia  fulfil  this  purpose  ?  The  only  material  doubt  which 
offers,  arises  from  the  presumed  fact  that  France  would  at  Amiens 
have  agreed  to  this  arrangements  had  England  proposed  it.  Still 
as  the  holding  of  Malta  by  England  is  thought  a  security  against 
the  views  of  France  upon  Turkey,  and  the  note  in  effect  offers  to 
evacuate  upon  the  provision  of  substantial  security  against  the 
dangers  with  which  the  Turkish  Empire  is  threatened,  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  imagine  any  other  security  than  that  of  giving  Malta  to 
Russia  and  obtaining  her  Guarantee  of  the  Integrity  of  the 
Dominion  of  the  Turk. 

The  tenour  of  the  note  as  here  cited  may  be  depended  upon  ; 
the  reflexions  which  follow  are  of  less  importance,  and  I  have 
submitted  them  to  you,  as  the  grounds  upon  which  I  am  less  san- 
guine than  I  have  been  that  the  present  discussion  would  end  in 
war. 

With  great  Truth  &c. 

Rufus  King. 

I  have  a  letter  from  the  Secy,  of  State  of  Jany.  29,  which  in- 
forms me  my  successor  had  not  then  been  named  and  that  the 
time  fixed  for  my  leaving  England  might  arrive  before  any  ar- 
rangements for  the  vacancy  can  have  their  effect  ! 

*  See  letter  of  R.  R.  Livingston  to  the  President,  March  12,  1803.  Annals  of 
Congress,  1802-3,  App.  P«  ni5. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  23$ 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  87. 

London,  Mar.  25,  1803. 
Sir  : 

It  is  now  nearly  a  fortnight  since  Lord  Hawkesbury  informed 
me  that  he  had  lately  ascertained  that  the  American  Commission- 
ers under  the  7th  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Amity  and  Commerce, 
with  the  concurrence  of  the  3d  Commissioner,  conceived  them- 
selves authorized  to  allow  Interest  upon  the  Claims  before  them 
for  the  time  during  which  the  Proceedings  of  the  Comn.  had  been 
suspended  ;  that  as  the  Suspension  had  taken  place  in  conse- 
quence of  that  of  the  Commission  in  America,  it  did  not  appear  to 
him  that  the  Board  here  had  authority  to  allow  Interest  for  this 
portion  of  time  ;  that  he  made  me  this  Communication  in  hopes 
that  we  might  agree  in  the  just  interpretation  of  the  Powers  of 
the  Commissioners,  as  it  would  be  disagreeable  particularly  at  the 
juncture  of  affairs  when  he  was  speaking,  again  to  arrest  the  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  Commissioners.  I  replied  that  the  Subject  was 
both  unexpected  and  new  ;  that  it  should  receive  my  immediate 
consideration,  and  that  I  would  take  the  earliest  opportunity  in 
my  power  of  conversing  with  him  respecting  it. 

After  maturely  reflecting  upon  the  objection  which  originates 
with  and  was  entertained  by  Dr.  Swabey  before  the  conclusion  of 
the  Convention,  in  virtue  of  which  the  Board  has  resumed  its 
Proceedings,  I  informed  Lord  Hawkesbury  that  I  was  ready  to 
meet  him  ;  but  owing  to  the  discussions  going  on  with  France  he 
has  not  yet  appointed  a  day  to  receive  me  :  in  the  mean  time  the 
Commission  proceeds  in  examining  and  deciding  the  cases  before 
it,  leaving  open  the  ascertainment  of  the  amount  of  the  respective 
Claims.  As  the  first  instalment  of  the  ^600,000  to  be  received 
by  Great  Britain  is  payable  in  July,  and  as  from  the  nature  of  the 
Negotiation  with  France  I  may  not  be  able  to  meet  Lord  Hawkes- 
bury soon,  it  has  appeared  to  me  proper  to  apprise  you  of  this 
objection  to  the  Powers  of  the  Commissioners  which  may  be  fol- 
lowed up  by  a  suspension  of  the  Proceedings. 

With  perfect  Respect  &c. 

R.  K. 


236  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

R.  King  to  Philip  Sansom,  Esq. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  Mar.  28,  1803. 
Sir  : 

Being  much  pressed  for  time  between  my  public  engagements 
and  the  objects  to  which  I  am  obliged  to  attend  before  I  leave 
this  country,  I  am  afraid  it  may  not  be  in  my  power  immediately 
to  wait  upon  all  the  members  of  the  Committee  of  American  mer- 
chants ;  tho'  I  shall  endeavour  to  do  so  before  my  departure. 

In  the  mean  time  I  take  the  liberty  of  presenting  to  you  and 
them  my  respectful  acknowledgments  for  the  distinguished  kind- 
ness and  honour  the  Committee  have  conferred  upon  me,  and  I 
avail  myself  of  the  opportunity  likewise  to  thank  them  for  the  in- 
formation and  assistance  that  on  various  occasions  I  have  received 
from  them  during  my  residence  in  this  country. 

With  sentiments  of  great  personal  Esteem  and  Respect,  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  88. 

London,  Mar.  28,  1803. 
Sir  : 

My  No.  86  communicated  the  tenour  of  Lord  Hawkesbury's 
note  of  the  15th  to  the  French  Ambassador  :  the  conclusion  of 
the  note  refers  to  the  demand  of  France  for  the  Evacuation  of 
Malta  and  declares  "  that  the  King  cannot  consent  to  its  Evacua- 
tion unless  substantial  security  be  provided  for  those  objects 
which  in  present  circumstances  would  be  endangered  by  that 
measure." 

Yesterday  morning  the  French  Ambassador  received  a  Courier 
with  the  answer  of  his  Government  which  was  delivered  to  Lord 
Hawkesbury  in  the  course  of  the  day.  It  contrasts  the  blessings 
of  Peace  with  the  miseries  of  war,  and  professes  on  the  side  of 
France  a  sincere  desire  to  maintain  the  enjoyment  of  the  former  ; 
it  denies  the  existence  of  any  such  naval  and  military  preparations 
as  are  spoken  of  in  the  King's  Message  to  Parliament,  and  in  re- 
spect to  the  changes  which  are  said  to  have  taken  place  in  the 
relative  condition  of  France  since  the  Treaty  of  Amiens,  it  affirms 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  237 

that  the  Forces  and  influence  of  France  have  not  been  increased. 
With  regard  to  Sebastiani's  Report,  the  answer  justifies  its  publi- 
cation as  a  necessary  vindication  of  the  reputation  of  the  First 
Consul  against  the  false  and  criminal  imputation  cast  upon  it  in 
the  History  of  the  Campaign  of  Egypt  published  in  London  by 
Sir  Robert  Wilson,  an  officer  in  the  service  of  his  Britannic 
Majesty. 

The  answer  seeks  no  Explanation  of  the  substantial  security 
upon  the  provision  of  which  Lord  Hawkesbury's  note  offers  by 
implication  to  Evacuate  Malta,  but  concludes  with  saying  the  first 
Consul  does  not  take  up  the  Gauntlet  thrown  down  by  his  Britan- 
nic Majesty,  and  in  respect  to  Malta,  the  Treaty  of  Amiens  has 
definitely  provided  for  its  Evacuation  by  England  and  its  Re- 
stitution to  the  Order  of  St.  John. 

It  is  natural  to  infer  from  this  conclusion  that  the  French  Am- 
bassador has  orders  to  reiterate  his  demand  upon  this  point ;  the 
English  Cabinet  will  refuse  as  before  ;  and  as  the  English  Forces 
occupy  Malta,  the  war  will  probably  be  declared  and  commenced 
on  the  side  of  France. 

The  first  Consul  has  given  notice  at  Berlin,  in  case  of  war  with 
Great  Britain,  that  he  shall  take  possession  of  Hanover,  occupy 
Hamburgh  and  close  the  Elbe. 

With  perfect  Respect,  &c. 

R.  K. 


R.  King  to  R.  R.  Livingston,  Esq. 

London,  Mar.  29,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

The  essential  clause  of  Lord  Hawkesbury's  Note  of  the  15,  and 
which  is  cited  in  my  last  Letter,  by  implication  declares  that  Eng- 
land is  ready  to  evacuate  Malta  upon  certain  conditions,  which 
are  not  however  explained  ;  in  other  words  the  Note  insinuates 
that  altho'  it  has  become  impossible  to  execute  the  Provisions  of 
the  Treaty  of  Amiens,  England  is  nevertheless  willing  to  discuss 
with  France  the  Terms  upon  which  the  Evacuation  shall  be 
made. 

Whether  the  Reflexions  contained  in  my  last  letter  are  well 
founded  in  respect  to  the  Terms  must  now  remain  matter  of  mere 


238  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 


conjecture,  inasmuch  as  the  answer  of  the  French  Government 
which  has  been  just  delivered,  declines  all  inquiry  and  discussion 
concerning  them  and  refers  itself  to  the  Treaty  of  Amiens,  as 
marking  out  the  only  course  to  be  pursued  on  that  subject. 

The  Parties  seem  therefore  to  be  at  issue  ;  but  as  England 
possesses  the  object  of  disagreement  will  France  follow  up  her 
demand  that  it  should  be  surrendered  by  a  declaration  of  war 
to  enforce  it  ?  If  not,  will  England  do  more  than  continue  to  re- 
tain Malta  and  go  on  with  preparations  to  meet  the  consequences. 
This  doubt  suggests  a  curious  state  of  things,  but  one  that  could 
not  be  of  long  duration  :  both  Parties  would  expect  War  while 
each  would  prefer  to  receive  rather  than  to  give  the  assault  ;  in 
this  situation  the  commencement  of  the  war  would  be  an  affair  of 
accident,  as  well  as  Malta  of  mutual  recrimination. 

I  am  not  sure  that  it  may  not  now  be  the  Intention  of  France 
to  proceed  as  tho'  the  armament  of  England  had  not  been  made. 
The  first  Consul  is  not  obliged  to  renew  or  enforce  his  demand 
respecting  Malta.  The  English  armament  may  proceed  without 
danger  to  France,  which  may  continue  to  dispatch  Expeditions  to 
the  Colonies,  leaving  it  to  England  to  begin  the  war,  should  she 
choose  to  do  so  by  interrupting  them. 

This  speculation,  for  it  is  no  more,  agrees  with  the  Rumour  of 
yesterday  and  to-day  from  Holland,  that  the  Expedition  for 
Louisiana  is  again  resumed,  notwithstanding  it  was  declared,  as  I 
have  explained  to  you,  that  it  was  countermanded  in  consequence 
of  the  King's  Message. 

Yours  faithfully, 

R.  K. 

P.  S.  I  entreat  you  to  observe  great  caution  on  this  subject,  as 
a  conjecture  that  your  information  comes  from  me  would  place 
me  in  delicate  circumstances. 


R.  King  to  Right  Honble.  Charles  Abbot. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  March  31,  1803. 
Sir: 

Enquiring  of  Mr.  Planta  of  the  British  Museum  the  best  mode 
of  preserving  public  Records,  he  gave  me  the  first  information  I 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  239 

had  received  of  the  Report  on  this  subject  drawn  up  under  your 
direction  and  lately  printed  by  order  of  the  House  of  Commons. 
As  we  are  beginning  already  to  suffer  in  America  from  negligence 
and  want  of  care  in  preserving  our  Records  and  public  Reports, 
and  as  the  subject  at  this  Time  engages  the  attention  of  our  Gov- 
ernment, it  would  be  of  great  advantage  to  us  to  possess  the  in- 
formation contained  in  this  Report  :  but  as  it  is  not  published,  I 
hope  you  will  pardon  my  taking  the  liberty  of  asking  you  to  per- 
mit me  to  receive  two  copies  of  this  Report. 

I  have  to  make  you  my  best  acknowledgments  for  the  Pieces  re- 
specting the  population  act,  with  which  you  were  kind  enough  to 
supply  me.  Unfortunately  during  my  absence  last  summer  my 
Secretary  sent  some  of  these  pieces  to  America,  so  that  my  set 
wants  the  Enumeration  of  Scotland,  the  Parish  Registers,  and  the 
observations  on  the  Result  of  the  Population  act. 

I  am  almost  ashamed  to  trouble  you  again  upon  this  subject 
and  the  more  so  as  it  is  out  of  my  power  to  make  you  a  return  of 
equivalent  value.  I  take  the  lib'ty,  however,  to  send  you  a  copy 
of  the  last  census.  I  hope  to  receive  in  a  more  convenient  form  a 
few  copies  of  this  and  the  former  census,  one  of  which,  by  your 
permission,  I  will  send  to  you. 

P.  S.     I  have  found  and  added  the  first  census. 

With  great  Respect  &  Esteem,  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  89. 

London,  April  2,  1803. 
Sir  : 

Nothing  farther  has  occurred  since  the  date  of  my  last ;  no 
answer  has  yet  been  given  to  the  note  of  the  French  Ambassador, 
whic  hdeclines  all  discussion  respecting  Malta.  Lord  Hawkes- 
bury's  answer  will  probably  be  delivered  to-day  ;  it  will  without 
doubt  persist  in  the  Determination  communicated  in  his  first  note, 
and  may  disclose  new  and  additional  reasons  in  its  support.  If, 
as  is  said  to  be  the  case,  the  First  Consul  has  lately  made  an  over- 
ture to  Russia  for  a  partition  of  the  Turkish  Empire,  the  facts 


240  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

may  be  urged  on  this  occasion  notwithstanding  the  refusal  of 
Russia  to  listen  to  the  Proposal. 

I  still  continue  to  believe  the  war  unavoidable,  in  which  Eng- 
land can  have  no  expectation  of  a  single  ally.  The  System  of 
Russia  is  pacific  with  less  attachment,  however,  to  France  than  to 
England.  Austria  is  not  yet  recovered  from  the  blows  by  which 
she  was  driven  from  the  contest  ;  and  Prussia  will  be  inclined  to 
adhere  to  her  past  Policy.  Although  Denmark  and  Sweden  have 
been  much  dissatisfied  with  England,  France  contrary  to  her 
usual  policy,  has  done  nothing  to  secure  their  confidence  ;  while 
England  has  been  endeavouring  to  reestablish  her  ancient  friend- 
ship with  these  States  ;  for  this  purpose,  she  has  given  assurances 
that  what  is  called  the  two  Swedish  Convoys  shall  be  restored  or 
paid  for.  The  first  which  consisted  of  17  Vessels  was  condemned, 
and  the  Envoy  of  Sweden  has  given  in  his  claim  for  compensa- 
tion, which  amounts  to  sixty  thousand  pounds  sterling  ;  the 
claim  for  the  second  consisting  of  21  Vessels,  and  which  I  think 
is  not  yet  presented,  will  be  about  ninety  thousand  pounds  sterling. 
By  cultivating  the  friendship  of  these  Powers,  England  expects  with 
the  good  will  of  Russia  to  keep  the  Baltic  open,  against  the  efforts 
that  France  will  again  make  to  close  it.  Portugal  will  be  com- 
pelled to  exclude  the  English  trade,  and  Spain  with  all  Italy  must 
obey  the  orders  that  shall  be  given  her. 

I  have  sought  occasion  both  with  ministers  and  other  leading 
men,  since  the  discussion  with  France,  to  indicate  the  disadvan- 
tage which  England  has  heretofore  brought  upon  herself  by  the 
system  of  warfare  she  has  been  accustomed  to  pursue,  and  which 
has  been  chiefly  directed  against  the  Colonies  of  her  enemy, 
which  after  being  acquired  at  the  expense  of  much  blood  and 
treasure  in  addition  to  the  vexation  of  the  commerce  of  Neutral 
Nations,  have  been  commonly  restored,  enriched  by  English 
capital,  at  the  conclusion  of  Peace.  Instead  of  a  warfare,  liable 
to  these  objections,  and  which  has  moreover  furnished  an  oppor- 
tunity to  France  to  appear  as  the  friend  and  Protector  of  Neutral 
States,  a  system  might  be  suggested  that  would  not  only  avoid 
these  disadvantages,  but  would  materially  contribute  to  the  future 
prosperity  of  Great  Britain.  No  Neutral  Commerce  would  be 
interrupted  by  it,  on  the  contrary  it  would  serve  to  encrease  and 
extend  it,  and  when  the  object  was  once  obtained,  no  Treaty  of 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  24 1 

Peace  could  restore  things  to  their  former  state.  This  conversa- 
tion has  been  everywhere  understood  and  well  received,  and  it  is 
my  firm  belief,  if  the  war  break  out,  that  Great  Britain  will  im- 
mediately attempt  the  emancipation  and  independence  of  South 
America. 

In  a  late  conversation  with  Mr.  Addington*  he  observed  to  me, 
if  the  war  happen,  it  would  perhaps  be  one  of  their  first  attempts 
to  occupy  New  Orleans.  I  interrupted  him  by  saying,  I  hoped 
the  measure  would  be  well  weighed  before  it  should  be  attempted  ; 
that  true  it  was  we  could  not  see  with  indifference  that  Country 
in  the  hands  of  France,  but  it  was  equally  true  that  it  would  be 
contrary  to  our  views,  and  with  much  concern  that  we  should  see 
it  in  the  possession  of  England.  We  had  no  objection  to  Spain 
continuing  to  possess  it ;  they  were  quiet  neighbours,  and  we 
looked  forward  without  impatience  to  events  which,  in  the 
ordinary  course  of  things,  must,  at  no  distant  day,  annex  this 
Country  to  the  United  States.  Mr.  Addington  desired  me  to  be 
assured,  that  England  would  not  accept  the  Country,  were  all 
agreed  to  give  it  up  to  her  ;  that  were  she  to  occupy  it,  it  would 
not  be  to  keep  it,  but  to  prevent  another  power  from  obtaining  it, 
and  in  his  opinion,  that  this  end  would  be  best  effected  by  its 
belonging  to  the  United  States.  I  expressed  my  acquiescence  in 
the  last  part  of  his  remark,  but  observed  that  if  the  country  should 
be  occupied  by  England,  it  would  be  suspected  to  be  in  concert 
with  the  United  States,  and  might  involve  us  in  misunderstand- 
ings with  another  Power  with  which  we  desired  to  live  in  Peace  ; 
he  said  if  you  can  obtain  it  well,  but  if  not,  we  ought  to  prevent 
its  going  into  the  hands  of  France,  tho'  you  may  be  assured,  con- 
tinued Mr.  Addington,  that  nothing  shall  be  done  injurious  to  the 
interest  of  the  United  States.     Here  the  conversation  ended. 

I  have  lately  received  your  letter  of  January  29th,  and  as  soon 
as  Lord  Hawkesbury  shall  have  named  a  time  to  receive  me, 
which  I  have  requested  him  to  do,  I  will  explain  to  him,  in  con- 
versation, the  President's  views  relative  to  the  Mississippi. 

Considering  the  critical  state  of  affairs,  it  is  much  to  be  wished 
that  my  successor  may  arrive  before  my  departure.  I  shall  delay 
taking  my  leave  to  the  last  moment  ;  and  should  the  posture  of 

*  Italics  in  cipher. 
VOL.  iv.— 16 


242  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

affairs  in  my  opinion  require  it,  I  will  risk  the  expense  of  detain- 
ing my  vessel  beyond  the  time  in  which  I  have  engaged  to  em- 
bark ;  in  any  event,  I  shall  not  leave  London  before  the  last  week 
of  the  present  month. 

With  perfect  Respect, 

R.  K. 


R.  King  to  His  Excelly.  R.  R.  Livingston. 

London,  Ap.  8,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  duly  received  your  letter  of  the  first  instant.  Notwith- 
standing the  vagueness  of  Lord  H's  note  of  the  15th,  a  defect 
sometimes  received  as  proof  of  diplomatic  prudence,  the  result 
will  probably  shew  that  the  note  contained  a  fixed  determination 
not  to  execute  the  Treaty  of  Amiens,  so  far  as  respects  Malta  ; 
for  I  am  more  and  more  persuaded  that  in  the  opinion  of  the 
Cabinet,  Malta  itself  is  the  only  security  for  those  objects  that 
would  be  endangered  by  the  evacuation.  In  my  last  letter,  I 
alluded  to  a  verbal  communication  which  has  been  probably  suc- 
ceeded by  a  written  one  to  the  same  effect,  and  there  is  reason  to 
think,  that  in  the  conversation  it  was  plainly  insinuated  that  the 
keeping  of  Malta  by  England  was  the  only  security  she  would 
receive  for  the  objects  of  her  solicitude.  If  so,  and  Bonaparte 
adhere,  as  you  suppose  he  will,  to  his  purpose  not  to  permit  any 
discussion  respecting  Malta,  "  puis  que  la  Traite  d'  Amiens  a 
pourvue  £  tout,"  the  die  may  be  regarded  as  thrown,  and  the 
results  cannot  be  delayed  many  days.  The  reply  of  Bonaparte 
may  be  war,  if  it  be  to  gain  time,  it  will  be  war  from  hence.  Lis- 
ton  writes  that  in  his  opinion,  the  Expedition  for  Louisiana  will 
not  proceed  in  the  present  uncertain  state  of  affairs  ;  and  I  am 
inclined  to  believe,  should  it  attempt  to  proceed,  that  it  might 
meet  with  opposition  ;  England  would  interrupt  the  expedition  to 
Louisiana,  if  she  believe  the  war  inevitable  :  and  if  instead  of 
Louisiana  it  should  be  bound  to  Martinique,  the  garrison  whereof 
is  too  weak  to  defend  it,  she  ought  likewise  to  stop  it. 

I  have  sent  frequent  and,  as  far  as  I  have  been  able,  faithful 
and  full  accounts  to  our  Govrt.  of  the  tenour  and  probable  issue 
of  the  discussions  between  this  Country  and  France,  and  shall  con- 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  243 


tinue  to  do  so  until  my  departure,  respecting  which  I  am  a  little 
embarrassed,  as  I  have  broken  up  my  establishment,  shipped  my 
effects,  and  in  a  few  days  shall  be  under  a  heavy  demurrage  if  I 
detain  my  ship.  On  the  whole  so  critical  and  important  is  the 
state  of  affairs  that  I  shall  probably  detain  my  vessel  a  short  time 
in  hopes  my  successor  may  arrive,  or  in  the  interim  that  Recon- 
ciliation or  war  may  put  an  end  to  the  present  uncertainty.* 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  my  successor  has  not  been  more 
seasonably  named  and  at  his  post,  as  it  would  have  been  more 
easy  to  have  entered  upon  the  duties  while  I  remained,  than  after 
my  departure.  Besides  the  commencement  of  a  new  war  is  most 
important  in  respect  to  our  Trade  which  shd  be  the  object  of 
earnest  attention  by  our  Minister  here  in  order  to  prevent  the 
mistakes  which  interest  or  omission  may  supply  in  the  orders  & 

instructions  to  the  naval  officers. 

Faithfully  yrs. 

R.  K. 

p.S. — I  think  you  may  with  confidence  act  upon  the  opinion 
that  England  will  not  evacuate  Malta.  I  am  deceived,  or  their 
point  is  decided  ;  all  must  therefore  depend  on  the  First  Consul 
who  must  abandon  the  Treaty  of  Amiens  so  far  as  respects  Malta, 
or  take  war.  Respecting  the  change  of  Ministers,  which  is  spoken 
of  as  ignorantly  and  inconsistently  as  the  question  of  War  and 
Peace,  I  don't  think  anything  has  been  settled  ;  if  it  be  war,  I  am 
of  opinion  that  Pitt,  perhaps  Lord  Melville,  but  neither  Grenville 
nor  Windham,  will  be  employed.  Addington  and  Hawkesbury 
will  remain,  and  who  also  may  be  more  of  a  Problem  :  that  is  a 
mere  personal  speculation,  as  I  really  have  no  clue,  if  one  even 
exist,  to  lead  me  to  the  last. 

I  wish  to  explain  to  you  an  interesting  conversation  I  have 
lately  had  respecting  New  Orleans,  but  I  am  really  pushed  by  so 
many  personal  concerns,  joined  to  some  few  of  a  public  nature, 

*  Mr.  Livingston  in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State  of  April  II,  1803,  writ- 
ing of  the  probability  of  the  renewal  of  the  war  and  of  the  possible  effect  upon 
the  negotiation  relating  to  Louisiana  of  the  interference  of  Great  Britain,  says  : 
"  I  have  written  to  Mr.  King,  pressing  him  to  stay  until  a  successor  is  ap- 
pointed. The  moment  is  so  critical  that  we  cannot  justify  being  without  a 
Minister  in  England,  and  he  is  a  very  useful  one."  Annals  of  Congress, 
1802-3,  Appendix,  p.  1127. 


244  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

that  I  scarce  find  time  to  write  to  you  the  scraps,  which  always 
in  haste  I  send  to  you,  but  with  which  I  should  not  embarrass  you, 
except  that  from  all  I  know  and  conjecture,  it  is  of  considerable 
importance  that  you  should  know  all  that  is  passing. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  90. 

London,  April  9,  1803. 
Sir  : 

The  Question  of  Peace  or  War  may  at  this  moment  be  decided. 
Lord  Hawkesbury's  note  in  reply  to  the  refusal  of  France  to  ad- 
mit of  any  discussion  respecting  Malta,  is  dated  the  3d  &  was  dis- 
patched the  4th  instant. 

It  expresses  the  King's  regret  that  the  French  Government 
had  declined  giving  the  satisfaction  and  explanation  he  had  de- 
manded, and  that  it  had  accompanied  this  Evasion  by  a  renewed 
demand  of  the  Evacuation  of  Malta.  In  these  circumstances,  the 
note  states  that  the  King  had  deemed  it  expedient  to  order  his 
Ambassador  at  Paris  to  ascertain  whether  the  French  Govern- 
ment persists  in  its  refusal,  or  whether  it  will  without  delay  give 
the  satisfaction  and  explanation  that  may  be  calculated  to  main- 
tain Peace  between  the  two  Nations. 

Lord  Whitworth's  note  to  Mr.  Talleyrand  is  probably  now  before 
the  First  Consul,  who  must  recede  from  the  ground  he  has  taken 
with  so  much  eclat,  or  receive  a  declaration  of  war. 

With  perfect  respect,  etc., 

R.K. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury— Convention  for  Boundaries— King  to  Livingston- 
Notes  between  England  and  France— Hopes  he  has  definite  Principles 
respecting  Louisiana  in  Case  of  War— Gallatin  to  King— Arrangements 
with  Barings  satisfactory— King  to  Secretary  of  State— Maryland  Bank  Stock 
— Ownership  settled— King— Memorandum  Book — Taking  Leave  of  the 
King  —  Conversation  with  Lord  Hawkesbury  respecting  Contraband  — 
Notes  and  Negotiations  between  England  and  France— Ambassadors  of 
each  receive  their  Passports— Early  Information  communicated  by  King 
to  English  Government— Dinner  at  the  Duke  of  Portland's— Not  England 
but  Bonaparte  has  shown  bad  Faith  in  the  non-Execution  of  the 
Treaty— Conference  with  Addington— England  would  be  satisfied  with 
the  Cession  of  Louisiana  to  the  U.  S.— Russian  Offer  of  Mediation  refused 
—Conferences  with  Lord  St.  Vincent  relative  to  Impressment— No  satis- 
factory Result  obtained— Last  Conferences  between  England  and  France- 
Ambassadors  of  each  receive  their  Passports— King  to  Earl  St.  Vincent- 
Regrets  the  Failure  of  Negotiations  to  put  an  End  to  Impressment— Gore  to 
King— Confirms  this  Failure— King  to  Secretary  of  State— Condition  of 
Negotiations  relative  to  Impressment— Neutral  Flag— Colony  Trade- 
South  America— King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury— Communicates  Purchase  of 
Louisiana— Lord  Hawkesbury  to  King— Response  to  Above— The  King's 
Pleasure  at  the  Intelligence— Complimentary  Remarks  on  the  whole  Course 
of  King's  public  Mission. 

R.  King  to  Rt.  Hon.  Lord  Hawkesbury. 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  April  10,  1803. 
My  Lord  : 

I  have  the  honour  to  send  you  enclosed  the  Draught  of  a  Con- 
vention concerning  the  Boundaries  of  the  United  States,  drawn  up 
according  to  the  Tenour  of  our  Conferences  on  this  subject,  and  am 
With  great  consideration  &c. 

R.  King. 

The  Draught  covers  nine  pages  of  foolscap  paper. 

245 


246  JZUFUS  KING.  [1803 

R.  King  to  R.  R.  Livingston. 

London,  April  12,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  before  communicated  to  you  the  two  last  notes  exchanged 
between  France  and  this  country  ;  the  French  note  dated  Mar. 
29.  concludes  en  resume,  "  que  le  premier  Consul  ne  veut  pas 
retirer  le  defit  de  la  guerre  fait  par  l'Angleterre  (referring  to  the 
armament)  et  qu'il  ne  peut  y  avoir  discussion  sur  Malte,  puis  que 
la  traite*  d'Amiens  a  pourvu  a  tout."  The  English  Reply  dated 
the  3d  instant  declares  u  that  his  Majesty  perceives  with  great 
regret  that  the  French  Govt,  continues  to  withhold  all  satisfac- 
tion and  explanation  on  the  points  respecting  which  he  had  com- 
plained, and  at  the  same  time  it  evades  all  discussion  concerning 
the  same,  that  it  repeats  the  requisition  that  Malta  be  forthwith 
evacuated  by  his  forces.  In  duty  to  himself  and  to  the  interest 
of  his  People,  his  M.  has  in  these  circumstances  deemed  it  expe- 
dient to  give  Instructions  to  his  Ambassador  at  Paris  to  ascertain 
distinctly  whether  the  fr.  Gov.  is  determined  to  withhold  all  satis- 
faction and  explanation  on  the  subject  of  his  Complaints,  or 
whether  it  is  disposed  without  delay  to  give  the  satisfaction  and 
explanation  that  in  the  present  state  of  affairs  shall  be  calculated 
to  lead  to  an  arrangement  in  respect  to  the  disagreements  sub- 
sisting between  the  two  countries."  Possessing  these  extracts, 
you  will  judge  as  well  as  I  am  able  to  do  of  the  probable  issue. 
General  Andreossi  last  evening  received  a  courier  with  Dispatches 
acknowledging  the  receipt  of  L.  H's.  note  of  the  3d,  and  saying 
only  that  they  were  dans  un  pourparler  with  Lord  Whitworth  for 
the  purpose  of  hearing  what  he  had  to  say. 

Should  the  war  take  place,  as  I  still  think  it  must  if  the  first 
Consul  persist  in  respect  to  Malta,  it  is  to  be  hoped  you  will  have 
authority  to  assume  a  principle  in  regard  to  Louisiana  which  at 
all  times,  but  more  easily  in  time  of  war  between  England  and 
France,  we  can  and  ought  to  assert  and  maintain.  To  the  coun- 
try West  of  the  Mississippi  we  have  no  claim  ;  from  the  country 
East  of  it,  in  virtue  of  the  irrevocable  renunciation  of  France  and 
the  duty  we  owe  to  ourselves  and  posterity,  we  have  the  Right  to 
exclude  her  forever  ;  and  it  is  only  by  adhering  to  this  principle, 
that  we  shall  be  able  to  preserve  the  Union  and  protect  the 
Independence  of  our  Country.         Yours  &c. 

R.  King. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  247 


Albert  Gallatin  to  Rufus  King. 

Treasury  Department,  Washington,  April  28,  1803. 
Sir: 

I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  favors 
dated  9th  &  25th  Feby.  &  4th  March  1803. 

The  terms  upon  which  the  House  of  Sir  Francis  Baring  &  Co. 
have  consented  to  transact  the  business  of  this  Department  in 
London,  as  stated  in  your  correspondence  with  them,  annexed  to 
your  letter  of  February  25,  are  satisfactory  ;  and  I  fully  approve 
of  the  agreement  made  by  you  in  my  behalf,  and  communicated 
to  them  in  your  letter  of  23.  February. 

Permit  me  to  express  my  acknowledgments  for  the  trouble  you 
have  taken  in  effecting  this  negotiation,  and  for  the  favorable  issue 
which  has  resulted  from  your  attention  to  the  remittance  of  the 
;£ 70,000  to  Holland.     .     .     . 

With  great  respect  your  obed.  Servt. 

Albert  Gallatin. 

On  May  I,  1803,  Mr.  King  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Sec- 
retary of  State1  giving  an  account  of  the  state  of  the  Nego- 
tiation relative  to  Bank  of  England  stock,  belonging  to  the 
State  of  Maryland,  and  which  he  said  at  that  time,  with 
accrued  interest,  amounted  to  £187,507.12.     He  writes : 

"  I  have  now  the  satisfaction  to  send  you  the  copy  of  a  letter 
that  I  have  received  from  Lord  Hawkesbury,  in  which  the  King 
engages,  in  the  event  of  its  being  decided  that  the  title  to  this 
stock  has  accrued  and  belongs  to  the  Crown,  that  the  same  shall 
be  transferred  to  the  State  of  Maryland,  together  with  the  accumu- 
lations proceeding  from  the  re-investment  of  the  dividends." 

He  states,  however,  that  as  late  as  the  27th  April,  though 
all  the  other  claims  had  been  settled,  objections  still  were 
maintained  by  Mr.  "  Harford,  devisee  of  Lord  Baltimore, 
claiming  as  Lord  Proprietor  of  the  Province  of  Maryland, 
and,  as  such,  entitled  to  all  forfeitures."    Mr.  King  says  that 


Annals  of  Congress,  1802-3,  App.  p.  999. 


248  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

a  settlement  might  then  have  been  made  had  he  been  willing 
to  have  "  engaged  to  transfer  to  Mr.  Harford  ten  thousand 
pounds  bank  stock."  This,  for  reasons  he  gives,  he  declined 
to  do,  and  therefore  suggests  that  Mr.  Chase,  the  agent  of 
Maryland,  be  instructed  how  to  proceed  to  settle  all  the 
claims, 

though  it  may  require  some  time  to  complete  the  business  ;  but 
it  is  a  satisfaction  that  we  hitherto  have  not  enjoyed,  that  no 
future  change  in  the  Court  of  Chancery,  or  in  the  Ministry  can 
alter  the  decision  of  the  one  or  precise  engagement  of  the  other. 

It  would  have  given  me  great  pleasure  to  have  seen  the  close 
of  a  business  that  is  of  great  importance  to  the  State  of  Mary- 
land, and  which  has  so  constantly  as  well  as  zealously  engaged  my 
attention  ;  but  the  entanglements  of  an  intricate  suit  in  chancery, 
early  and  unfortunately  thrown  into  an  embarrassing  situation,  are 
reached  with  difficulty  by  diplomatic  means  ;  there  have,  more- 
over, been  some  difficulties  in  our  way  which  neither  patience  nor 
industry  has  hitherto  been  able  to  surmount.  We  may  now,  I  think, 
put  our  opponents  at  defiance,  as  we  at  length  stand  on  secure 
ground,  and  with  a  little  more  patience  may  reckon  with  confi- 
dence upon  the  attainment  of  the  object.  I  shall  leave  with  the 
papers  of  the  Legation  such  a  view  of  the  subject  as  I  hope  may 
enable  my  successor  with  little  trouble  to  hasten  the  conclusion 
of  this  long  protracted  business. 

There  is  here  an  interruption  of  the  correspondence  of  Mr. 
King,  but  a  memorandum  book  supplies  much  interesting 
matter  during  the  closing  days  of  his  mission,  which  is  here 
given  as  it  was  written  from  day  to  day. 

London,  May  4,  1803. 
Taking  Leave. 

Having  sent  a  copy  of  my  letter  of  recall  to  Lord  Hawkesbury 
and  requested  him  to  apprize  the  King  of  my  intention  to  take 
my  leave  ;  and  Sr.  Stephen  Cottreli  having  by  direction  of  Lord 
Hawkesbury  waited  upon  me  to  settle  the  mode  of  my  going  to 
St.  James,  I  had  my  audience  of  leave  after  the  levee  of  to-day — 
The  Spanish  Envoy  had  his  audience  to  deliver  his  credentials 
before  my  audience. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  249 

The  Ceremony  on  entering  the  King's  closet  was  the  same  as 
at  my  first  audience.     My  harangue  was  in  these  words  : 

u  Sir,  Having  received  the  permission  of  my  Govt,  to  return 
home,  as  will  be  confirmed  to  your  Majesty  by  my  letter  of  recall, 
I  am  instructed  to  avail  myself  of  this  occasion  to  renew  to  your 
Majesty  the  assurance  of  the  continued  and  sincere  disposition  of 
the  U.  S.  to  cherish  and  perpetuate  the  good  understanding  and 
harmony  happily  subsisting  between  your  Majesty  and  them. 

"  It  is  the  purpose  of  my  Govt,  to  continue  the  residence  of  a 
Min.  Plenipotentiary  near  your  Majesty,  whose  arrival  may  soon 
be  expected,  and  who  will  confirm  to  your  Majesty  the  assurance 
that  I  have  just  now  repeated. 

"  Accustomed  as  I  had  been  to  view  with  respect  the  British 
nation,  its  laws  and  its  monarchy,  my  residence  here  has  served 
to  enlarge  and  strengthen  this  sentiment,  and  I  shall  return  to 
my  country  with  increased  veneration  for  a  Government  which, 
under  your  Majesty's  guidance,  fulfills  the  obligations  of  good 
faith  and  justice  towards  other  nations,  while  it  secures  in  the 
highest  degree  to  your  Majesty's  people  those  civil  and  moral 
advantages,  the  enjoyment  of  which  constitutes  the  chief  end  of 
human  society. 

"  I  have  a  word  more  to  add,  which  so  far  as  regards  myself 
requires  your  Majesty's  indulgence,  I  have  to  offer  your  Majesty 
my  respectful  acknowledgments  for  the  manner  in  which  on  all 
occasions  you  have  received  and  considered  me  :  and  I  should  be 
unwilling  to  omit  the  opportunity  of  expressing  to  your  Majesty 
my  obligations  to  the  noble  personage  (Lord  Hawkesbury)  who  is 
present  as  well  as  to  his  noble  and  honourable  colleagues  for  the 
candour,  good  faith  and  liberality  with  which  they  have  dis- 
cussed and  decided  whatever  has  concerned  the  interest  of  my 
country." 

The  King  heard  me  with  attention  and  replied  : 

"  I  must  say,  Mr.  King,  that  I  am  sorry  for  your  departure.  I 
know  nothing  of  the  character,  indeed  I  do  not  know  the  name, 
of  your  successor  ;  but  be  he  who  he  may,  I  fear  I  shall  have 
reason  to  regret  your  absence ;  for  your  conduct  here  has 
been  so  entirely  proper,  both  as  it  regarded  the  interest  of  your 
own  Country  and  of  this,  as  to  have  given  me  perfect  satisfaction. 
In  regard  to  the  assurance  you  make  me  in  behalf  of  the  States,  I 


250  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

receive  it  in  good  part  ;  and  declare  to  you  in  return  that  on  my 
side  I  wish  for  friendship  and  a  constant  good  understanding  with 
America.  I  have  never  had  but  one  opinion  on  this  subject  since 
the  event  which  separated  us  and  I  assure  you  now,  that  I  will 
never  change  it.  It  is  to  our  mutual  advantage  to  be  friends,  and 
I  foresee  nothing  that  is  likely  to  make  us  otherwise." 

The  conversation  which  followed  was  relative  to  the  present 
critical  posture  of  affairs  with  France.  The  King  showed  great 
firmness  as  well  as  confidence  ;  said  that  his  first  duty  was  to 
ascertain  the  justice  of  his  cause ;  and  being  satisfied  on  this 
point,  he  should  have  no  uneasiness  for  the  event. 

It  may  have  been  during  this  conversation  or  some  other 
about  this  time,  that  the  king,  in  speaking  with  Mr.  King 
relative  to  his  return  home,  asked  him  what  he  intended  to 
do  with  his  boys,  who  were  at  Harrow  ?  The  answer  must 
have  been  one  stating  the  course  he  adopted  of  leaving  them 
to  finish  their  studies  at  Harrow,  and  then  send  them  to 
Paris  to  learn  French,  mathematics,  etc.,  for  the  king  an- 
swered him,  "All  wrong,  Mr.  King;  boys  should  be  edu- 
cated in  the  country  in  which  they  are  to  live." 

Mr.  King  reports  the  following  conversation  as  having 
occurred  on  May  4,  1803: 

Conversing  with  Lord  Hawkesbury  respecting  the  Swedish 
Convoy  and  the  Treaty  between  Sweden  and  Great  Britain,  Lord 
Hawkesbury  said  it  was  certainly  expedient  to  revise  the  article 
concerning  contraband,  which  as  it  now  stands  makes  naval 
Stores  and  Provisions  contraband. 

In  respect  to  naval  Stores  he  certainly  did  think  them  contra- 
band, while  he  was  clearly  convinced  that  Provisions  were  not  so, 
except  in  case  of  blockade  or  siege,  when  they  became  with  all 
other  goods  contraband.  But  though  he  considered  naval  Stores 
contraband,  still  in  a  case  like  that  of  Sweden,  whose  staple 
articles  were  naval  Stores  it  was  a  rigorous  interpretation  to  con- 
fiscate naval  Stores  and  he  sh?  therefore  think  it  a  reasonable 
practise  to  make  use  of  the  milder  doctrine  of  pre-emption.  I 
expressed  my  approbation  of  his  opinions  and  remarked  that 
what  created  the  greatest  embarrassment,  in  Treaties  relative  to 


1803]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  25 1 

contraband,  was  their  want  of  precision  :  the  description  should 
be  minute  and  every  article  should  be  named,  as  the  rule  is  one 
of  practise  among  unlearned  men,  who  should  be  under  no  diffi- 
culty in  distinguishing  the  lawful  from  the  unlawful  or  contraband 
goods.     Lord  H.  assented. 

Memorandum,  May  6,  1803. 

The  ultimatum  delivered  by  Lord  Whitworth  required  him  to 
leave  Paris  on  Tuesday  evening  May  2d,  unless  France  should 
have  signed  a  minute  by  which  she  agreed  : 

1.  To  the  military  possession  of  Malta  for  10  years  by  Eng- 
land ; 

2.  To  the  cession  to  England  of  the  Island  of  Lampedosa  ; 

3.  To  the  complete  evacuation  of  Holland  by  the  French 
forces. 

On  Tuesday  forenoon  Talleyrand  answered  Lord  Whitworth's 
demand  by  a  note  declaring  : 

1.  That  the  Island  of  Lampedosa  not  belonging  to  France, 
the  First  Consul  could  neither  object  nor  consent  to  the  cession 
of  it  to  England. 

2.  That  the  occupation  of  Malta  for  10  years  being  contrary  to 
the  Treaty  of  Amiens  was  inadmissible.  Were  it  not  so,  the  con- 
sent of  Holland  and  Spain,  parties  to  the  Treaty  of  Amiens,  would 
be  requisite  ;  and  even  after  they  should  have  consented  that  the 
guarantying  Powers  should  be  consulted. 

3.  Holland  would  be  evacuated  as  soon  as  England  shall  have 
executed  the  Treaty  of  Amiens,  &c. 

Before  this  answer  of  Talleyrand  was  delivered,  a  messenger 
was  dispatched  to  Andreossi  the  French  Ambassador  in  London 
for  the  purpose  of  apprizing  him  of  its  purport,  and  moreover  to 
state,  if  Lord  Whitworth  should  not  be  satisfied,  as  it  was  sup- 
posed he  would  not  be,  with  the  answer,  that  at  the  last  hour  and 
when  according  to  his  Ldp's.  previous  demands  his  passports 
would  be  delivered  to  him,  Talleyrand  would  send  him  a  note 
requesting  a  meeting  on  the  next  (Wednesday)  morning,  when 
Talleyrand  would  offer  the  First  Consul's  consent  that  the  mili- 
tary possession  of  Malta  (notwithstanding  the  departure  from  the 


252  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

Treaty  of  Amiens)  should  be  given  either  to  Russia,  Austria  or 
Prussia  at  the  choice  of  England.  The  same  messenger  brought 
orders  to  Andreossi  to  demand  his  Passports  grounding  the 
demand  upon  Lord  Whitworth's  having  done  so  at  Paris  ;  but  to 
say  he  should  not  use  them  unless  Lord  Whitworth  quitted  Paris,  as 
he  had  intimated  his  intention  of  doing  on  the  evening  of  the  2d  ; 
in  that  case  Andreossi  was  instructed  to  leave  London  and  be  at 
Dover  by  the  time  Lord  Whitworth  should  reach  Calais. 

After  Andreossi  had  received  the  Messenger  which  was  on 
Friday  morning  he  sent  a  note  demanding  his  Passports  and  ex- 
plaining the  occasion  as  well  as  the  manner  in  which  he  should 
obey  them.  The  note  stated  also  that  Portalis,  the  Secy,  of 
Legation,  would  remain  to  assist  the  French  in  returning  to  their 
country  and  in  taking  the  charge  of  the  Ambassador's  effects. 

At  4  o'clock  I  called  in  Downing  Street,  where  a  Cabinet  coun- 
cil was  sitting  in  consequence  of  Andreossi's  note.  Hammond, 
whom  I  saw,  told  me  they  had  received  no  messenger  from  Lord 
Whitworth  and  were  ignorant  whether  any  answer  has  been  given 
to  their  ultimatum,  having  no  dispatch  from  him  later  than  Mon- 
day. I  then  communicated  to  them  the  purport  of  the  answer  as 
well  as  the  intention  of  detaining  Lord  Whitworth  with  a  new 
proposition.  He  assured  me  they  were  entirely  ignorant  of  these 
transactions  and  views,  and  then  asked  me  to  allow  him  to 
communicate  in  confidence  to  Lord  Hawkesbury  what  I  had 
communicated  to  him  to  which  I  consented.  This  he  did  and 
afterwards  brought  me  Lord  H's  thanks,  saying  I  had  done  him 
the  greatest  kindness  that  it  was  possible  for  him  to  have  received. 
The  opinion  manifestly  as  regarded  the  new  proposition  was,  that 
Lord  W.  would  follow  his  orders  and  disregard  it.  Both 
Andreossi  and  Schimmelpenninck  thought  so  and  regarded  the 
proposition  as  an  indescretion  useless  and  destructive  of  the 
principle  upon  which  until  now  the  Treaty  of  Amiens  had  been 
maintained. 

Mr.  Addington's  communication  to  Parliament  on  Friday 
evening  of  Andreossi's  having  demanded  his  Passports  and  of  his 
expectation  that  he  should  make  them  a  communication  respect- 
ing the  negotiation  on  the  following  Monday  (May  9.)  was 
accompanied  with  a  manner  which  proved  his  expectation  that 
the  war  had  been  decided  upon. 


1803]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  2$$ 


Mr.  Addington  moved  an  adjournment  on  Friday,  May  6th, 
over  Saturday  to  Monday,  May  9,  when  he  expected  to  make  his 
communication.  This  was  opposed  by  the  old  opposition,  as  well 
as  the  new,  and  the  House  divided  185  for  and  95  against  the  ad- 
journment. 

On  Saturday,  May  7,  a  messenger  arrived  at  4  o'clock  a.m., 
with  Lord  Whitworth's  dispatch,  communicating  Talleyrand's 
last  proposition,  which  Lord  W.  had  thought  sufficient  to  divert 
him  from  the  execution  of  his  orders  to  leave  Paris  on  Tuesday 
evening.  A  Cabinet  council  was  held  immediately,  and  another 
messenger  dispatched  with  the  result — which  was  an  adherance  to 
the  former  demand,  except  that  instead  of  requiring  the  explicit 
consent  of  France  that  England  should  keep  Malta  10  years,  the 
stipulation  should  be  that  she  should  keep  it  till  measures  should 
be  concerted  for  its  complete  independence,  with  a  limitation  in 
a  secret  article  that  this  possession  should  not  exceed  10  years. 

Lord  Whitworth  was  ordered  to  leave  Paris  in  36  hours  after 
receiving  this  dispatch,  unless  the  terms  were  complied  with. 


Duke  of  Portland's  Dinner. 

May  8,  1803. 

The  Duke,  Mr.  Addington,  Lord  Pelham,  Lord  Hawkesbury, 
Lord  Eldon,  Lord  Rosselyn,  Sir  Wm.  Scott,  Mr.  King,  Mr.  Ham- 
mond, Young  Mr.  Ingersoll  &  myself  and  Mr.  Merry. 

Mr.  Addington  &  Lord  Hawkesbury  both  told  me  that  in  the 
event  of  war,  instead  of  exposing  the  King  to  the  charge  of  bad 
faith,  they  should  be  able  to  show  that  Bonaparte  had  resolved 
to  break  his  engagements  made  at  Amiens,  and  that  their  de- 
mands were  justified  as  the  necessary  means  of  compelling  him  to 
observe  his  stipulations. 

They  should  be  able  to  prove,  on  their  side,  a  sincere  and  solici- 
tous disposition,  as  well  as  corresponding  endeavours,  to  execute 
the  stipulations  respecting  Malta,  and  on  the  side  of  Bonaparte 
not  only  a  disinclination,  but  a  series  of  efforts  by  dispersing  the 
langues,*  sequestering  their  property  in  France  and  promoting  its 

*  One  of  the  conditions  of  Russia  under  which  she  would  consent  to  a  joint 
occupation  of  Malta  was  "provided  the  Maltese  language  be  abolished,  to 
which  France  agrees.— Life  and  Correspondence  ofRufus  King  in  his  letter  to 
the  Secretary  of  State,  March  19,  1803,  vol.  iv.,  p.  231. 


254  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

sequestration  elsewhere  effectually  to  defeat  and  render  of  no 
importance  the  execution  of  this  article  of  the  Treaty.  Not  only 
these  facts  would  be  fixed  upon  him,  but  their  aim  and  object 
would  be  demonstrated,  for  Bonaparte  himself,  in  a  conference 
he  had  demanded  and  held  with  Lord  Whitworth,  had  observed 
to  him  that  he  judged  it  proper  himself,  in  order  that  he  might 
not  hear  the  same  thing  from  any  other,  to  state  to  him  that 
France  must  have  Egypt  ;  that  he  had  no  wish  nor  hope  to  go  to 
war  to  obtain  it,  preferring  a  peaceable  acquisition  of  it  ;  but  that 
Egypt  must  be  acquired  by  France  was  not  to  be  disguised.  He 
should  hope  that  England  would  not  renew  the  war,  but  in  case 
she  did,  that  nothing  short  of  invasion  would  be  resorted  to  ; 
that  undoubtedly  the  chances  were  against  success — they  might 
fail  99  times  in  a  hundred,  but  the  last  would  be  fatal. 

This  avowal  coupled  with  the  opposition  given  to  the  execution 
of  the  Treaty  of  Malta  (Amiens,  relative  to  Malta  ?)  by  endeav- 
ouring to  defeat  the  end  of  the  stipulations,  coupled  with  the 
practices  which  could  be  fastened  on  Bonaparte  in  respect  to 
the  Ionian  Islands,  and  coupled  with  Sebastiani's  Report,  demon- 
strated a  settled  intention  and  plan  of  bad  faith,  already  begun 
to  be  put  in  execution,  not  less  dangerous  to  the  repose  of  Europe 
and  the  essential  interest  of  England  than  it  is  calculated  to  de- 
preciate and  degrade  the  character  and  station  of  England  in  the 
face  of  the  rest  of  Europe. 

Both  H.  &  A.  intimated  an  opinion  that  Lord  Whitworth  ought 
to  have  left  Paris  on  the  preceding  Tuesday.  Hawkesbury  was 
more  reserved  than  Addington  on  this  point :  the  latter  said  the 
true  course  for  Lord  Whitworth  would  have  been  to  have 
answered  Mr.  Talleyrand's  proposition  by  saying,  your  courier, 
sir,  will  travel  faster  than  I  shall  be  able  to  do,  I  therefore  pro- 
pose to  you  to  forward  your  new  proposal  to  your  Ambassador  at 
London  ;  it  not  being  a  compliance  with  our  demands  I  must 
obey  my  orders  and  leave  Paris. 


Russian  Mediation. 

May  10,  1803,  Tuesday. 
A  Russian  messenger  arrived  today — also  an  English  messen- 
ger from  Petersburgh. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  255 

May  11,  1803,  Wednesday. 
The  Russian  Ambassador  had  to-day  a  long  conference  with 
Lord  Hawkesbury.  The  object  was  to  offer  the  mediation  of  his 
court  between  England  and  France.  Ld.  Hawkesbury  replied 
that  England  having  taken  precise  ground  in  the  negotiations, 
which  upon  a  well  considered  view  had  appeared  essential  to  the 
national  honour  and  interest  to  be  maintained,  in  this  state  of 
affairs  there  seemed  little  prospect  of  any  advantage  to  be  ex- 
pected from  the  interference  of  any  other  Power,  though  it  would 
be  satisfactory  if  such  interference  would  have  the  effect  to  en- 
gage France  to  yield  to  those  terms  without  which  there  would 
be  no  security  for  the  continuance  of  peace. 


Conference  with  Addington. 

May  12,  Thursday. 

Met  Mr.  Addington  by  appointment  :  who  after  disclosing  the 
state  of  the  negotiation  (a  messenger  having  arrived,  who  left 
Paris  on  Tuesday,  the  day  after  Ld.  W.  had  received  his  last  in- 
structions) and  expressing  his  surprise  that  Ld.  W.  had  not  left 
Paris  in  the  first  instance  on  the  2d  of  May,  said  he  would  posi- 
tively leave  it  in  36  hours  after  the  delivery  of  his  note  unless 
their  terms  were   yielded. 

I  then  spoke  to  him  respecting  the  probable  cession  of  Louisi- 
ana by  France  to  the  U.  S.  He  declared  his  hope  that  it  had 
been  done.  I  alluded  to  the  provisional  expedition  to  occupy  N. 
Orleans.  He  said  that  would  be  wholly  out  of  view  if  we  ac- 
quired it,  and  on  this  point  was  very  explicit  that  England  would 
be  satisfied  if  the  U.  S.  obtained  Louisiana. 

I  mentioned  the  embarrassment  of  our  navigation  arising  out 
of  the  want  of  sufficient  clearness  and  precision  in  the  orders 
given  to  the  Br.  men  of  war  and  privateers,  as  well  as  from  the 
incapacity  of  the  W.  India  Courts  of  Prize.  He  replied  that 
both  these  subjects  should  be  carefully  attended  to  in  case  of 
war.  I  discussed  fully  the  subject  of  the  impressment  of  seamen 
on  the  high  seas.  He  seemed  to  agree  with  me  and  said  he 
would  confer  again  with  Lord  St.  Vincent  who  hesitated  in  agree- 
ing to  my  proposal  that  no  such  impressment  should  be  made  by 
either  side. 


256  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

Conference  with  Lord  Hawkesbury. 

1 2th  May,  1803. 
Most  of  the  points  discussed  with  Mr.  Addington  were  touched 
upon  with  Lord  Hawkesbury,  who  expressed  similar  opinions  con- 
cerning them  which  were  entertained  by  Mr.  Addington.  Signed 
with  L.  H.  the  Convention  relating  to  the  Boundaries  of  the  U. 
S.  L.  H.  seemed  pleased  with  the  prospect  I  held  out  to  him  that 
Louisiana  would  be  ceded  to  the  U.  S. 

May  13th,  Friday. 

Conference  with  Lord  St.  Vincent  respecting  the  impressment 
of  seamen  on  the  high  seas  ;  went  over  the  various  topics  calcu- 
lated to  shew  to  him  first  the  little  importance  of  the  principle  as 
not  more  men  than  would  man  a  single  ship  are  procured  in  this 
way  during  a  war,  and  the  practice  is  one  which  creates  irritation 
and  bad  humour  in  the  U.  S.  and  tends  to  indispose  them  tow- 
ards England,  &c.  &c. 

He  stated  various  qualifications  and  among  others  that  the 
search  and  impressment  should  be  made  only  when  a  vessel 
last  sailed  from  a  Br.  Port. 

I  replied  that  they  might  make  such  laws  as  they  liked  and  in- 
stitute the  means  of  enforcing  these  laws,  to  prevent  their  seamen 
being  carried  out  of  their  country  by  for.  vessels,  and  if  so  it 
would  not  be  requisite  to  search  for  them  on  the  ocean  ;  they 
might  forbid  any  seaman  to  be  shipped  in  the  Br.  Dominions  by 
a  foreign  vessel  except  with  the  privity  and  consent  of  some 
proper  officer,  who  might  be  charged  to  prevent  the  shipping  of 
Br.  subjects.  The  officers  of  a  for?  merchant  might  be  liable  to 
penalty  and  the  ship  herself  infected  by  taking  away  Br.  seamen. 
In  a  word  so  far  as  respects  their  being  carried  away  they  might 
become  prohibited  like  certain  goods,  &c. 

Lord  St.  Vincent  promised  to  think  further  on  the  subject  and 
to  confer  with  Lord  Hawkesbury  again.  He  assured  me  no  new 
prize  commissions  should  be  issued  to  the  W.  Ind.  judges  and  that 
measures  should  be  taken  without  delay  to  organize  the  two  new 
courts.  He  also  promised  to  watch  over  the  new  orders  for  the 
purpose  of  rendering  them  as  clear  and  precise  as  possible.  He 
expressed  his  satisfaction  at  the  probability  that  Louisiana  has 
been  or  will  be  ceded  to  the  U.  S. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  2$? 

WAR. 

May  14,  1803,  Saturday. 

At  xii  o'ck  to-day  a  messenger  arrived  in  40  hours  from  Paris 
with  dispatches  from  Lord  Whitworth,  who  had  on  the  evening 
of  the  1 2th  received  his  Passports  and  was  to  leave  Paris  imme- 
diately after  the  messenger. 

The  French  Ambassador  likewise  received  a  courier  and  will 
probably  leave  London  to-morrow. 

Sunday,  May  15,  1803. 
The  messenger  dispatched  by  Lord  Whitworth  on  the  day  he 
left  Paris  was  charged  with  the  communication  of  the  Russian 
mediation  which  had  been  before  announced  here. 

In  the  course  of  the  day  Andreossi  received  two  or  three 
couriers.  One  of  them  was  charged  with  a  dispatch  instructing 
Andreossi,  in  case  no  act  of  hostility  had  taken  place  to  insinuate 
thro'  the  Batavian  Ambassador,  who  might  make  the  suggestion 
as  merely  a  speculation  of  his  own,  that  the  First  Consul  might 
perhaps  leave  Malta  in  the  hands  of  the  English  for  10  years  pro- 
vided France  should  be  permitted  to  occupy  Tarento,  Otranto, 
and  such  positions  in  the  Kingdom  of  Naples  as  she  possessed 
at  the  signature  of  the  Treaty  of  Amiens. 

If  Hawkesbury  listened  to  the  overture,  Andreossi  was  to  then 
appear,  and,  not  as  instructed  to  do  so,  but  presuming  on  the 
desire  of  the  First  Consul  to  avoid  the  war,  to  take  on  himself  to 
sign  a  convention  the  draught  whereof  was  sent  him  and  which 
corresponded  with  the  insinuation  to  be  made  by  the  Dutch 
Minister— but  in  case  Ld.  Hawkesbury  rejected  the  overture, 
no  trace  was  to  remain  of  the  overture. 

Schimmelpenninck  (the  Batav.  Ambass.)  accordingly  opened 
the  subject  under  the  strictest  engagements  of  privacy  to  Ld. 
Hawkesbury,  who  said  it  was  nothing  new,  having  before  been 
insinuated  to  Ld.  Whitworth  by  Jos.  Bonaparte,  and  that  it  was 
quite  inadmissible  :  that  he  would,  however,  communicate  with 
Addington,  and  in  case  he  differed  from  him,  it  should  be  laid 
before  the  Cabinet  ;  in  which  event  Schimmelpenninck  was  to  be 
informed  of  it.  As  he  received  no  such  information,  it  is  pre- 
sumed that  Addington  and  Hawkesbury  agreed  and  no  reference 
was  made  to  the  Cabinet.     The  last  French  courier  that  arrived 

VOL.  IV.— 17 


258  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

to-day  brought  a  letter  from  Ld.  Whitworth  who  was  on  his 
journey  and  intended  to  reach  Calais  to-night — where  he  will 
probably  await  for  Andreossi's  arrival  at  Dover,  in  order  that 
they  might  both  cross  the  channel  at  the  same  time. 

Monday,  May  16,  1803. 
Andreossi  left  London  this  morning  at  5  o'clock.  At  midnight 
last  night  a  messenger  arrived  from  Lord  Whitworth  with  a  note 
sent  after  his  departure  from  Paris  and  received  on  his  route  offer- 
ing Malta  on  the  same  terms  which  the  Dutch  Ambassador  had 
insinuated  as  his  own  suggestions.  A  Cabinet  council  was 
assembled  to-day,  which  refused  the  offer  on  the  same  ground 
which  France  had  done  in  respect  to  Lampedosa,  and  a  messen- 
ger was  dispatched  to  meet  L.  W.  either  at  Calais  or  this  side 
with  the  answer. 


R.  King  to  Earl  St.  Vincent. 

Private, 

Great  Cumberland  Place,  May  15,  1803. 
My  Lord  : 

It  seems  that  the  die  is  cast  ;  and  as  the  war  is  now  unavoid- 
able, I  should  return  to  my  country  with  additional  satisfac- 
tion could  I  carry  with  me  the  proposed  Agreement  of  England 
relative  to  the  impressment  of  Seamen  on  the  High  Seas.  Did  I 
not  know  that  the  object  in  itself  is  of  small,  very  small  impor- 
tance to  this  Country,  I  should  hesitate  in  urging  it,  notwithstand- 
ing the  great  embarrassment  it  has  produced,  and  will  continue 
to  create  in  America. 

It  would  be  indiscreet  in  me  to  press  these  Reflexions  in  favour 
of  a  liberal  policy  between  two  countries,  whose  best  Interests, 
like  their  Language  and  Laws,  are  the  same  :  but  as  I  must  leave 
London  on  Tuesday,  I  take  the  liberty  to  ask  your  Lordship  in  a 
private  Note,  to  inform  me  whether  it  be  probable  that  the 
arrangement  I  have  so  much  at  heart  can  be  made  ? 

With  sentiments  of  the  most  sincere  respect  &  Esteem 
I  have  the  honour  to  be  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  259 

C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  Great  Cumberland  Place, 

20  May,  1803. 
Dear  Friend  : 

We  have  nothing  new  in  London.  Hammond  says  he  is  in 
hourly  expectation  of  hearing  of  some  captures,  and  that  nothing 
can  be  done  at  present  relative  to  the  Convention  about  Seamen. 
This  he  told  me  yesterday  afternoon.  He  thinks  the  Govern- 
ment here  has  not  made  so  strong  a  case  as  he  expected,  but 
when  questioned  as  to  the  defects  of  the  case  he  could  not  specify 
them  :  he  will  doubtless  be  more  precise  after  he  has  seen  his 
noble  neighbour.  He  does  all  that  belongs  to  his  political  char- 
acter in  not  siding  with  the  Administn.  On  Monday  night  we 
(R.  Pinkney  &  myself)  go  to  the  House,  where  it  is  presumed 
the  debate  will  occupy  two  nights.  But  before  then  I  hope  and 
trust  you  will  be  on  your  way  rejoicing  with  a  fair  wind  &  safe 
ship.     .     .     .  Yours  ever, 

C.  Gore. 

The  following  letter,  though  written  in  New  York  at  a 
later  date  than  those  among  which  it  is  placed,  relates  to 
events  which  occurred  before  Mr.  King  sailed,  and  therefore 
properly  belongs  here. 

R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

New  York,  July,  1803. 
Sir  : 

I  take  the  liberty  to  add  a  few  miscellaneous  articles  by  way 
of  supplement  to  my  last  dispatch. 

As  soon  as  war  appeared  to  me  inevitable,  I  thought  it  advis- 
able to  renew  the  attempt  to  form  an  arrangement  with  the  British 
Government  for  the  protection  of  our  seamen  ;  with  this  view  I 
had  several  conferences  both  with  Lord  Hawkesbury  and  Mr. 
Addington,  who  avowed  a  sincere  disposition  to  do  whatever  might 
be  in  their  power  to  prevent  the  dissatisfaction  on  this  subject 
that  had  so  frequently  manifested  itself  during  the  late  war.  With 
very  candid  professions,  I,  however,  found  several  objections  in 
discussing  the  subject  with  the  first  Lord  of  the  Admiralty.  Lord 
Hawkesbury  having  promised  to  sign  any  agreement  upon  the 


26o  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

subject  that  I  should  conclude  with  Lord  St.  Vincent,  I  en- 
deavored to  qualify  and  remove  the  objections  he  offered  to 
our  project :  and  finally  the  day  before  I  left  London,  Lord  St. 
Vincent  consented  to  the  following  regulations  : 

1.  No  seaman  nor  seafaring  person  shall,  upon  the  high  seas 
and  without  the  jurisdiction  of  either  party,  be  demanded  or 
taken  out  of  any  vessel  belonging  to  the  citizens  or  subjects  of 
one  of  the  parties,  by  the  public  or  private  armed  vessels  or  men 
of  war  belonging  to,  or  in  the  navy  of  the  other  party  ;  and 
strict  orders  shall  be  given  for  the  due  observance  of  this  engage- 
ment. 

2.  Each  party  will  prohibit  its  citizens  or  subjects  from  clan- 
destinely concealing  or  carrying  away  from  the  territories  or 
colonial  possessions  of  the  other,  any  seamen  belonging  to  such 
other  ports. 

3.  These  regulations  shall  be  in  force  for  five  years  and  no 
longer. 

On  parting  with  his  Lordship  I  engaged  to  draw  up,  in  the 
form  of  a  convention,  and  send  him  these  articles  in  the  course 
of  the  evening,  who  promised  to  forward  them,  with  his  approba- 
tion, to  Lord  Hawkesbury.  I  accordingly  prepared  and  sent  the 
draught  to  his  Lordship,  who  sent  me  a  letter  in  the  course  of 
the  night,  stating  that  on  further  reflection  he  was  of  opinion  that 
the  narrow  seas  ought  to  be  excepted,  they  having  been  as  his 
Lordship  remarked,  immemorially  considered  to  be  within  the 
dominions  of  Great  Britain  ;  that  with  this  correction,  he  had 
sent  the  proposed  convention  to  Lord  Hawkesbury,  who,  his 
Lordship  presumed,  would  not  sign  it  before  he  should  have 
consulted  the  Judge  of  the  High  Court  of  Admiralty,  Sir  William 
Scott. 

As  I  had  supposed  from  the  tenor  of  my  conferences  with  Lord 
St.  Vincent,  that  the  doctrine  of  mare  clausum  would  not  be  re- 
vived against  us  on  this  occasion,  but  that  England  would  be 
content  with  the  limited  jurisdiction  or  dominion  over  the  seas 
adjacent  to  her  territories,  which  is  assigned  by  the  law  of  nations 
to  other  States,  I  was  not  a  little  disappointed  on  receiving  this 
communication  :  and,  after  weighing  well  the  nature  of  the  prin- 
ciple and  the  disadvantage  of  its  admission,  I  concluded  to 
abandon  the  negotiation,  rather  than  to  acquiesce  in  the  doctrine 
it  proposed  to  establish. 


1803J  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  26 1 

I  regret  not  to  have  been  able  to  put  this  business  on  a  satis- 
factory footing,  knowing  as  I  do  its  very  great  importance  to  both 
parties  ;  but  I  flatter  myself  that  I  have  not  misjudged  the  inter- 
ests of  our  own  country,  in  refusing  to  sanction  a  principle  that 
might  be  productive  of  more  extensive  evils  than  those  it  was  our 
aim  to  prevent. 

Neutral  Flag. 

As  it  is  possible  that  another  attempt  will  be  made  during  the 
present  war  to  establish  the  rule  that  free  bottoms  make  free 
goods,  I  ought  not  to  omit  the  communication  of  the  following 
anecdote  : 

Soon  after  the  British  armament  in  March  past,  Bonaparte  sent 
his  aid-de-camp-du-roi  to  Berlin,  to  announce  his  determination 
to  occupy  Hanover,  and  close  the  Elbe  against  England,  in  the 
event  of  war.  The  Prussian  Cabinet,  a  thing  very  rarely  done, 
immediately  dispatched  a  courier  with  orders  to  Baron  Jacobi, 
the  Prussian  Ambassador  at  London,  to  apprize  the  English 
Government  of  the  views  of  France,  to  impress  the  dissatisfaction 
with  which  Prussia  had  learned  them,  and  to  offer  to  protect 
Hanover  and  the  North  of  Germany,  provided  England  would 
give  her  consent  to  the  principle  that  free  ships  should  make  free 
goods.  The  English  Cabinet  immediately  replied,  that  the  Ger- 
man Empire  is  bound  to  protect  the  rights  of  its  several  members  ; 
that  Hanover  must  therefore  look  to  Germany,  and  not  to  Eng- 
land, for  support  ;  and,  in  respect  to  the  proposed  rule  that  free 
ships  should  make  free  goods,  that  no  advantage  nor  service 
could  be  named  which  would  be  sufficient  to  engage  England  to 
give  it  her  sanction.  In  any  circumstances  this  would  be  the 
opinion  of  England  ;  in  the  present  instance,  if  I  mistake  not,  the 
proposition  was  believed  to  have  come,  indirectly,  from  Paris. 

Colony  Trade. 

In  a  very  late  conversation  with  Mr.  Addington  respecting  the 
colony  trade,  he  insinuated  the  probability  that  events  might 
happen  in  the  course  of  the  present  war,  alluding,  as  I  under- 
stood, to  South  America,  that  would  enable  England  to  form  with 
us  such  commercial  arrangements  as  would  be  satisfactory.     As 


262  RUFUS  KING,  [1803 

Mr.  Addington  meant  to  be  obscure,  I  could  only  conjecture  his 
meaning  ;  and  my  inference  was,  in  case  of  the  independence  of 
South  America,  that  the  colony  system  must  everywhere  be  aban- 
doned— an  opinion  not  peculiar  to  Mr.  Addington,  but  one  that 
is  entertained  by  the  principal  members  of  the  late  English 
Ministry. 

South  America. 

When  the  preliminaries  of  the  late  peace  were  signed,  an  expe- 
dition, fully  prepared,  was  in  readiness  to  set  sail  for  the  purpose 
of  assisting  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  of  Caraccas  in  throw- 
ing off  obedience  to  Spain.  Trinidad  was  retained  by  England, 
chiefly  with  the  view  of  furthering  this  revolt  ;  and  if  Spain  be 
drawn  into  the  war,  which  she  will  be  unable  to  avoid,  the  expe- 
dition to  the  Caraccas  will  be  revived.  No  probable  change  of 
the  Ministry  of  England  will  change  this  intention,  for  it  is  known 
to  be  the  opinion  of  the  first  men  of  the  nation  that  the  secondary 
object  of  the  present  war,  and  one  that  must  give  England  cour- 
age as  well  as  resources  to  go  on  with  the  struggle,  is  the  entire 
independence  of  South  America. 

With  perfect  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  Lord  Hawkesbury. 

London,  May  15,  1803. 
My  Lord  : 

In  the  present  critical  posture  of  affairs,  I  lose  no  time  in  com- 
municating to  your  Lordship,  for  his  Majesty's  information,  that 
a  treaty  was  signed  at  Paris  on  the  30th  of  April  past,  by  the 
Plenipotentiaries  of  America  and  France,  by  which  the  complete 
sovereignty  of  the  town  and  territory  of  New  Orleans,  as  well  as 
of  all  Louisiana,  as  the  same  was  heretofore  possessed  by  Spain, 
has  been  acquired  by  the  United  States  of  America. 

In  drawing  up  this  treaty,  care  has  been  taken  so  to  frame  the 
same  as  not  to  infringe  any  right  of  Great  Britain  in  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  river  Mississippi. 

I  flatter  myself  that  this  communication  will  be  received  with 
satisfaction,  and  regarded  as  a  new  proof  of  the  disposition  of  the 


i8o3l  LIFE  AND    CORRESPONDENCE,  263 

United  States  to  observe  towards  His  Majesty  a  spirit  of  amity 
and  confidence,  important  at  all  times,  and  more  especially  so  in 
present  circumstances,  to  the  harmony  and  mutual  prosperity  of 
the  two  countries.* 


Lord  Hawkesbury  to  Mr.  King. 

Downing  Street,  May  19,  1803. 
Sir  : 

Having  laid  before  the  King  your  letter  of  the  15th  of  this 
month,  in  which  you  inform  me  that  a  treaty  was  signed  at  Paris 
on  the  10th  of  last  month  by  the  plenipotentiaries  of  America  and 
France,  by  which  the  complete  Sovereignty  of  the  Town  & 
Territory  of  New  Orleans,  as  well  as  of  all  Louisiana  has  been 
acquired  by  the  U.  S.,  I  have  received  his  Majesty's  commands 
to  express  to  you  the  pleasure  with  which  his  Majesty  has  re- 
ceived this  intelligence,  and  to  add  that  his  Majesty  regards  the 
care  which  has  been  taken  so  to  frame  this  Treaty  as  not  to  in- 
fringe any  right  of  Gr.  Britain  in  the  Navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
as  the  most  satisfactory  evidence  of  the  disposition  on  the  part  of 
the  Government  of  the  U.  S.,  correspondent  to  that  which  his 
Majesty  entertains  to  promote  and  improve  the  harmony  and 
good  understanding  which  so  happily  subsists  between  the  two 
countries  and  which  are  so  conducive  to  their  mutual  benefit. 

I  have  it  also  in  command  to  assure  you,  Sir,  that  the  senti- 
ments which  you  have  expressed  in  making  this  communication 
are  considered  by  his  Majesty'  Government  as  the  additional 
proof  of  the  cordiality  and  confidence  which  you  have  uniformly 
manifested  in  the  whole  course  of  your  public  mission,  and  which 
have  so  justly  entitled  you  to  the  Esteem  and  Regard  of  his 
Majesty's  Government.  I  desire  you  to  accept  of  the  assurances 
of  distinguished  consideration  with  which  I  have  the  honour  to 
be,  Sir,  yr.  mo.  ob.  Servt. 

(Signed) 

Hawkesbury. 

*  Annals  of Congress,  1802-3,  App.,  p.  11 50. 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 

King  sails  from  England — Reasons  for  asking  Permission  to  return  Home — 
Suggested  to  Madison  the  Revision  of  the  Commercial  Treaty  with  Great 
Britain — No  Notice  taken  of  it — No  New  Work  entrusted  to  him — King 
to  Hamilton,  asking  his  Opinion  as  to  his  return — Hamilton  to  King — 
Thinks  it  advisable — Presence  Home  useful — Party  in  Power  hostile  to  the 
Interests  of  the  Country — He  may  suffer  in  their  Disrepute,  holding  Office 
under  them — King  to  J.  Marshall  and  to  Dr.  Southgate,  announcing  his 
Resignation — King  continues  to  press  pending  Questions  for  Settlement — 
N.  E.  and  N.  W.  Boundaries  of  the  U.  S. — Impressment — The  State  of 
Maryland's  Bank  Stock — King  left  without  appointing  a  Charge  d' Affaires, 
not  having  been  instructed  to  do  so — Gore  to  Madison — Will  look  after 
the  Affairs  of  the  U.  S.  until  King's  Successor  arrives — Gore  to  King — Ex- 
plains his  Reasons  for  this  Conduct — Gore  to  King — Defends  himself  from 
a  Charge  of  delaying  Proceedings  of  the  Convention — Refuses  to  grant 
Passports — Monroe  has  received  his  Commission — Boys  well — King  to 
John  Adams — State  of  Affairs  when  he  left  London. 

The  following  brief  memorandum  records  the  close  of 
Mr.  King's  mission  to  England,  though  he  did  not  sail  until 
the  2 1  st  of  May. 

"May  1 8th.  Left  London  for  Cowes  this  morning.  Lord 
Whitworth  arrived  at  Dover  and  Andreossi  crossed  from  there  to 
Calais." 

It  was  a  momentous  date  in  the  history  of  Europe,  mark- 
ing as  it  did  the  absolute  rupture  of  the  peace  of  Amiens  by 
the  return  of  the  Ambassadors  of  England  and  France  to 
their  respective  countries,  an  event  in  which  the  United 
States  were  deeply  interested  in  many  ways.  France  had 
just  sold  Louisiana  to  them,  and  England  was  to  renew  her 
commercial  Treaties  with  a  power  which  was  not  only  her 
rival  but  had  shown,  even  under  adverse  circumstances,  a 

264 


1801]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  26$ 

determination  to  demand  for  herself  a  fair  share  of  the  com- 
merce of  the  world,  and  especially  of  the  islands  of  the 
West  Indies,  which  lay  so  near  to  her.  How  earnestly  and 
in  many  respects  successfully  Mr.  King  had  exerted  himself 
to  establish  the  rights  and  claims  of  his  country  the  corre- 
spondence which  has  been  given  will  clearly  show.  But  it 
may  not  be  amiss  here  to  review  somewhat  the  work  he  had 
done  and  to  advert  to  the  reasons  which  led  him  to  ask  for 
permission  to  return  home  at  a  time  when  his  country 
seemed  most  to  want  the  services  of  an  able  and  experienced 
Minister. 

Having  served  in  several  capacities  in  the  early  history  of 
his  country  after  the  establishment  of  its  Independence,  in 
the  Continental  Congress,  the  Convention  for  the  formation 
of  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  the  Senate  after  the  forma- 
tion of  the  Government,  by  which  services  he  became  thor- 
oughly informed  as  to  the  history  of  his  country,  and  was 
largely  instrumental  in  establishing  the  Government  on  a 
firm  basis,  Mr.  King  felt  a  desire  to  employ  his  talents  on 
another  field  in  which  he  believed  that  he  might  benefit  his 
country.  The  Treaty  made  by  Mr.  Jay  with  Great  Britain, 
excellent  as  under  the  circumstances  it  was,  had  defects 
which  it  was  felt  and  decided  must  be  met  and  removed, 
and  other  questions  which  must  necessarily  arise  between 
two  commercial  nations,  one  of  which  had  long  enjoyed 
almost  absolute  control  and  the  other  seeking  for  its  own 
people  to  share  some  of  the  profits  of  commerce,  had  to  be 
discussed  and  placed  upon  an  amicable  footing. 

Under  the  circumstances,  Mr.  King  intimated  to  his  friend 
General  Hamilton  that  he  thought  he  could  be  of  use  to  his 
country  in  a  Mission  to  Great  Britain  if  the  President  should 
see  fit  to  appoint  him  Minister.  President  Washington, 
though  at  first  objecting,  not  on  account  of  any  doubt  as  to 
his  qualifications  for  the  position,  but  because  he  was  un- 
willing to  name  one  who  had  been  accused  of  holding  what 
were  called  monarchical  opinions,  finally  made  the  appoint- 
ment of  Mr.  King  as   Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister 


266  RVFUS  KING.  [1801- 

Plenipotentiary  to  Great  Britain.  It  is  only  necessary,  as 
has  been  said  here,  to  recall  the  zeal,  ability,  and  firmness  with 
which  he  performed  the  duties  of  his  office  to  the  entire  satis- 
faction of  Presidents  Washington,  Adams,and  Jefferson,  to  the 
great  advantage  of  his  country,  and  with  the  confidence  and 
respect  of  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  for  the  courtesy 
and  great  ability  with  which  he  discussed  the  serious  ques- 
tions that  constantly  presented  themselves.  Conscious  that 
he  would  be  able  to  meet  intelligently  the  new  aspects  of 
international  relations,  and  perhaps  to  settle  for  many  years 
the  policy  of  the  two  countries  in  their  commercial  inter- 
course, he  had,  at  an  early  date,  reminded  the  adminstration 
of  Mr.  Jefferson  of  the  approaching  time  for  a  revision  of 
the  Commercial  Treaty  between  the  two  countries. 

On  October  8,  1801,  he  wrote  a  private  letter  to  Mr. 
Madison,  then  Secretary  of  State,*  saying  among  other 
things : 

"  It  was  my  earnest  hope,  when  I  came  hither,  that  I  should 
have  had,  before  this  period,  an  opportunity  to  assist  in  the  revi- 
sion of  our  treaty  with  this  country.  We  have  sufficiently  seen, 
and  become  acquainted  with  its  operation  during  war  ;  and  the 
time  is  come  when  it  is  to  be  tried  as  a  rule  of  mutual  conduct  in 
peace.  If  I  be  not  mistaken,  it  will  be  found  our  interest  on 
every  account  to  aim  at  its  revision  as  soon  as  possible.  The 
Treaty  with  France  may  also  require  to  be  revised  :  ought  we  not 
to  lay  down  a  common  basis  for  these  Treaties  and  endeavour  to 
form  them  so  as  to  act  upon  common  and  not  interfering  Princi- 
ples ?  To  do  so  will  require  concert  in  the  projects,  as  well  as  in 
the  negotiations.  Should  the  President  confide  the  negotiation 
here  to  me,  might  there  not  be  a  considerable  advantage  in  my 
receiving  his  permission  to  pass  a  fortnight  with  you  at  the  seat 
of  Government,  or  with  Mr  Livingston  here  or  at  Paris  ?  If  the 
subject  have  not  been  fully  discussed  with  Mr.  L.  before  his  em- 
barkation, the  conferences  in  America  would  be  most  useful. 
Upon  the  supposition  that  our  affairs  still  depending  here  be 
satisfactorily  closed,  I  might  embark  in  March  directly  for  the 

*  Rufus  King's  Life,  etc.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  522. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  267 

Chesapeake,  pass  a  fortnight  in  Washington,  and  returning  by  New 
York  be  here  again  in  July." 

It  does  not  appear  that  any  answer  was  ever  sent  to  this 
suggestion,  and  therefore  Mr.  King  must  have  been  satisfied 
that,  with  the  exception  of  pending  questions,  his  services 
would  not  be  called  for.  As  an  evidence  of  this  he  wrote 
to  his  friend,  General  Hamilton,  on  April  8,  1802*: 

"  The  Revision  of  our  commercial  treaty  has  been  a  service  to 
which  I  have  along  looked  as  the  conclusion  of  my  mission.  As 
however  I  have  no  reason  to  suppose  it  likely  soon  to  take  place, 
I  am  not  much  inclined  to  remain  here  a  mere  figurant  and  am 
therefore  thinking  seriously  of  my  return.  Without  deciding  any- 
thing on  this  point,  I  confidently  ask  your  opinion  respecting  it. 
This  I  have  not  done  except  in  the  present  instance." 

This  opinion  General  Hamilton  gives  on  June  3,  i802,f 
as  follows : 

"  In  your  last,  you  ask  my  opinion  about  a  matter  delicate  and 
important,  both  in  a  public  and  in  a  personal  view.  I  shall  give 
it  with  a  frankness  to  which  you  have  a  right ;  and  I  may  add, 
that  the  impressions  of  your  other  friends,  so  far  as  they  have 
fallen  under  my  observation,  do  not  differ  from  my  own.  While 
you  were  in  the  midst  of  a  negotiation,  interesting  to  your  coun- 
try, it  was  your  duty  to  keep  your  post.  You  have  now  accom- 
plished the  object  and  with  the  good  fortune,  not  very  common, 
of  having  the  universal  plaudit.  This  done,  it  seems  to  me,  most 
advisable  that  you  return  home.  There  is  little  probability  that 
your  continuance  in  your  present  station  will  be  productive  of 
much  positive  good.  Nor  are  circumstances  such  as  to  give 
reason  to  apprehend  that  the  substitute  for  you,  whoever  he  may 
be,  can  do  much  harm.  Your  stay  or  return,  therefore,  as  it  re- 
gards our  transatlantic  concerns,  is  probably  not  material  ;  while 
your  presence  at  home  may  be  useful  in  many  ways  which  it  is 
not  necessary  to  particularize.  Besides  it  is  questionable  whether 
you  can  long  continue  in  the  service  of  the  present  administration, 
consistent  with  what  is  due  as  well  to  your  own  character,  as  to 
*  R.  Kings  Life,  etc.,  iv.,  p.  135.  \Ibid.,  iv.,  p.  136. 


268  RUFUS  KING.  [1801- 

the  common  cause.  I  am  far  from  thinking  that  a  man  is  bound 
to  quit  a  public  office  merely  because  the  administration  of  the 
Government  may  have  changed  hands.  But,  when  those  who 
have  come  into  power  are  undisguised  persecutors  of  the  party  to 
which  he  has  been  attached  and  study  with  ostentation  to  heap 
upon  it  every  indignity  and  injury,  he  ought  not,  in  my  opinion, 
to  permit  himself  to  be  made  an  exception  or  to  lend  his  talents 
to  the  support  of  such  characters.  If,  in  addition  to  this,  it  be 
true  that  principles  and  plans  of  the  men  at  the  head  of  affairs 
tend  to  the  degradation  of  the  Government  and  to  their  own  dis- 
grace, it  will  hardly  be  possible  to  be  in  any  way  connected  with 
them,  without  sharing  in  the  disrepute  which  they  may  be  destined 
to  experience." 

He  was  thus  confirmed  in  the  decision,  which  he  had  an- 
nounced to  Mr.  Sedgwick  on  April  6,  1802,  but  he  does  not 
appear  to  have  taken  any  steps  to  make  it  known  until  in 
his  official  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State  on  August  5th. 
In  this  he  says  * : 

"  It  is  now  six  years  that  I  have  resided  in  this  country.  When 
I  left  America  it  was  not  my  expectation  to  be  absent  more  than 
four  years.  So  long  as  the  war  continued  I  did  not  think  of  re- 
turning home,  believing  that  my  residence  here  might  be  of  some 
public  advantage.  When  the  preliminaries  of  peace  were  signed, 
I  found  myself  engaged  in  a  negotiation  of  considerable  difficulty 
and  importance,  which  restrained  me  from  asking  the  President's 
leave  to  resign  my  mission.  The  negotiation  being  since  completed 
and  nothing  very  material  remaining  to  be  discussed  in  which  I 
can  natter  myself  with  being  able  to  render  any  important  service, 
I  have  to  request  the  President  to  accept  the  resignation  of  my 
office  and  permit  me  to  return  home." 

On  the  same  date,  August  5,  i8o2,f  Mr.  King  wrote  to 
John  Marshall  that  though  the  present  administration  ap- 
proved and  desired  the  business  settled  by  the  convention 
closed  upon  the  terms  which  had  been  offered,  and  of  which 
every  material  point  was  completed  before  he  knew  the 
opinion  of  the  present  administration, 

* R.  Kings  Life,  etc.,  iv.,  p.  155.  \  Ibid.,  iv.,  p.  153. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  269 

"  I  earnestly  wish  that  on  other  and  still  more  important  con- 
cerns, its  sentiments  had  been  equally  correct,  as  they  have  been 
in  respect  to  this  business  ;  but  I  must  disregard  opinions  formed 
with  solicitude,  and  after  careful  reflection,  not  to  hesitate  in  be- 
lieving this  to  be  the  case  ;  and  it  is  for  this  reason,  among  others, 
that  upon  mature  consideration  of  my  duty  to  the  public,  as  well 
as  of  what  I  owe  to  myself,  I  have  thought  it  incumbent  on  me  to 
resign  my  Mission  and  ask  leave  to  return  home," 

an  action  which  he  hopes  will  receive  Mr.  M.'s  approbation. 
To  Dr.  Southgate,  his  brother-in-law,*  August  5,  1802,  he 
also  communicates  his  decision  : 

"  It  was  my  wish  to  have  returned  some  time  ago,  but  being 
engaged  in  a  negotiation  of  considerable  difficulty  and  importance, 
I  have  not  been  able  until  now  to  do  so  with  propriety.  The 
negotiation  which  detained  me  being  completed,  and  nothing  of 
importance  remaining  in  the  discussion  whereof  I  can  hope  to  be 
useful,  I  think  myself  free  to  resign  my  office." 

In  all  of  the  letters  the  same  reason  is  given  by  Mr.  King, 
showing  that  though  not  now  recalled,  as  the  President's 
advisers  \  had  urged  that  he  should  be,  he  understood  that 

*R.  King's  Life,  etc.,  iv.,  p.  144. 

f  Mr.  J.  C.  Hamilton  in  his  Life  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  vol.  vii.,  p.  584, 
makes  the  following  note  : 

11  Monroe  to  Jefferson,  Richmond,  April  30,  1801.  '  On  my  return  I  found 
Col.  Taylor  and  some  other  respectable  characters  attending  the  Courts,  and 
from  him  and  one  or  two  others,  who  spoke  of  it,  I  understood  it  was  in  their 
opinion  generally  expected  and  wished,  that  our  present  Envoy  at  London  should 
be  withdrawn.  They  think  nothing  is  done  unless  that  is  done  ;  that  as  every 
calamity  foreign  and  domestic  we  have  experienced  from  Great  Britain,  a  per- 
son known  to  be  friendly  to  her  interests,  acquainted  with  our  interior,  able  to 
guide  her  councils  and  plan  her  measures  against  us  ought  not  to  be  left  there 
under  the  present  Administration.'  This  letter,  in  Monroe's  autograph,  is 
stated  not  to  have  been  sent.  Giles  also  wrote  to  Jefferson  from  the  same  place, 
June  1,  1801.  '  The  ejected  party  is  now  almost  universally  considered  as 
having  been  employed  in  conjunction  with  Great  Britain,  in  a  scheme  for  the 
total  destruction  of  the  liberties  of  the  people.  .  .  .  The  continuation  of 
Mr.  King  in  London,  it  is  apprehended,  may  be  attended  with  unpleasant 
effects.'  He  then  urged  an  absolute  repeal  of  the  whole  judiciary  system,  ter- 
minating the  present  officers,  and  creating  an  entire  new  system." 


270  RUFUS  KING.  [i8oi~ 

the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson  did  not  intend  to  confide 
to  him  the  discussion  or  settlement  of  any  other  questions 
between  the  two  countries  than  those  already  pending,  and 
that,  therefore,  he  not  only  could  be  of  no  further  service 
abroad,  but  felt  that  he  was  not  in  harmony  with  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  advisers,  and,  therefore,  he  resigned  his 
position. 

It  may  be  said,  however,  that  as  he  had  promised  in  his 
letter  to  the  President,  expressing  his  sensibility  of  the  Pres- 
ident's "obliging  appreciation  of  the  manner  in  which  I  have 
performed  the  duties  of  my  office  in  this  country,"  "  that  the 
like  zeal  and  industry  will  continue  to  be  employed  during 
the  residue  of  my  mission,"  Mr.  King  continued  to  be 
actively  engaged  in  bringing  to  a  conclusion  the  matters  en- 
trusted to  him.  Among  others  was  the  business  of  endeav- 
oring to  determine  with  the  British  Government  the 
Boundaries  of  the  Northeastern  and  Northwestern  parts 
of  the  United  States.  After  many  conferences  with  Lord 
Hawkesbury,  he  sent  him  a  draught  of  a  convention  on  the 
subject,  which  was  signed  by  him  and  Lord  Hawkesbury  on 
May  12,  1803,  and  communicated  by  the  President  to  the 
Senate  on  Oct.  24th,  with  the  papers  relating  to  it,  for  their 
advice  and  consent  as  to  its  ratification.  This  was  not  given 
until  February  9, 1804,  excepting,  however,  the  5  th  Article.* 
They  refused  to  remove  the  injunction  of  secresy,  as  to  its 
publication. 

The  most  serious  question  remaining  open  was  that  of  the 
Impressment  of  American  seamen  by  authority  of  the  Brit- 

*  The  5th  Article  related  to  the  Northwest  point  of  separation  between  the 
two  countries.  By  the  Treaty  of  Peace  this  was  agreed  to  be  the  northwest  cor- 
ner of  the  Lake  of  the  Woods.  In  the  official  despatch,  No.  98,  May  15th, 
1803,  communicating  to  the  Secretary  of  State  the  fact  of  the  Signature  of  the 
Boundaries'  Convention,  Mr.  King  says  relative  to  the  5th  Article  : 

"  The  Source  of  the  River  Mississippi  nearest  to  the  Lake  of  the  Woods, 
according  to  Mackenzies*  Report,  will  be  found  twenty  nine  Miles  to  the 
Westward  of  any  part  of  that  Lake,  which  is  represented  to  be  nearly  circular. 
Hence  a  direct  line  between  the  North  Westernmost  part  of  the  Lake  and  the 
nearest  source  of  the  Mississippi,  which  is  preferred  by  this  Government,  has 
appeared  to  me  equally  advantageous  with  the  Lines  we  had  proposed." 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  27 1 


ish  Government  in  the  ports  of  Great  Britain  and  from 
vessels  on  the  high  seas.  From  the  first  day  of  his  entering 
upon  his  mission,  Mr.  King,  under  his  instructions,  had 
urged  the  removal  of  this  serious  grievance  and  had  at  vari- 
ous times  earnestly,  but  unavailingly,  pressed  the  British 
Ministry  to  put  a  stop  to  these  proceedings,  which  threat- 
ened to  destroy  the  harmony  and  good-will  between  the  two 
nations.  Upon  the  establishment  of  peace  between  England 
and  France,  by  the  Treaty  of  Amiens,  the  demand  for  sea- 
men to  man  the  British  navy  being  less  pressing,  there  had 
been  less  complaint  made  of  this  unwarrantable  action.  But 
Mr.  King,  ever  alive  to  the  interests  of  his  country  and  fear- 
ing that  a  renewal  of  the  war  between  England  and  France 
might  be  attended  with  a  repetition  of  those  outrageous 
proceedings,  determined  to  endeavor,  before  he  sailed  for 
home,  to  make  a  convention  with  Great  Britain  by  which 
she  might  renounce  the  claim  she  made  to  search  for  and 
take  her  native  citizens  and  those  she  claimed  to  be  such, 
wherever  she  might  find  them,  whether  in  the  commercial 
or  naval  service  of  the  United  States. 

He  accordingly,  as  has  been  seen,  called  the  attention  of 
Lord  St.  Vincent  to  a  careful  consideration  of  the  subject 
and  seemed  to  have  brought  it  to  a  satisfactory  conclusion, 
for  a  period  of  five  years  at  least,  believing  firmly  that  his 
mission  would  be  crowned  with  this  most  gratifying  result. 
But  at  the  last  moment  before  he  sailed,  his  lordship  inter- 
posed an  objection  to  even  that  settlement  by  claiming  that 
there  should  still  be  a  right  of  search  "  in  the  narrow  seas  " 
about  Great  Britain.  With  this  restriction,  Mr.  King  pre- 
ferred to  abandon  further  proceedings  as  his  own  judgment 
was  opposed  to  such  a  partial  settlement.*     Indeed,  though 

*  Mr.  Jefferson  in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State  says  :  "With  respect 
to  the  impressment  of  our  seamen  I  think  we  had  better  propose  to  Great  Britain 
to  act  on  the  stipulations  which  had  been  agreed  to  between  that  Government 
and  Mr.  King,  as  if  they  had  been  signed  ;  I  think  they  were,  that  they  would 
forbid  impressments  at  sea,  and  that  we  should  acquiesce  in  the  search  of  their 
harbors  necessary  to  prevent  concealments  of  their  citizens.  Mr.  Thornton's 
attempt  to  justify  his  nation  in  using  our  ports  as  cruizing  stations  on  our 


272  RUFUS  KING.  [1801- 

several  years  after,  the  exercise  of  this  claim  was  the  main 
ostensible  cause  of  the  War  of  1812  with  Great  Britain,  peace 
was  made  without  obtaining  the  abandonment  of  the  alleged 
right  by  that  Government  although  the  practice  was  discon- 
tinued and  finally  abandoned. 

Mr.  King  had  made  frequent  and  persistent  demands  upon 
the  British  Government  for  the  surrender  to  the  State  of 
Maryland  certain  shares  of  the  Bank  of  England,  which  had 
belonged  to  that  Colony  before  the  War  of  the  Revolution, 
which  had  been  held  by  trustees  in  England,  but  which  were 
finally  claimed  to  belong  to  the  crown,  escheated  when  the 
charter  of  the  Colony  was  dissolved  by  the  war.  He  ob- 
tained from  Lord  Hawkesbury  the  promise  that  they  should 
be  paid  over  to  the  State  of  Maryland  as  soon  as  certain 
claims  of  Lord  Baltimore's  trustees  were  settled  by  law. 
Mr.  King  sailed  before  the  decision,  declaring  them  to  be 
invalid,  was  rendered,  after  which  the  Government  paid  the 
money  to  the  State  of  Maryland. 

Not  having  been  instructed  by  his  Government,  and  in 
daily  expectation  of  the  arrival  of  his  successor  as  minister, 
Mr.  King  made  no  appointment  of  a  Charge  d'Affaires,  so 
that  until  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Monroe,  there  was  really  no 
official  representative  of  the  Government  in  London  except 
the  Consul  who  had  received  no  authority  to  perform  other 
than  the  ordinary  duties  of  his  orifice.  Mr.  Gore  explains 
this  action  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Madison,  the  Secretary  of 
State. 

London,  June  4,  1803. 
Sir: 

Your  letter  of  the  6th  April  last  came  to  hand  on  the  26th 
instant,  a  few  days  after  the  departure  of  Mr.  King,  who,  you  will 
have  learnt,  not  conceiving  it  to  be  the  intention  of  the  President, 
did  not  name  any  charge  d'affaires  on  leaving  the  court. 

friends  and  ourselves,  renders  the  matter  so  serious  as  to  call,  I  think,  for  an 
answer.  That  we  ought  in  courtesy  and  friendship  to  extend  to  them  all  the  rights 
of  hospitality  is  certain,  that  they  should  not  use  our  hospitality  to  injure  our 
friends  or  ourselves,  is  equally  enjoined  by  morality  and  honor." — Jefferson's 
Works,  iv.,  p.  501,  August  25,  1803. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  273 

Perceiving  however  from  the  estimate  of  expenses  that  it  was 
possible  several  months  might  elapse  before  the  arrival  of  a 
Minister,  I  thought  it  suitable  to  mention  to  Lord  Hawkesbury, 
that  it  was  to  be  inferred  from  your  communication  to  me,  that 
the  President  had  contemplated  Mr.  King's  naming  some  person 
to  take  charge  of  our  affairs  here,  and  that  I  feared  a  longer  time 
might  pass  before  the  United  States  would  be  represented  than 
was  expected  by  their  government.  This  I  did  with  a  view  of 
preventing  any  misconception  that  otherwise  might,  by  possibility, 
arise  from  the  absence  of  the  usual  Representative  of  our  Gov- 
ernment in  this  country,  and  also  to  inform  him  that  under  these 
circumstances,  I  should,  until  the  arrival  of  a  person  authorised 
to  act  in  a  character  of  a  Minister,  take  the  liberty  of  making  to 
him  such  Representations  in  behalf  of  our  Government,  or  citi- 
zens, as  the  affairs  might  require,  in  cases  where  delay  would  be 
materially  inconvenient. 

To  which  he  replied  in  terms  of  great  civility  and  professed  a 
perfect  readiness  to  receive  every  communication  I  should  make 
on  these  subjects  and  to  give  the  same  all  the  attention  that  their 
nature  and  importance  might  require.     .     .     . 

The  salary  of  Mr.  Munro  and  the  contingent  charges  incident 
to  the  business,  will  be  all  the  Expense  to  which  the  U.  States  will 
be  liable  ;  these  I  flatter  myself  will  be  approved  by  the  Presi- 
dent, whom,  Sir,  I  pray  you  to  assure  that  my  Endeavours  will  be 
faithfully  exerted  to  diminish  as  much  as  possible  the  incon- 
venience to  the  Government  and  Citizens  of  the  United  States, 
arising  from  this  vacancy  in  the  legation,  which  it  would  seem,  by 
your  letter,  was  not  contemplated  by  the  Government. 

With  perfect  respect  &c. 

C.  Gore. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  June  5,  1803. 
My  Dear  Friend  : 

A  few  days  after  your  departure,  I  received  a  letter  of  the  6th 

April  from  Mr.  Madison,  directed  to  myself,  relative  to  measures 

adopted  by  himself  and  Mr.  Gallatin  to  supply  the  deficiency  in 

the  diplomatic  fund  occasioned  by  the  failure  of  Bird's  house  ; 

VOL.    IV. — 18 


274  KUFUS  KING.  [1801- 

and  enclosing  an  estimate  of  the  expenses  &c,  under  the  follow- 
ing head,  "  Remittances  to  be  made  to  London  computed  for  9 
months"  (here  followed  the  details).  In  part  of  the  letter  he 
says  "  to  enable  the  person  left  in  charge  of  our  affairs  on  the  de- 
parture of  Mr.  King  to  apply  to  the  British  Government  for  reim- 
bursement of  what  we  paid  towards  the  expenses  of  the  late  Board 
at  Philadelphia  beyond  our  proportion  I  enclose,"  etc.     .     .     . 

Several  letters  also  on  the  subject  of  these  remittances  came  from 
Mr.  Gallatin  and  one  from  Mr.  Madison  on  the  19th  of  April, 
directed  to  you,  and  in  case  of  your  absence  to  me.  This  latter 
one  from  M.  also  contained  the  estimate  before  referred  to.  I 
enclose  you  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  Mr.  M.,  which  will  explain  to 
you  the  course  I  concluded,  after  some  reflection,  to  pursue.  My 
brother  Pinkney  from  whom  as  you  know  I  had  something  to  ap- 
prehend, had  it  been  thought  advisable  to  accede  to  your  pro- 
posal, was  consulted  and  he  approves  of  the  conduct  thought 
proper  to  adopt.  He  imputes  this  fa$on,  as  the  french  would 
say,  of  acting  in  the  Government  to  a  promise  either  express,  or 
so  strongly  implied  as  to  amount  to  the  same  thing,  from  the 
President,  or  Mr.  M.,  or  both,  to  name  Erving  charge  here,  on 
your  taking  leave  ;  which,  on  more  mature  consideration,  they 
had  thought  proper  to  abandon,  and  thus  have  involved  them- 
selves in  a  dilemma,  that  possibly  they  had  hoped  might  have 
been  avoided  by  your  naming  me  ;  though  this  event  they  cer- 
tainly had  no  reason  to  expect.  I  learn  from  another  quarter 
that  E.,  in  contemplation  of  your  naming  me  and  my  undertaking 
to  act,  had  prepared  a  regular  protest,  which  he  had  intended  to 
publish  against  such  unwarrantable  assumption  of  a  character  by 
you  and  me  contrary  to  the  will  and  disposition  of  the  Government 
•of  the  U.  S. 

The  course  I  have  adopted  appears  to  me  under  all  the  exist- 
ing circumstances  it  was  my  duty  to  pursue,  and  which  I  do  not 
think  the  Government  or  my  friends  can  censure.  If  they  do,  I 
feel  justified  myself,  and  that  is  a  consolation  to  be  secured  at  all 
events.  It  was  stated  to  me  that  if  I  chose  to  assume  the  char- 
acter, there  would  be  no  objection  here.  But  I  absolutely  de- 
clined, and  prayed  it  to  be  so  distinctly  understood.  This  forms 
no  part  of  my  communication  to  Mr.  M.,  and  you  will  of  course 
suffer  it  to  rest  with  you,  who  know  all  my  feelings  and  inclina- 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  27$ 

tions  on  this  and  every  other  subject.  Lord  Hawkesbury  invited 
me  to  his  dinner  yesterday  and  I  attended  that  after  having  first 
paid  my  respects  at  court.  In  the  line  of  etiquette  and  ceremony, 
this  is  all  I  shall  probably  ever  feel  it  necessary  to  do.  To  some 
people  it  might  be  matter  of ,  great  importance  to  know  that  the 
King  and  Queen  made  very  particular  enquiries  after  them  and 
professions  of  good  will ;  you  may  estimate  them  at  what  rate  you 
please,  but  this  was  the  fact. 

Pinkney  and  myself  heard  the  debate  on  the  proposed  address 
in  answer  to  the  King's  message  informing  the  house  of  the 
departure  of  Ld.  W.  from  Paris.  Mr.  Pitt  was  brilliant  and  exceed- 
ingly delighted  the  house.  Hammond  thought  if  you  could  have 
entertained  an  idea  how  great  it  was,  you  certainly  would  have 
remained  to  hear  it.  Fox  did  not  speak  till  the  second  night, 
and  it  was  by  far  the  best  speech  I  ever  heard  him  deliver,  and  in 
my  opinion  the  most  pernicious  that  he  or  any  other  man  could 
have  uttered.  No  doubt  remains  that  the  Doctor  intends  to  carry 
on  the  Government  without  Mr.  Pitt,  who,  as  far  as  I  can  judge, 
does  not  seem  to  me  to  have  injured  the  present  administration, 
or  to  have  benefitted  his  own  party  by  the  debate  on  Friday 
night.  Lord  H.  evidently  advanced  himself  in  the  public  opinion 
by  his  reply.     .     .     . 

The  following  extracts  from  a  letter  from  Mr.  Gore  to  his 
friend  Mr.  King  will  show  something  of  the  condition  of 
affairs  in  London  after  his  departure  and  before  the  arrival 
of  a  successor. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 


London,  July  2,  1803. 


.  .  .  We  have  nearly  finished  our  awards  ;  I  mean  all  that 
will  be  ready  for  us  before  the  15th  of  July  ;  which  will  comprise 
the  whole  of  the  cases,  except  about  20.,  and  I  do  not  yet  despair 
of  completing  these  and  returning  this  autumn.  Eustis  has  given 
me  to  understand  that  my  character  has  been  culumniated  at 
Washington  for  the  disposition  I  have  manifested  to  protract  the 
commission  ;  that  it  would  have  been  earlier  closed  had  it  not 


276  RUFUS  KING.  [1801- 

been  for  me,  and  that  Pinkney  was  determined  to  get  through  the 
Southern  cases  &  return  home.  In  some  philippic,  which  he 
made  at  the  Board,  I  did  say  that  I  felt  it  my  duty  to  remain  & 
close  the  commission,  at  the  same  time  saying  that  it  was  unnec- 
essary for  me  to  remark  that  no  diligence  or  exertion  of  mine 
would  be  wanting  to  bring  the  business  to  as  speedy  a  termination 
as  possible.  I  do  not  believe  that  such  a  base  and  unfounded 
slander  as  this  could  have  intentionally  originated  in  him.  You 
know  better  than  any  man,  but  no  one  can  tell  all  the  contest  I 
have  had  in  my  own  mind  for  the  last  five  years,  between  a  sense 
of  duty  which,  according  to  my  judgment,  constrained  me  to 
remain  and  endeavour  to  perfect  what  I  had  undertaken,  and  a 
desire  to  return,  a  desire  prompted  by  the  strongest  interests, 
which  called  me  home,  and  rendered  extremely  ardent  by  con- 
stantly experiencing  the  mortification  and  disgust  of  so  inglorious 
a  station.  I  do  not  know  on  reflection,  a  single  thing  I  could 
have  attempted,  which  has  not  been  to  expedite  the  business,  & 
least  of  all  did  I  expect  such  an  imputation ;  however  it  gives 
me  no  pain,  so  perfectly  satisfied  am  I  not  only  of  its  falsehood, 
but  also  that  no  man  of  common  honesty  will  ever  give  it  currency 
&  that  none  of  common  sense  can  give  it  credit.     .     .     . 

Lord  H.  sent  me  notice  some  time  since  that  passports  would 
be  granted  at  the  alien  office  to  such  of  our  citizens  as  desired  to 
go  to  France,  on  receiving  one  from  me.  On  this  I  requested 
Hammond  that  the  alien  office  might  be  directed  to  grant  them 
on  Erving's,  &  informed  him,  H,  explicitly  that  I  could  not  and 
should  not  grant  any.  When  Lord  H.  sent  me  notice  of  the 
blockade  of  the  Elbe,  he  included  a  desire  that  I  would  notify  the 
same  to  our  consuls,  which  I  accordingly  did.  Erving  replied  to 
me  that  he  should  receive  no  official  communication  whatever  from 
me,  &  that  he  had  written  to  Lord  H.  requesting  his  Lordship  to 
signify  to  him  if  this  was  a  communication  from  his  Majesty's 
Govt.  I  understand  from  P.  that  such  was  his  determination, 
had  I  been  left  charge  d'affaires  by  you. 

Young  Mercer  informs  me  he  has  a  letter  from  Govr.  Monroe, 
informing  him  that  the  Governor  has  received  his  commission  as 
Minister  &c.  to  this  court,  and  that  he  will  be  here  in  a  few  days  ; 
and  that  Livingston  is  also  about  to  pay  a  visit  to  this  coun- 
try.    ..     . 


803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  2J7 


The  boys  from  whom  I  received  letters  yesterday,  are  perfectly 
well.  We  shall  go  to  their  Speechday,  which  is  next  Thursday. 
James,  from  whom  we  heard  about  ten  days  since,  was  then  in 
good  health  &  spirits.  London  is  become  quite  empty  ;  to  us  it 
has  been  so  ever  since  your  departure.  My  wife  writes  to  Mrs. 
King,  and  I  pray  you  to  offer  to  her  and  Edward  my  affectionate 
regards  &  to  believe  me 

Ever  your  assured  friend 

C.  Gore. 


R.  King  to  John  Adams. 

At  Sea,  22  June,  1803. 

Sir— 

On  the  16th  of  last  month  the  King  of  Great  Britain  sent 
a  message  to  Parliament  announcing  the  termination  of  the  dis- 
cussions with  France,  and  calling  on  them  to  support  him  in  his 
determination  to  employ  the  power  &  resources  of  the  nation  in 
opposing  the  spirit  of  ambition  and  encroachments  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  France.  Letters  of  marque  had  been  issued  against 
France,  and  I  conjecture  that  orders  have  likewise  been  given  to 
detain  the  Ships  of  Spain  &  Holland,  until  it  be  ascertained 
whether  these  powers  would  be  able  to  maintain  their  neutrality. 
The  King's  Message  was  ordered  to  be  taken  into  consideration 
on  the  23d.  We  sailed  from  Cowes  on  the  21st  so  that  I  can  give 
no  account  of  the  sense  of  Parliament.  I  take  the  liberty  to 
send  you  the  English  declaration  and  a  copy  of  the  correspon- 
dence which  was  laid  before  Parliament. 

With  great  respect  I  remain  &c 

Rufus  King. 

P.  S.  The  English  Ambassador  had  returned  to  London  from 
Paris,  &  the  French  Ambassador  had  left  England  before  we  did 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Arrival  in  New  York  and  Reception  by  Citizens — Cabot  to  King — Welcome 
Home — Confidence  in  England — Louisiana's  Cession  a  good  Thing  for 
France — Madison  to  King — Not  Necessary  as  a  Tribute  of  Respect — 
Written  Communications  sufficient — Gallatin  to  King — Baggage  free  from 
Duty — Thanks  for  his  Manner  of  transacting  the  Business  of  his  Depart- 
ment— Jay  to  King — Congratulations  on  his  Return — Hale  to  King — Con- 
gratulations, etc. — J.  Q.  Adams  to  King — Thanks  for  Favors  rendered  in 
London — Cabot  to  King — Pleased  with  Firmness  of  British  Government — 
J.  Adams  to  King — Thanks  for  sending  Papers — His  Conduct  in  England 
satisfactory  to  him  and  honorable  and  beneficial  to  his  Country — King  to 
Gore — Cession  of  great  Importance  giving  Control  of  the  Mississippi — 
Offer  to  go  to  Washington — Sedgwick  to  King — Wishes  to  see  him  Gov- 
ernor of  N.  Y. — Gov.  Mercer  to  King — Thanks  him  for  Zeal,  Ability,  and 
Perseverance  in  Maryland's  Behalf— Gore  to  King — State  of  Commission's 
Work — Monroe  expected — Public  Dinner  to  King — King  to  Gore — Does 
not  yet  know  his  Successor — Gore  to  King — Rebellion  in  Ireland — English 
Confidence  rises — Monroe  arrives  in  London — King  to  Gore — Livingston 
or  Monroe  to  succeed  him — The  Papers  say  Doubts  arise  as  to  the  Utility 
and  Prudence  and  Constitutionality  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase — King  to 
Gore — Hears  Nothing  more  of  his  Successor — Washington  not  a  safe 
Residence  in  Summer — Yellow  Fever  in  N.  Y. — Objections  to  certain 
Articles  in  the  Louisiana  Convention. 


Mr.  King  reached  New  York  after  a  long  voyage  on  the 
last  day  of  June,  as  we  are  informed  by  the  announcement 
in  the  Evening  Post  of  Friday,  July  I,  1803. 

"  The  honourable  Rufus  King,  our  late  Minister  to  the  Court  of 
Great  Britain,  arrived  yesterday  with  his  family  in  the  John 
Morgan  from  London.  He  came  on  shore  in  the  afternoon  and 
was  met,  on  landing,  by  a  large  number  of  our  most  respectable 
citizens,  who  had  assembled  to  welcome  his  safe  return  to  his 
native  country.  No  expressions  of  respect  towards  this  gentleman 
can  do  justice  to  his  eminent  talents  and  the  unremitted  attention 

278 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  279 

with  which  he  has  so  assiduously  guarded  the  rights  and  watched 
over  the  interests  of  our  nation.  May  he  long  enjoy  in  the  grati- 
tude of  his  fellow  citizens  the  reward  of  his  great  and  useful 
services." 

Among  the  gratifying  evidences  of  welcome  to  America, 
none  could  have  given  Mr.  King  more  pleasure  than  the 
following  from  his  old  friend  and  constant  correspondent : 

George  Cabot  to  Rufus  King. 

Boston,  July  1,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

We  hear  from  New  York  that  Mr.  King  is  arrived  and  confirms 
our  accounts  of  war  ;  the  first  gives  me  unmingled  pleasure — the 
last  excites  a  mixed  sentiment  of  joy  and  anxiety.  I  have  con- 
stantly believed  that  the  struggle  between  France  and  England 
must  continue  until  the  power  of  the  former  is  effectually 
abridged,  or  the  latter  falls. 

You  can  judge  best  of  the  issue,  but  after  every  allowance  for 
the  immense  advantages  of  force  on  the  side  of  France,  with  all 
continental  Europe  at  her  disposal,  and  the  wishes  of  all  the  fools 
and  knaves  throughout  the  universe  on  her  side,  I  entertain  great 
hopes  and  confidence  in  the  final  success  of  England.  She  has 
means  and  motives  sufficient  which  I  trust  will  not  be  unavailing 
for  want  of  talents  to  employ  them.  .  .  .  The  cession  of 
Louisiana  is  an  excellent  thing  for  France.  It  is  like  selling  us  a 
Ship  after  she  is  surrounded  by  a  British  Fleet  :  it  puts  into  safe- 
keeping what  she  could  not  keep  herself,  for  England  could  take 
Louisiana  in  the  first  moment  of  war  without  the  loss  of  a  man. 
France  could  neither  settle  it  nor  protect  it ;  she  is  therefore  rid 
of  an  encumbrance  that  wounded  her  pride,  receives  money  and 
regains  the  friendship  of  our  populace. 

I  pray  you  to  make  my  best  regards  acceptable  to  Mrs.  King. 
I  think  you  too  wise  to  seek  public  honors,  &  I  hope  you  are  too 
patriotic  to  shun  them  if  they  seek  you. 

Your  faithful  and  affectionate  friend 

George  Cabot. 


ir 


280  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

P.  S.  An  expression  which  I  well  remember  in  a  letter  from 
you  after  your  visit  to  Paris,  leads  me  to  expect  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  you  here — I  know  nothing  of  the  objection  which  may 
exist  to  your  executing  such  an  intention,  and  I  can  assure  you  it 
would  give  infinite  pleasure  to  a  great  many  people  here  & 
especially  to  me. 

Mr.  King,  as  a  letter  to  Mr.  Gore  informs  us,  wrote  on 
July  2d  to  Mr.  Madison,  the  Secretary  of  State,  informing 
him  of  his  arrival  and  offering  to  go  to  Washington  if  re- 
quired to  report  to  the  Government.  He  received  a  reply 
which  is  here  given  and  in  consequence  of  it  did  not  make  a 
visit  to  the  capital.  It  is  quite  probable  that  he  did  not  par- 
ticularly desire,  under  all  the  circumstances,  to  go  to  Wash- 
ington, and  he  certainly  felt  relieved  when  he  found  that  he 
was  not  required  to  make  the  visit  there. 

Jas.  Madison  to  R.  King. 

Private. 

Washington,  July  5,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  reed,  by  the  mail  of  last  evening  yours  of  the  2d  instant.  I 
do  not  know  that  any  rule  has  been  established  which  requires 
public  ministers  on  their  return  to  the  U.  States,  to  repair  to  the 
seat  of  Government.  Where  no  public  considerations  make  such 
a  visit  important,  and  it  would  be  inconvenient  to  the  individual, 
it  could  not  reasonably  be  exacted  as  a  mere  tribute  of  respect. 
In  your  case  it  is  readily  conceived  that  your  time  must  be  claimed 
by  private  arrangements  ;  and  altho'  personal  explanation  might 
not  be  without  a  value,  it  does  not  occur  that  they  would  turn  on 
any  points,  on  which  your  written  communications  are  not,  or 
will  not  be  sufficient.  The  ideas  of  the  President  on  the  subject 
accord  with  those  here  expressed,  and  I  have  the  pleasure  to  add 
that  he  appears  to  be  too  well  satisfied  of  your  respectful  dis- 
positions, by  manifestations  already  given,  to  need  any  farther 
testimony  which  might  be  afforded  by  a  trip  to  the  seat  of 
Government. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  28 1 

I  have  seen  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  as  you  wished.  He 
will  take  into  consideration  the  subject  referred  to  him,  with 
every  favorable  disposition,  which  his  construction  of  the  law  will 
permit. 

Very  Sincerely  &  respectfully  I  remain  Dr.  Sir 

yr.  most  obedt.  hble.  servt. 
James  Madison. 

Your  letter  of  June  22,  with  the  several  other  letters  &  papers 
forwarded  at  the  time  have  been  duly  reed.  A  letter  from  Havre 
of  May  15,  promises,  by  a  vessel  which  was  to  sail  for  N.  York  a 
few  days  after,  despatches  from  our  Minister  at  Paris,  by  a  confi- 
dential Bearer.  The  19th  of  April  is  the  date  of  the  last  which 
have  yet  come  to  hand. 

It  is  evident  from  this  that  Mr.  King  prepared,  while  on 
board  ship,  a  report  of  the  final  days  of  his  mission,  which 
he  forwarded  to  Washington  at  once  upon  his  landing  in 

New  York,  and  to  which  on  the July  he  added  the 

supplement  which  appears  on  the  259-262   pages   of   this 
volume. 

Albert  Gallatin  to  R.  King. 

Treasury  Department,  July  6th,  1803. 
Sir  : 

I  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  2nd  instant,  and 
have  directed  the  Collector  to  permit  the  entry  of  your  baggage 
&c,  as  free  from  duty.  Although  some  doubt  was  at  first  enter- 
tained on  that  subject,  I  feel  a  conviction  that  this  decision  is  con- 
sistent with  the  spirit,  &  not  forbidden  by  the  letter,  of  the  law. 

Permit  me  to  embrace  this  opportunity  of  returning  my  sincere 
thanks  for  the  manner  in  which  you  transacted  the  business  of 
this  Department,  with  which,  foreign  as  it  was  to  the  duties  of 
your  mission,  I  was  obliged  to  trouble  you. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  great  respect 

Sir,  your  obedt.  Servt. 
Albert  Gallatin. 
The  Honble.  Rufus  King 
New  York. 


282  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

John  Jay  to  R.  King. 

Bedford,  July  6,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

By  the  last  post  we  were  informed  that  you  and  your  family  had 
arrived  at  New  York  in  good  Health.  I  congratulate  you  very 
sincerely  on  this  agreeable  Termination  of  a  long  absence  from 
your  country.  From  the  Recommencement  of  Hostilities  in 
Europe,  I  fear  you  have  left  London  too  soon  ;  but  that  consider- 
ation loses  a  part  of  its  weight  from  the  Reflection  that  if  proper 
counsels  prevail,  your  Presence  here  will  not  be  unproductive  of 
advantages. 

A  series  of  circumstances,  not  very  important  and  yet  not  unin- 
teresting, have  ever  since  my  Removal  to  this  place,  made  it  in- 
convenient for  me  to  leave  it.  Many  inducements  urge  me  to 
visit  New  York  &  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  is  now  added  to  the 
number.  I  hope  and  expect  the  circumstances  alluded  to  will  not 
be  of  much  longer  duration. 

Be  pleased  to  present  my  best  Compts.  to  Mrs.  King. 

With  great  Esteem  &  Regard  I  am,  &c. 

John  Jay. 


Joseph  Hale  to  R.  King,  N.  Y. 

Boston,  July  7,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Permit  me  to  congratulate  you  on  your  safe  return  to  New 
York  ;  although  the  existing  state  of  Europe  requires  on  our  part 
a  different  representation  at  the  Court  of  St.  James  than  I  appre- 
hend we  shall  possess,  presuming  upon  the  probable  character  of 
your  successor  there.  In  wealth  &  in  various  improvements  you 
will  find  the  U.  S.  to  have  made  great  advances  since  you  left  us. 
I  wish  it  could  be  added  that  they  had  equally  advanced  in  politi- 
cal wisdom.  Our  retrograde  movements  in  that  respect  are  the 
more  to  be  regretted  when  we  contemplate  the  actual  state  of 
Europe. 

By  this  Post  you  will  receive  from  me  our  Anniversary  Oration 
by  a  Son  of  Judge  Sullivan.  We  think  well  of  the  performance, 
although  it  recommends  uniting  with  England  against  France  ;  it 


1803I  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  283 

is  even  in  that  view  more  correct  than  the  memorial  imputed  to 
our  Minister  at  St.  Cloud.  If  the  Oration  reaches  you,  the  post- 
age will  not  be  expensive,  as  one  side  of  the  package  is  left  open. 
Its  sentiments  in  general  you  will  not  disapprove. 

Be  pleased  to  present  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  K.,  and  believe 
me,  Dear  Sir, 

With  the  highest  respect  and  attachment  &c. 

Joseph  Hale. 

Mr.   Payne  is  married  &  gone   with  his  Lady  to  Balls-town 
Springs. 


J.  Q.  Adams  to  R.  King. 

Dear  Sir  :  Boston,  8  July,  1803. 

I  have  just  received  your  favour  of  the  5th  inst,  inclosing  two 
letters  from  Lord  &  Lady  Carysfort,  for  your  care  of  which  and 
the  parcels  which  accompanied  them,  please  to  accept  my  best 
thanks.  The  parcels  may  wait  for  a  convenient  and  safe  oppor- 
tunity ;  and  one  of  them  being  a  brittle  article,  will  require  care 
in  the  conveyance. 

I  enclosed  some  weeks  since,  a  letter  from  you  enclosing  a  list 
of  the  debtors  to  Bird,  Savage  &  Bird,  in  this  country  ;  and  in- 
formation of  the  great  obligation  for  which  I  was  indebted  to  you, 
with  Mr.  Gore  and  Mr.  Williams,  in  taking  up  for  my  honour  the 
bills  I  had  drawn  upon  that  house.  About  two  months  ago,  I 
made  a  remittance  to  Mr.  Williams,  adequate  to  discharge  the 
whole  of  his  advances  for  me  on  that  occasion.  Whether  it  will 
ever  be  in  my  power  to  repay  his  and  your  act  of  friendship,  in 
taking  the  heavy  charge  of  the  bills,  and  saving  me  from  the  ad- 
ditional burthen  of  protest  damages  I  know  not ;  but  that  I  shall 
ever  retain  a  grateful  sense  of  your  kindness  I  do  know,  and  hope 
you  will  never  have  reason  to  doubt. 

I  am  happy  to  have  this  occasion  of  congratulating  you  upon 
your  return  to  our  native  country,  where  I  hope  you  will  find  a 
residence  still  more  agreeable  and  satisfactory  than  that  of  the 
period  you  have  past  in  Europe.  With  my  best  regards  to  Mrs. 
King,  I  remain, 

Dear  Sir,  faithfully  yours 

John  Quincy  Adams. 


284  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

G.  Cabot  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  July  9,  1803. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

I  received  from  you  at  the  beginning  of  this  week,  the  Decla- 
ration of  the  British  Government  &  their  correspondence  with 
France,  and  I  take  great  pleasure  in  observing  that  so  much  dig- 
nity &  firmness  as  well  as  moderation,  has  been  displayed  by  the 
British  Ministry.  Had  I  known  the  secrets  however  I  shou'd  have 
trembled  lest  matters  shou'd  have  been  given  up,  which  would 
have  been  of  more  consequence  than  all  the  conquests  of  Great 
Britain  and  20  sail  of  the  line  besides.  Malta  is  the  spot  intended 
by  Providence,  for  G.  B.  to  enable  her  to  cover  Egypt,  the  Levant 
and  Adriatic — to  watch  Toulon  and  observe  the  whole  Mediter- 
ranean. Nothing  should  tempt  G.  B.  to  yield  it  to  France,  while 
France  remains  so  formidable.     .     .     . 

Our  jacobins  have  already  indulged  their  French  feelings — they 
allow  that  the  success  of  England — at  least  in  defending  herself — 
is  necessary  to  keep  France  from  troubling  us  ;  yet  such  is  their 
profligacy  and  their  hatred  that  they  would  rather  risk  the  liberty 
of  our  country,  than  see  the  English  beat  the  French. 

I  hear  very  seldom  lately  from  our  friend  Hamilton,  whom  you 

know  I  love  excessively ;  when  you  see  him,  I  pray  you  tender 

him    my  affectionate  regards,  &  believe  me  ever  with  sincere 

attachment 

Your  faithful, 

George  Cabot. 


John  Adams  to  R.  King. 

Quincy,  July  10,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  duly  received  his  Britannic  Majesty's  Declaration  and  a  List 
of  Papers  presented  to  Parliament,  with  the  kind  Letter  you  did 
me  the  Honor  to  write  me  on  the  twenty-second  of  same.  With 
great  sincerity,  I  thank  you,  Sir,  for  this  instance  of  your  polite 
attention  to  me,  and  for  a  great  number  of  others  of  a  like  kind 
during  your  Embassy  in  England.  I  was  so  situated  that  I  could 
not  acknowledge  the  Receipt  of  many  Pamphlets  of  an  interesting 
nature,  which  you  were  so  good  as  to  send  me. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  285 

Your  conduct  during  your  whole  residence  in  England,  so  far 
as  it  ever  came  to  my  Knowledge,  was  so  entirely  satisfactory  to 
me  and  so  highly  honorable  and  beneficial  to  your  Country,  that 
I  cannot  but  regret  the  necessity  you  found  yourself  under  to  re- 
turn. This  however  does  not  prevent  Mrs.  Adams  from  joining 
with  me  in  most  cordial  Congratulations  with  you  and  Mrs.  King 
on  your  fortunate  voyage  and  perfect  health. 

I  ought  not  to  conclude  this  Letter  without  expressing  to  you 
my  most  hearty  Thanks  for  your  Friendship  to  my  son.  With 
great  Esteem, 

I  am,  Dear  Sir,  your  obliged  Friend  &c. 

John  Adams. 


R.  King  to  C.  Gore,  London. 

New  York,  July  10,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

We  are  not  yet  removed  to  our  own  house  owing  to  the  diffi- 
culty and  delay  in  receiving  our  baggage,  &c.  from  the  ship  ;  but 
as  Mr.  Gallatin  has  given  an  order  that  all  our  effects  shall  be 
delivered  free  of  duty,  and  we  expect  the  ship  will  be  discharged 
of  her  cargo  tomorrow,  we  shall  in  a  few  days,  as  we  expect,  be 
in  our  own  house.  I  regret  to  have  sold  my  house  in  town,  as  I 
cannot  buy  a  smaller  and  less  convenient  one  for  the  money  I  re- 
ceived and  as  I  want  it  to  put  my  furniture  in  ;  we  have  put 
every  thing  in  a  fire  proof  store,  where  it  must  remain  till  I  settle 
myself.  I  adhere  to  the  project  of  a  country  establishment  and  a 
small  house  in  town  ;  but  I  will  not  be  in  a  hurry  about  either. 

The  glass  is  above  80,  and  we  are  very  sensible  to  the  heat, 
more  so  than  formerly.  ...  As  yet  the  city  is  healthy  and 
we  hear  nothing  of  yellow  fever  here  or  elsewhere. 

Govt,  has  not  yet  received  any  despatches  from  Paris  relative 
to  Louisiana — the  last  dates  from  thence  are  April  19.  My  im- 
perfect Report  is  all  they  know  of  the  Business  in  this  Country. 

As  far  as  I  learn  the  opin.  of  our  friends  here,  they  regard  the 
Cession  as  an  event  of  gt.  importance,  especially  as  it  gives  us 
the  control  of  the  Mississippi.  I  don't  perceive  that  any  impor- 
tance is  annexed  to  the  acquisition  west  of  the  River  ;  the  subject 
is  little  understood  and  the  pour  and  the  contre  not  yet  discussed 


286  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

— on  the  whole  it  seems  agreed  on  all  sides  that  the  measure 
will  operate  in  favour  of  the  present  administration  ;  whose  au- 
thority and  popularity  extend  themselves  in  every  quarter.  In 
this  State,  I  understand  that  the  federalists  failed  everywhere  in 
the  late  Election  ;  and  even  in  Connecticut  &  Massachusetts  they 
are  gradually  losing  credit — at  least  such  is  here  the  opinion 
among  even  our  friends.     .     .     . 

I  offered  to  go  on  to  Washington  if  required,  and  I  received  a 
civil  answer  wh.  leaves  me  at  liberty  to  stay  at  home.  So  far  as 
regards  myself  personally  they  are  desirous  to  receive  and  treat 
me  with  kindness  and  even  distinction. 

Once  more  yrs. 

Rufus  King. 


T.  Sedgwick  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  July  12,  1803. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

Among  the  congratulations  which  you  will  receive,  on  your  ar- 
rival, none  are  more  sincere  than  those  I  have  the  pleasure  to  give 
you.  Many  public  as  well  as  private  considerations  conduce  to 
render  this  a  pleasing  event  ;  and  among  them  the  expectation, 
and  I  am  confident  it  is  well  founded,  that  I  shall  enjoy  the  satis- 
faction, within  twelve  months,  of  saluting  you  as  Governor  of 
New  York.  However  improbable  this  event  may  appear  to  you,  I 
have  no  doubt  that  it  is  in  the  power  of  your  friends,  or  in  other 
words  the  friends  of  sound  principles,  to  secure  it  ;  and  to  men 
of  that  description,  there  is  nothing  which  they  ought  to  deem 
more  desirable.  Perhaps  the  station  may  not  be  an  object  of 
your  wishes,  tho'  I  think  there  is  none  in  our  country  which  can 
afford  to  a  disposition  such  as  yours  so  many  sources  of  gratifica- 
tion. Whatever  may  be  your  own  feelings,  I  hope  you  will  think 
that  you  are  so  much  of  public  property  that  your  friends  have  a 
right  to  dispose  of  you  at  their  pleasure. 

When  I  began  this  letter,  I  had  intended  only  to  have  given 
you,  what  indeed  you  cannot  want,  assurances  of  the  continuance 
of  my  esteem  &  friendship,  and  I  insensibly  expressed  my  senti- 
ments on  a  subject,  on  which  I  have  long  &  anxiously  reflected. 
I  am  now  on  my  way  from  the  eastward  where  I  saw  two  of  your 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  287 

brothers,  and  was  much  pleased  with  both.  Assure  Mrs.  King 
that  I  cordially  sympathize  with  her  in  the  pleasure  she  enjoys  in 
returning  to  her  native  city  &  in  seeing  the  improvements  which 
have  taken  place  in  her  absence. 

I  am  sincerely  &  affectly.  yours 

Theodore  Sedgwick. 


Gov.  John  T.  Mercer  to  R.  King. 

In  Council  Chamber,  Annapolis, 
July  12,  1803. 
Sir  : 

The  Letter  you  did  me  the  honor  to  address  to  me  of  the  10th 
of  May  last,  enclosing  a  Copy  of  your  Communications  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  under  the  1st  of  May,  has  been  duly  received 
and  communicated  to  the  Council  ;  and  permit  me  to  offer  to  you 
my  sincere  thanks  for  the  zeal,  ability  and  perseverance  which 
you  have  manifested  in  prosecuting  the  just  claims  of  the  State. 
Your  communication  will  be  submitted  to  the  Legislature  at  the 
commencement  of  their  next  Session — from  the  expression  of 
their  sentiments,  those  acknowledgments  can  only  be  derived, 
which  coming  from  the  immediate  Representatives  of  the  People, 
must  prove  most  satisfactory  to  yourself. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  much  respect 

Your  obedient  Servant 

John  T.  Mercer. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  July  13,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .  We  were  at  Harrow  on  the  7th,  Speech  day,  and  found 
the  boys  in  perfect  health  &  spirits.  They  come  to  London  a 
fortnight  hence.  I  have  not  heard  from  James  for  a  long  time. 
Barlow,  whose  cause  is  now  decided  and  favourably  for  him,  will 
go  for  Paris  shortly,  that  is  to  say,  when  he  receives  his  award, 
which  may  be  within  ten  days,  &  by  him  we  shall  write. 

Our  awards  are  made  to  the  number  of  291,  and  to-morrow  we 
shall  execute  those  that  are  ready,  which  are  13  more.     These 


288  RUFUS  XING.  [1803 

will  bring  the  amount  of  cases  awarded  on  beyond  300.  The 
number  of  awards  will  be  about  500  ;  and  the  remaining  cases 
will  be  about  thirty  :  of  these  all  are  decided  by  the  Board  and 
referred  to  the  merchants  excepting  eight.  Some  of  them,  though 
only  provisionally,  not  being  yet  reported  on  by  the  Registrar  and 
merchants.  The  aforementioned  eight  will  be  referred  within  a 
few  days.  The  British  cases  are  to  be  acted  on  next  week.  We 
want  about  seven  or  eight  reports  from  the  Courts,  and  there  are 
five  or  six  cases  only  pending.  The  money  will  be  ready  &  paid 
at  the  treasury  either  on  the  15th,  or  within  a  day  or  two  after.  I 
sometimes  have  strong  hopes  of  being  able  to  quit  this  autumn, 
and  have  bespoke  the  refusal  of  the  Galen's  cabin  ;  but  the  objec- 
tion to  closing  are  in  reality  considerable,  and  there  is  not  every- 
where a  strong  disposition  to  remove  them. 

Monroe  is  expected  here  daily  as  your  successor.  Pinkney  has 
received  instructions  and  authority  to  act  as  agent  of  the  Mary- 
land Bank  Stock  Concern,  from  the  State  of  Maryland,  and 
credentials  from  the  Prest.  of  the  U.  States  to  act  also  in  his 
name  on  this  behalf.  P.  tells  me  as  his  belief,  that  M.  is  to  come 
here,  be  received,  appoint  a  charge  d'affaires  &  then  go  to  Spain. 
The  papers  tell  you  all,  at  least  as  much  as  I  could  about  the 
Russian  mediation  &c.  The  Spirit  of  the  country  is  evidently 
and  generally  rising  ;  and  it  is  already  much  beyond  the  temper 
of  the  administration — Mrs.  Gore  enjoys  her  health  tolerably 
considering  that  we  are  confined  to  London.  We  miss  you  and 
Mrs.  King  more  and  more  every  day.  We  are  in  many  respects 
alone — I  can  truly  say  that  in  many  things  &  on  many  topics  I 
have  none  to  communicate  with,  for  though  with  these  that  are 
here  I  agree  in  part,  yet  not  in  all,  &  for  a  free  communication  on 
many  subjects  this  is  necessary.  I  am  heartily  tired,  and  never 
felt  more  anxiety  to  be  away  than  at  this  moment.  My  wife  de- 
sires her  affectionate  regards,  and  I  pray  you  present  mine  and 
hers  to  yours  &  Edward. 

Yrs.  truly 

C.  G. 

Miss  Burnley  is  dead. 

The  expression  of  welcome  made  to  Mr.  King  on  his 
arrival  at  New  York  was  renewed  some  days  afterwards  by 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  289 

a  public  dinner  in  his  honor,  of  which  the  following  account 
was  given  at  the  time  : 

New  York,  July  13,  1803.* 
A  select  company  of  the  most  respectable  citizens,  without  re- 
gard to  political  distinctions,  principally  merchants,  amounting  to 
about  200,  gave  a  public  dinner  to  our  late  Ambassador  at  the 
Court  of  Great  Britain  as  a  mark  of  respect. 

Mr.  King  gave  as  a  Toast  "  The  City  of  New  York— Prosperity 
and  harmony  to  its  citizens." — After  his  retiring,  Mr.  Varick 
offered  the  following  toast,  which  was  drunk  with  six  cheers. 

Rufus  King— May  foreign  nations  ever  recognize  in  the 
American  Envoy  the  firm  Patriot,  the  able  and  dignified 
Statesman. 


R.  King,  New  York,  to  C.  Gore,  London. 

July  22,  1803. 
Dr.  Sir  : 

To  day  &  yesterday  the  heat,  which  has  been  excessive  since 
the  beginning  of  the  month,  has  moderated  and  we  cease  to  be  in 
the  fluid  state  in  wh.  we  have  been  during  the  last  fortnight.  Al- 
though we  have  been  a  week  at  housekeeping,  we  are  not  yet 
settled,  and  another  week  will  be  requisite  before  we  shall  begin 
to  feel  at  home.  As  the  coloured  woman  we  brought  with  us,  and 
who  was  to  cook  for  us,  very  soon  rebelled,  and  has  been  dis- 
missed, we  have  taken  a  French  cook,  who  is  to  go  to  market  and 
cook  our  dinners.  His  soups  are  good  and  should  no  grave  ob- 
jections on  the  score  of  finance  arise,  we  may  do  very  well  with 
him,  we  give  him  $20.  a  month  &c— Every  one  tells  us  that  the 
real  difficulty  proceeds  from  the  ill  manner  in  which  you  are 
served  by  your  servants,  and  from  what  I  have  already  seen  it  is 
plain  that  servants  are  not  only  worse  here  than  with  you,  but 
much  worse  than  10  years  ago  here. 

Edward  &  Frederick  are  well  ;  the  latter  has  suffered  a  little 
from  the  heat,  but  is  now  recovered.  Mrs.  K.  also  is  well  and 
already  growing  fat.  I  have  been  very  sensible  to  the  heat,  but 
by  keeping  at  home  and  quiet  as  much  as  possible,  I  have  been 
well. 

*  The  Evening  Post,  July  13,  1803 

VOL.   IV.— 19 


29O  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

I  find  a  little  embarrassment  for  the  want  of  my  books,  &c.  and 
as  my  term  where  I  am  is  short,  I  think  it  not  prudent  to  open 
my  trunks,  and  the  more  so,  as  I  have  no  room  or  place  to  put  my 
books  up,  and  looking  round  for  houses  and  enquiring  their  prices 
and  rents,  I  feel  sorry  that  I  sold  my  house  ;  tho'  I  did  not  like  it, 
yet  it  would  have  been  very  convenient  for  me  on  my  first  return 
and  until  I  could  have  actually  set  myself  down  more  to  my  mind. 

I  can  send  you  no  news,  except  that  it  is  known  that  the 
Louisiana  purchase  is  to  cost  us  15.  mill.  Dol. — 3,750,000 
whereof  is  to  be  paid  to  our  own  people.  Our  friends  say  the 
money  is  no  object.  But  I  am  sure  that  the  Govt,  may  feel  not  a 
little  embarrassed  with  this  part  of  the  Business — the  view  we 
entertained  of  the  acquisition  in  England  seems  to  be  that  wh. 
our  friends  here  have  adopted  ;  that  we  do  not  want  Territory 
over  the  River  &  that  the  Floridas  and  New  Orleans  ought  to 
satisfy  us.     .     .     . 

Gen.  Smith  of  Baltimore  was  here  a  few  days  ago,  and  assured 
me  that  he  had  no  knowledge  who  is  to  be  my  successor  at  Lon- 
don :  This  is  the  case  with  all  those  I  meet  with.  But  a  common 
persuasion  seems  to  destine  Mr.  Livingston  or  Mr.  Monroe  for 
the  Mission  to  London.  I  hear  nothing  further  of  our  friend 
Pinkney's  appointment.  ...  I  wrote  a  private  letter  to 
Madison  saying  I  did  not  know  the  usage,  whether  our  Minstrs. 
were  expected  to  visit  the  seat  of  Gov.  on  their  return,  intimated 
that  I  desired  not  to  be  deficient  in  respect,  and  that  I  wd.  cheer- 
fully proceed  to  Washington,  if  he  was  of  opinion  that  my  omit- 
ting to  do  so  wd.  be  thought  in  the  slightest  degree  disrespectful 
— I  reed,  a  very  satisfactory  answer,  which  dispensed  with  my 
journey. 

Yrs. 

R.  K. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  July  29,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

It  is  with  real  sorrow  that  I  have  to  inform  you  of  the  rebellion 
breaking  out  in  Ireland,  and  at  a  time  the  most  unexpected.  All 
persons  had  flatter'd  themselves,  that  the  country  was  radically 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  29 1 

mended  ;  even  the  old  opposition,  that  was  fond  of  exaggerating 
rather  than  diminishing  the  evils  England  had  to  contend  with, 
was  constrained  from  the  evidence  of  their  friends,  who  visited 
that  island,  to  believe  that  Irishmen  were  gratified  with  the 
change,  and  were  sincerely  &  heartily  disposed  to  resist  the  com- 
mon enemy.  The  newspapers  give  you  the  particulars  of  the 
tragical  scene  of  Dublin,  and  rumour  leaves  no  room  to  doubt, 
that  the  first  accounts  will  be  found  short  of  the  real  horrors,  that 
disgrace  these  wretched  people. 

The  true  English  spirit  continues  to  rise,  and  I  have  a  confi- 
dence that  this  and  their  resources  will  prove  equal  to  the  tre- 
mendous conflict  they  are  entering  upon.  The  northern  powers 
are  remonstrating  with  acrimony,  as  I  learn,  against  the  shutting 
of  the  Elbe,  and  Monroe  told  me  yesterday  that  the  Weser  was 
also  blockaded,  but  I  see  no  account  of  it  in  the  papers,  neither 
do  I  learn  that  it  is  true  from  others. 

This  gentleman  arrived  here  about  a  week  since.  Before  his 
arrival  I  received  a  letter  from  Parker,  saying  M.  had  a  strong 
wish  to  live  in  the  house  you  occupied,  that  he  might  be  near  us, 
and  of  his  great  respect  and  warm  desire  to  live  on  the  most  cor- 
dial terms  &c,  &c,  &c.  All  this  I  trust  was  duly  estimated.  The 
day  after  I  learnt  that  he  was  in  town,  I  paid  him  my  respects, 
stated  to  him  what  I  knew  of  the  business  of  the  Legation  &c, 
and  the  next  day  sent  him  the  letters,  which  had  been  received 
since  your  absence,  and  apprized  him  that  all  the  papers  belong- 
ing to  the  embassy,  and  left  by  you,  were  here.  The  day  before 
yesterday  he  returned  the  visit,  &  on  the  same  day  we  dined  to- 
gether at  Mr.  Hope's.  Sir  T.  B.  was  there.  He  said  that  Bing- 
ham, who  was  at  Tunbridge  Wells,  had  written  to  desire  that  they 
would  be  particularly  attentive  to  M.  An  answer  was  returned 
that  they  always  were  to  Americans  of  distinguished  character, 
whatever  was  their  party.  B.  came  to  town  yesterday  to  pay  his 
respects.  He  did  not,  till  he  met  M.  in  Paris,  know  he  was  so 
able  &  so  moderate  a  man.  I  cannot  waste  a  sheet  of  paper  on 
this  son  of  Wealth,  but  suffice  it  to  say,  he  admires  France  & 
Frenchmen,  thinks  England  weak  and  foolish  in  the  extreme  in 
going  to  war,  and  that  nothing  but  the  earnest  desire  of  the 
present  administration  to  unsheath  the  sword,  occasioned  the 
contest. 


292  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

The  boys  are  here  in  perfect  health  &  good  spirits.  They  are 
not  yet  absolutely  settled  at  the  Abbe's,*  but  will  be  next  week  ; 
they  have  already  slept  there  and  will  take  their  beds  with  him 
to-night.  We  wrote  to  James  today — Mrs.  Gore  sends  to  Mrs. 
King  his  last  letter. 

I  ought  to  have  told  you  what  you  will  know  without,  though, 
that  if  Mr.  M.  asks  for  any  information  which  I  can  afford,  it  will 
be  cheerfully  given — if  not,  I  shall  by  no  means  intrude  myself, 
or  my  opinions  upon  him.  I  most  seriously  feel  your  absence. 
There  is  not  in  England  a  man  with  whom  I  can  talk  confiden- 
tially, and  even  on  subjects  that  perhaps  do  not  admit  of  any 
great  difference  of  opinion,  one  is  obliged  to  be  on  their  guard, 
lest  misconstructions  should  be  made.  Our  board  must  adjourn 
to  the  first  Monday  of  December.  There  are  a  few  cases  yet  be- 
fore the  courts  ;  and  our  brethren  will  not  consent  to  act  on  them 
until  that  process  is  ended.  We  have  sent  a  list  of  the  awards  to 
the  Govt.,  and  every  individual  in  whose  favor  they  are  made,  and 
submitted  to  them  the  propriety  of  printing  it.  The  number  of 
awards  is  467 — of  cases  300.  The  amount  of  these  is  ;£  1.083.990. 
3.8.  ;  forty  two  cases  remain  to  be  acted  upon,  all  of  which,  except 
about  half  a  dozen  have  been  referred  to  C.  &  P.  for  report :  such 
as  are  perfect  in  relation  to  the  judicial  remedy,  absolutely  ;  and 
such  as  are  not,  provisionally. 

I  may  possibly  go  to  France.  After  the  motive  of  gratifying 
my  wife,  I  have  very  few  to  go  there,  but  then  none  exist  to  de- 
tain me  here,  and  many  make  me  desire  to  be  absent.  The  Brit- 
ish treasury  paid  on  the  day,  viz.  15.  July,  and  the  few  we  have 
to  make  I  entertain  no  doubt  will  be  paid,  the  first  instalment  on 
presentation  &  the  others  when  due. 

My  affectionate  regards  to  Mrs.  King  &  the  children,  ever 
Sincerely  yours 

C.  G. 


R.  King  to  C.  Gore,  London. 

Dear  Sir:  New  York,  Aug.  12,  1803. 

.     .     .     I  have  satisfactorily  ascertained  that  Mr.  Livingston  or 
Mr.  Monroe,  as  may  be  settled  between  themselves  is  to  succeed 
*  They  were  here  during  the  vacation  to  study  French. 


1803]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  293 

me  at  London.  .  .  .  Monroe  is  authorized  to  buy  the  Flori- 
das  of  Spain  or  whoever  is  the  owner,  provided  he  can  make  the 
purchase  in  a  certain  sum  in  6  pr  cents.  It  is  expected  as  I  hear 
that  the  Impost  will  be  sufficient  to  pay  the  Interest  of  this  adn. 
to  the  public  Debt  without  new  Taxes. — A  loan  will  be  made  to 
raise  the  money  to  pay  the  Debt  owed  by  France  to  our  own  peo- 
ple and  which  we  have  assumed.  It  is  matter  of  speculation  why 
this  Debt  was  not  payable  in  6  pr  cent  stock  instead  of  money. 
It  was  without  doubt  the  expectation  of  Govt,  here  that  such 
would  have  been  the  arrangement,  and  the  creditors  would  have 
had  no  ground  of  complaint. 

I  am  so  little  in  the  way  of  hearing  what  pub.  opinion  is  that  I 
can  tell  you  nothing  precise  respecting  the  Purchase  of  Louisiana. 
In  the  papers  that  I  see,  I  observe  some  doubts  are  beginning  to 
arise  both  as  to  the  utility  and  prudence  of  the  measure,  and  it 
would  not  surprise  me  if  a  considerable  difference  of  opinion 
should  exist  in  the  Senate  &  H.  of  Reps. 

The  measure  must  be  the  subject  of  very  extensive  future  ex- 
amination, provided,  as  I  understand  to  be  the  case,  an  amend- 
ment of  the  Constitution  will  be  requisite  to  enable  Congress  to 
receive  the  ceded  territory  into  the  Union.     .     .     . 

R.  K. 


Rufus  King  to  C.  Gore,  London. 

New  York,  Aug.  20,  1803. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  I  do  not  think  you  could,  without  impropriety,  cer- 
tainly not  without  public  inconvenience,  have  declined  to  act  as 
far  as  you  have  consented  to  do — if  your  own  feelings  had  not 
forbidden  it,  I  should  have  seen  nothing  remiss  in  your  assuming 
the  character  which  the  Gov.  supposed  you  to  fill.  I  hear  noth- 
ing more  of  my  successor  * — tho'  as  I  have  before  informed  you, 
I  do  conclude  that  Livingston  or  Monroe  will  go  to  London. 
Since  the  indiscreet  publication  of  the  unsound  as  well  as  unwise 
and  impolitic  memorial  of  the  former  (I  allude  to  the  memorial 
respecting    Louisiana    presented    to    Bonaparte    in    September 

*  This  seems  very  extraordinary,  as  Mr.  Monroe  was  actually  in  London, 
acting  as  Minister,  on  the  18th  of  July.  See  Mr.  Gore's  letter,  August  24,  1803. 


294  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

last)  his  situation  there  will  be  less  agreeable  than  otherwise  it 
might  have  been  ;  and  in  regard  to  Monroe,  P.  Porcupine  will 
make  him  uneasy  &  in  some  degree  put  him  out  of  good  com- 
pany, by  republishing  with  comments  an  article  from  his  unwise 
and  stupid  performances.  If  Mr.  Jefferson  would  do  as  he 
ought,  he  would  appoint  you  as  my  successsor.     .     .     . 

Washington  is  at  this  season  deserted — from  the  fixed  opinion 
that  no  one  from  the  North  or  from  the  high  country  of  the 
South,  can  pass  the  months  of  August  and  September  there  with- 
out intermittent  or  bilious  fever.  Mr.  Gallatin  informs  me  that 
no  considerable  progress  is  made  in  building  the  City,  and  were 
the  Govt,  in  New  York  or  Phil,  it  would  not  think  of  moving  to 
Washington.  To  leave  it,  however,  is  another  matter.  Our  City 
continues  to  be  scourged  with  the  yellow  fever  :  it  is  probable 
that  upwards  of  20.000  of  the  Inhabitants  have  retired  to  the 
country  &  the  quarters  of  the  city,  where  the  influence  is  sup- 
posed to  have  most  prevailed,  are  evacuated,  and  in  consequence 
of  their  Removal,  fewer  cases  happen  than  otherwise  wd.  take 
place — hitherto  not  more  than  18  new  cases,  nor  more  than  9 
deaths  have  taken  place  any  one  day  ;  but  from  the  severity  of 
the  attack  in  a  plurality  of  cases,  the  Effects  of  the  Disease  are 
more  and  more  alarming  than  formerly.  Men  in  perfect  health  to 
all  appearance,  and  who  are  engaged  in  their  business  as  usual,  are 
seized  and  die  in  the  course  of  40  hours.  The  same  disagree- 
ment &  hesitation,  as  to  the  mode  of  treatment  which  have  here- 
tofore existed  among  our  physicians,  continue  to  prevail,  &  the 
patients  unhappily  have  less  confidence  of  recovery  in  conse- 
quence of  this  bad  state  of  things.  I  have  no  hope  of  the  fever 
ceasing  before  the  frost  ;  but  as  the  City  will  daily  become  less 
populous,  I  am  in  hopes  that  the  total  mortality  may  not  be  very 
great,  tho'  we  have  many  weeks  of  suffering  to  endure  before  the 
setting  in  of  the  frost.  Our  other  cities  are  healthy  and  free  from 
fever.    .     .    . 

R.  King. 

P.  S.  So  far  as  I  hear  little  is  said  abt.  Louisiana.  The  article 
wh.  secures  to  French  &  Spanish  produce  &  manufactures  arriving 
in  French  or  Span.  Bottoms  the  Privilege  of  paying  no  higher 
Duties  than  the  like  Articles  wd.  pay,  if  imported  in  Amer.  Bot- 


1803]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  20,5 

toms,  confirms  the  Privilege  to  the  Ports  within  the  ceded  coun- 
try, and  limits  its  duration  to  twelve  years  ;  it  moreover  restrains 
the  U.  S.  from  giving  the  same  advantages  during  the  twelve 
years  to  any  other  Country.  Perhaps  the  article  is  as  impolitic, 
as  I  believe  it  to  have  been  an  unnecessary,  one,  but  I  cannot 
think  an  unjustifiable  one,  since  the  Treaty  with  Eng.  must  be 
supposed  to  refer  to  the  Territories  of  the  U.  S.  at  its  date,  and 
since,  moreover,  the  Privilege  must  be  regarded  as  a  part  of  the 
Price  to  obtain  the  cession  ;  it  wd.  have  been  more  wise  to  have 
communicated  the  article  to  G.  B.  in  the  first  instance,  but  I  am 
persuaded  she  will  see  it  in  its  true  light.     .     .     . 


CHAPER  XX. 

Gore  to  King — Congratulates  him  on  his  Arrival  in  N.  Y. — Boys  Well — Affairs 
in  Europe — Monroe  knows  little  that  passes  in  London — Gore  to  King — 
Miranda  desires  to  quit  England  for  Trinidad — Affairs  in  Europe — Trouble 
with  Ewing — King  to  Gore — Astonished  by  England  enrolling  the  Militia 
— No  reliable  Opinions  of  Congress  relative  to  Louisiana — Search  for  a 
Farm — Gore  to  King — His  Boys  in  England — Livingston's  Memorial — 
South  America — St.  Domingo — Gore  to  King — Boys'  Behaviour  excellent — 
Anticipates  a  gloomy  Winter — England  duped  by  Spain — Monroe  has  re- 
ceived no  Dispatches  since  his  Arrival  in  London — Gore  to  King — Wishes 
he  might  settle  near  Boston — Miranda — Gore  to  King — Merry  sails  unin- 
structed  relative  to  St.  Domingo — Monroe  thinks  it  a  good  Place  for  eman- 
cipated Negroes — Threatened  Invasion  of  England — Livingston  to  King — 
Has  as  yet  no  Advices  from  U.  S.  of  Reception  of  the  Convention  by  the 
Government — Regrets  that  it  has  not  yet  been  considered — State  of  Europe 
— Has  not  yet  received  his  Cong/. 

C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  August  24,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

We  rejoice  sincerely  that  you  arrived  safely  and  in  so  short  a 
passage.  From  the  winds  here,  apprehensions  were  entertained 
that  your  patience  would  have  been  put  to  a  greater  trial.  Our 
weather  has  been  extremely  hot,  and  since  the  middle  of  June,  we 
have  had  scarcely  any  rain.  The  Boys  are  quite  well ;  they  are 
at  the  Abbe"  Ruffini's.  They  with  Williams  &  Cabot  dine  here  to- 
day, and  Cabot  sails  in  the  morning.  They  do  perfectly  well,  and 
really  merit  the  esteem  &  regard  of  all  who  know  them.  They 
dined  here  in  company  with  Monroe  &  his  family  a  few  days 
since,  and  afterwards  accompanied  us  to  Vauxhall. 

M.,  you  will  see,  is  determined  to  quit  this  country.  I  think 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Spain  &  France  completely  dupe  this 
wise   administration.     Bernadotte   is   assembling   troops   on  the 

296 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  297 

frontiers  of  Spain,  &  this  latter  power  announces  that  unless 
France  arrests  these  measures,  she  will  raise  80,000  men,  and 
formal  notice  of  this  threat  is  given  here.  The  Spanish  money 
arrives,  and  Mr.  Addington  really  fears  that  some  portion  of  it 
finds  its  way  into  France.  A  Fleet  is  said  to  be  fitting  out  at 
Ferrol,  supposed  to  be  destined  to  Ireland.  Yet  England  is  de- 
sirous to  keep  Spain  neutral,  who  lulls  this  Government  by  saying, 
if  she  is  compelled  by  Bonaparte  to  furnish  the  succours  con- 
tracted for  by  treaty,  she  will  do  that  &  nothing  more  ;  and 
that  she  will  not  commute  this  obligation  for  money,  which  has 
been  requested  ;  so  I  presume  she  will  have  the  ships,  men  and 
money.  We  hear  that  Spain  has  sold  Porto  Rico  to  Denmark  ; 
doubtless  with  the  consent,  if  not  at  the  instance,  of  France. 
Hopes  are  indulged  that  Russia  may  be  induced  to  take  a  part 
against  France,  but  whether  on  good  grounds  I  do  not  know. 
France  is  preparing  to  seize  the  Grecian  isles  and  Turkey  is  her 
object.  Austria  has  hitherto  refused  to  lend  herself  to  the  views  & 
desires  of  the  Consul,  in  respect  to  her  ports  in  the  Adriatic  ;  but 
whether  she  will  be  able  to  persist  in  her  refusal  is  quite  uncer- 
tain. If  she  do,  it  may  serve  as  a  pretence  for  the  withdrawal  of 
the  French  army  from  the  channel  and  the  coasts  on  the  North 
Seas  ;  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  this  mighty  chief  may  need 
some  apology  for  such  a  measure,  considering  the  force  and  front 
that  G.  Britain  is  determined  to  display.  The  insurrection  in  Ire- 
land was  undoubtedly  of  French  manufacture,  and  there  are  great 
causes  for  alarm  in  that  quarter.  There  are  some  accounts  to-day 
of  a  new  plotting  discovered  in  Paris, — you  have  the  story  in  the 
papers. 

Our  Board  has  decided  all  the  British  Complaints  except  one, 
which  is  continued  for  evidence.  What  we  have  awarded  against 
the  U.  S.  will  amount  to  about  100,000  dollars.  There  are  about 
8  or  9  cases,  waiting  for  exports  from  the  Admiralty,  &  three  de- 
pending in  the  courts.  These  will  be  awarded  on,  or  dismissed  in 
December,  and  in  February  or  March,  the  Commission  will  be 
finally  closed,  and  we  shall  return  home  in  the  Spring  and  my 
most  earnest  wishes  would  be  gratified  if  we  were  to  live  within  a 
dozen  miles,  if  not  in  the  same  town  with  you  &  Mrs.  King.  You 
can  have  no  conception  how  much  we  miss  your  society,  and  how 
completely  insulated  I  am  becoming,  if  nothing  worse.      The 


UN1VE 


298  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

Monroes  receive  our  civilities  &  he  appears,  when  in  his  company, 
disposed  to  be  attentive  and  kind.  We  dined  yesterday  at  Pink- 
ney's,  but  the  Minister's  connections  will  be  entirely  different 
from  ours.  He  has  seen  Hawkesbury  twice,  once  on  his  arrival 
and  on  his  introduction  to  the  King.  He  has  also  seen  Ham- 
mond once.  His  arrival  here  was  18th  July,  I  suspect  he  knows 
nothing  that  passes  here,  and  appears  to  have  a  sort  of  creed  that 
it  is  improper  to  know  what  is  passing  in  relation  to  the  European 
powers,  unless  the  U.  S.  are  directly  interested.  He  will  there- 
fore have  a  quiet  time  in  England,  for  you  know  they  do  not  press 
their  knowledge,  no  more  than  their  civility  on  any  man.  Bid  well 
saw  James  well  a  few  days  since.  The  obstacles  to  quitting 
France  &  coming  to  England  are  so  many,  that  I  think  we 
shall  remain  in  London  until  we  embark  for  Boston.  Mrs.  Gore 
unites  with  me  in  affectionate  regards  to  Mrs.  King  &  the  boys. 

Ever  yours 
C.  Gore. 

C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  Aug.  30,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

Hammond,  whom  I  saw  yesterday,  tells  me  it  is  not  true  that 
Porto  Rico  has  been  ceded  to  Denmark,  that  a  negotiation  was 
on  foot  between  Spain  and  another  northern  power  for  such  a 
cession,  but  it  is  now  at  an  end.  He  thinks  that  Bonaparte  is  bad 
with  most  of  his  Generals,  and  that  his  opponents  increase  upon 
him.  But  as  you  know,  incredulity  on  some  subjects  is  not  the 
greatest  defect  of  certain  men,  you  may  judge  what  weight  to 
give  to  such  accounts,  they  doubtless  have  their  emissaries  in  all 
parts  of  France,  and  some  who  are  very  obnoxious  to  Bonaparte, 
even  in  Paris  ;  and  they  believe  that  his  efforts  to  prepare  for  the 
invasion  are  much  slackened.  Spain  convinces  England,  that 
she  intends  to  remain  neuter  &  endeavours,  perhaps  not  without 
effect,  to  produce  a  belief  that  she  is  capable  of  maintaining  this 
character  against  France.  Miranda  saw  Vansittart  and  H.  Ad- 
dington  yesterday,  and  it  was  agreed  then  that  the  former  should 
write  a  letter,  merely  professing  his  desire  to  quit  England  on 
their  paying  him  five  years  pension,  which,  for  that  consideration, 


803]  UFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  299 


is  to  be  renounced  forever.  Some  Captain  of  a  frigate  is  to  offer 
him  a  passage  for  himself,  &  two  friends  to  be  landed  at  Trini- 
dad, where  he  is  to  take  his  people  and  go  wherever  he  pleases. 
He  hopes  to  find  two  vessels  from  the  U.  S.  with  musquets  &c. 
&c.  I  told  him  that  to  procure  the  men  he  talks  of  will  not  be 
easy,  to  obtain  the  articles  is  very  sensible,  provided  he  has  some 
mercantile  friends  there  to  make  the  speculation.  He  writes  you 
again  having  already  written  by  our  friend  Cabot.  When  he  was 
yesterday  with  Vansittart  &  Healy,  they  had  received  the  extract 
from  Mr.  Livingston's  memorial,  which  speaks  of  the  tyranny  of 
G.  B.,  and  the  union  of  France  and  America  to  form  a  maritime 
code,  which  should  depress  this  evil  spirit  of  England.  They  were 
outrageous,  according  to  his  account,  against  the  U.  S.  for  giving 
vent  to  so  odious  a  sentiment.  But  he  had  in  his  pocket  the 
Philadelphia  Gazette,  containing  the  memorial  and  some  strictures 
on  this  offensive  paragraph,  &  availed  himself  of  the  occasion, 
which  it  proffered,  of  showing  that  the  same  opinion  was  enter- 
tained in  America,  as  in  England,  of  what  they  complained — and 
this,  as  he  thinks,  much  abated  their  wrath.  So  he  believes  that 
his  having  borrowed  from  me  this  paper  and  making  such  use  of 
it,  has  really  done  great  good  to  the  U.  S.  H.  on  Saturday,  men- 
tioned it  to  me,  and  we  read  the  paper  together.  His  expressions 
of  the  writer  were  such  as  you  would  suppose,  but  he  very  wisely 
refrained  from  attributing  any  importance  to  it,  &  I  assured  him 
it  would  be  as  unpopular  with  us  as  here.  I  must  tell  you  one 
anecdote,  though  you  will  be  careful  not  to  mention  it, — Ful- 
ton wrote  to  Boulton  &  Watts  for  one  or  two  steam  engines  to  be 
shipped  to  Brockholst  Livingston  in  New  York,  who  would  pay 
for  them,  the  engines  to  be  made  according  to  directions  of  Joel 
Barlow.  The  Government  here  took  it  into  their  heads  to  believe, 
these  were  intended  for  Fulton's  diving  machines,  that  are  to  blow 
up  the  British  Navy,  the  dockyard  &c.  &c.  at  Portsmouth  of  which 
they  have  some,  certainly  not  strongs  apprehensions  ;  and  Boulton 
&  Watts  do  not  ship  the  machines,  lest  the  destination  of  N. 
York  should  be  only  a  trick,  and  so  soon  as  the  vessel  carrying 
them  should  be  in  the  channel,  they  might  be  transhipped  for 
France  and  affixed  to  these  terrible  instruments  of  destruction. 
I  told  him  that  L.  &  Fulton  were  jointly  concerned  in  the  con- 
struction and  patent  for  constructing  and  using  a  boat,  that  was 


300  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

designed  to  work  against  the  stream,  and  I  entertained  no  doubt 
that  this  was  the  real  purpose  of  the  engines  desired.  He  said, 
however,  B.  &  W.  had  orders  not  to  ship  them.  Their  suspicions 
will  be  increased  on  reading  the  memorial.  Barlow  sailed  for 
France  about  a  week  since  &  carried  some  letters  for  James. 

A  gentleman  told  me  to-day  he  had  seen  a  letter  from  Gentz,  the 
author,  now  at  Vienna,  which  says  that  if  E.  had  had  a  skilful  man 
at  Berlin,  when  the  French  troops  marched  for  Hanover,  they  might 
have  been  stopt  by  Prussia  ;  that  in  the  Cabinet  it  was  absolutely 
decided  one  evening  to  resist  the  French  by  an  army  of  50,000 
men,  that  the  King  went  in  the  night  to  some  chateau  to  sleep  and 
altered  his  disposition  before  morning  ;  that  a  clever  Englishman 
at  that  court  might  have  prevailed  on  this  power  to  have  inter- 
fered in  the  preservation  of  Hanover.  Gentz  says  that  he  has 
travelled  over  all  the  northern  parts  of  Europe  ;  that  England  is 
every  where  unpopular  ;  and  an  universal  stupor  prevails  among 
all  the  powers  of  the  continent,  which  is  created  by  the  vigour 
and  quickness  of  the  Consul's  motions.  The  spirit  which  is 
awakened  in  the  people  at  large  will  do  much  agt.  the  imbecility 
of  the  ministry.  Dumourier  and  Pichegru  are  here  ;  &  there  is 
some  reason  to  believe  an  attempt  will  be  made  to  invade  France. 
Dumourier,  I  learn,  is  disgusted  with  the  want  of  spirit  in  the  ad- 
ministration, and  I  think  whatever  may  have  been  their  original 
intention,  it  would  be  so  unpopular  that  they  will  not  dare  to  em- 
ploy him.     Miranda  declines  to  see  Dumourier. 

I  enclose  you  herewith  a  statement  which  in  a  great  measure 
explains  itself.  My  principal  reason  for  troubling  you  with  it  is 
that  it  is  not  improbable  that  Erving  may,  among  his  friends  at 
least,  circulate  some  stories  about  this  business.  You  will  readily 
conceive  that  my  wish  is  only  to  correct  any  false  impressions  he 
may  attempt  to  impose,  &  will  of  course  never  make  any  other 
use,  than  to  such  ends,  of  this  statement.*     .     .     . 

Truly,  &  ever  yours 

C.  Gore. 

*  The  statement  written  by  William  Pinkney,  the  associate  of  Mr.  Gore  in 
the  Commission  of  claims  under  the  7th  Article  of  the  Treaty  with  Great  Brit- 
ain, is  a  long  one,  and  although  in  some  points  other  than  those  immediately 
referring  to  Mr.  Gore  it  also  concerns  Mr.  King's  relations  with  Mr.  Erving, 
it  is  not  possible  to  print  it  here,  nor  even  that  furnished  in  the  letter  of  Mr. 
Gore  himself,  which  covers  many  pages.     They  were  sent  to   Mr.  King  by  his 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  3OI 

C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  August  31,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

Since  writing  the  letter  that  accompanies  this  I  have  thought 

you  would  expect  a  more  detailed  account  of  the  affair,  to  which 

the  inclosure  alludes,  than  is  contained  therein.     Notwithstanding 

the  reflection  that  this  is  due  from  me  to  you,  and  that  I  am  sure 

you  take  a  deep  interest  in  whatever  concerns  my  character  & 

conduct,  it  is  not  without  some  pain  I  again  bring  this  loathsome 

subject  to  my  mind,  as  it  presents  to  me  the  Maryland  worthies 

and  Captain  Lewis,  who  it  seems  are  the  advisers  of  this  man 

&  by  whose  advice,  contrary  to  that  of  Monroe  &  Pinkney,,he 

thought  himself  bound  to  act.     .     .     . 

friend  not  to  vindicate  the  line  of  conduct  he  had  adopted,  but  to  give  him  a 
true  statement  of  the  facts  and  of  what  he  had  done,  of  the  correctness  and 
propriety  of  which  Mr.  Gore  had  no  doubt,  nor  did  he  suppose  his  friend  would 
have,  as  he  was  well  aware  of  the  animus  of  Mr.  Erving  towards  him  and 
others.  Mr.  Erving,  disappointed  in  not  receiving  the  consideration  and  influ- 
ence which  upon  his  arrival  in  England  he  had  expected,  had  shown  himself 
antagonistic  to  Messrs.  King,  Williams,  and  Gore,  whom  he  had  not  been  able 
to  make  to  yield  to  his  pretensions — possibly  warranted  on  his  part  by  the 
belief  that  the  administration  would  look  favourably  on  his  pretensions  and 
acts. 

With  Mr.  Gore  in  particular  he  had  reason  to  feel  himself  somewhat  ag- 
grieved, who,  with  the  other  members  of  the  Commission,  had  refused  to  allow 
him  to  interfere,  in  a  way  which  his  instructions  from  home  would  seem  to  war- 
rant ;  and  because  that  gentleman  had  been  appointed  charge  des  affaires  during 
Mr.  King's  absence  on  the  continent,  when  he  asserted  his  right  to  act  for  the 
U.  S.,  he  being  Consul  in  London  ;  and  now  that  Mr.  King  had  left  England 
without  appointing  a  charge  des  affaires,  as  it  afterwards  appeared  that  the 
Government  at  home  expected  him  to  do,  he  was  ready  to  take  umbrage  at  any 
act  of  Mr.  Gore's  indicating  a  desire  to  look  after  the  interests  of  the  country 
in  England  and  to  give  to  or  receive  information  from  the  ministry  which 
might  under  the  circumstances  seem  proper.  Mr.  Erving  having  received  some 
communications  from  friends  in  the  U.  S.,  stating  that  Mr.  Gore  had  calumni- 
ated him  in  letters  written  to  his  correspondents  in  America,  was  greatly 
incensed,  demanded  an  explanation,  and  finally  sent  a  challenge  to  Mr.  Gore 
through  the  parties  named  in  Mr.  G.'s  letter,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  Messrs. 
Pinkney  &  Monroe,  which  he  promptly  declined  under  the  obligation  of  the 
position  he  held,  as  well  as  for  other  reasons.  This  is  an  outline  of  the  matter 
which  is  given  here  chiefly  as  due  to  Mr.  Gore's  high  character  and  as  calling 
forth  from  Mr.  King,  as  will  be  seen  in  his  letter,  high  encomiums  as  to  his 
integrity,  ability  and  manliness. 


302  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

R.  King  to  C.  Gore,  London. 

New  York,  Sept.  6,  1803. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  We  have  papers  to  the  2 2d  July,  which  announce  Mr. 
Monroe's  arrival  in  London  :  I  make  you  my  compliments  on 
being  relieved  from  the  employment  which  might  have  detained 
you  in  London  more  constantly  and  longer  than  you  would  have 
desired. 

.  .  .  I  am  staggered  with  the  general  arming  which  appears 
to  be  making  in  England.  I  don't  see  clearly  that  this  mob  of  an 
army  will  be  able  to  resist  the  enemy  agt.  whom  it  is  to  be  put  in 
motion  ;  a  regular  army  of  200,000  or  150,000  wd.  in  my  poor 
opinion  be  more  to  be  relied  upon  than  the  nation  en  masse  :  in 
point  of  economy  the  army  would  likewise  be  preferable,  for  if  all 
the  men  of  the  nation  are  to  be  drilled  and  trained,  as  the  news- 
papers state  it  to  be  the  project  that  they  shall  be,  I  should  appre- 
hend the  manufacturers  would  suffer  and  the  agriculture  be 
neglected.  In  so  complicated  a  machine,  its  ordinary  movements 
should  be  changed  with  infinite  caution,  since  what  may  seem  the 
remedy  of  one  inconvenience,  may  become  the  cause  of  a  still 
greater  and  more  alarming  one.  There  may  be  a  militia,  includ- 
ing the  whole  people  in  America  and  I  believe  such  to  have  been 
once  the  situation  of  Switzerland  ;  but  these  would  be  no  author- 
ities to  justify  a  universal  militia  in  England  :  and  my  greatest 
fear  is,  if  the  nation  be  armed,  that  the  unavoidable  consequence 
will  be  the  change  of  the  monarchy  for  a  Republic — two  armies 
of  60,000  each,  with  an  army  of  Reserve  of  30,000  would  defeat 
and  destroy  any  body  of  French  that  can  be  landed  in  England  ; 
and  were  I  responsible,  I  shd.  feel  more  safe  with  this  force  than 
with  the  whole  nation  in  arms.  We  here  wish  the  attempt  to 
invade  may  be  made,  because  we  believe  it  will  certainly  fail,  and 
that  the  failure  will  increase  the  confidence,  reputation  and 
security  of  England. 

Owing  to  the  continuance  of  the  fever  which  continues  to  pre- 
vail in  our  unfortunate  city,  we  are  cut  off  from  the  usual  inter- 
course with  our  neighbours,  so  that  I  see  but  few  persons  & 
those  my  neighbours.  Hence  I  cannot  send  you  any  opinion  wh. 
can  be  relied  upon  respecting  the  probable  sentiments  of  Congress 
concerning  the  Louisiana  cession.     An   intelligent  Connecticut 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  303 

man  told  me  some  time  since  that  the  cession  would  be  disliked 
by  New  England,  and  I  shall  not  be  surprised  if  the  Eastern  Dele- 
gates or  Senators  oppose  the  Ratification.  I  understand  that  the 
President  has  no  thoughts  of  opening  the  western  side  of  the 
River  for  settlement,  tho'  past  experience  has  taught  us,  that 
nothing  but  a  cordon  of  troops  will  restrain  our  people  from 
going  over  the  River  and  settling  themselves  down  upon  the  west- 
ern bank.  This  has,  as  I  hear,  been  already  done,  there  being  as 
many  as  4,000  Inhabitants  settled  upon  the  Missouri  40  or  50 
miles  west  of  the  Mississippi.  These  will  increase  and  after  a 
while  set  up  a  new  State.  The  Plan  is  to  persuade  the  Indians 
which  remain  within  the  U.  S.  to  exchange  their  present  territo- 
ries for  Lands  to  be  assigned  to  them  over  the  Mississippi,  and 
perhaps  a  suitable  spot  may  be  marked  out  as  the  Sierra  Leone 
for  the  negroes.  Notwithstanding  the  satisfaction  of  the  negotia- 
tors with  their  performance,  I  believe  the  Govt,  is  and  will  be 
embarrassed  with  the  cession,  which  may  become  the  immediate 
cause  of  very  important  political  events  among  the  states. 

I  don't  make  much  progress  in  the  purchase  of  a  farm.  The 
fever  has  turned  the  attention  of  many  persons  toward  the  neigh- 
bouring country  and  the  farmers  who  are  in  easy  circumstances 
raise  the  price  of  their  lands — a  farm  of  270  acres,  of  which  200 
are  ploughed  land  and  meadow,  &  the  residue  woodland,  with 
such  buildings  as  wd.  be  sufficient  for  a  farmer,  but  upon  which  I 
should  be  obliged  to  build  for  my  family  residence  &c,  is  valued 
at  30,000  dol.  ;  three  years  ago  it  might  have  been  purchased  for 
25000,  or  22500  dols.  The  situation  is  good,*  being  on  the  Sound 
19  miles  from  New  York  on  the  Postroad,  which  is  but  a  short 
mile  from  the  Farm  house.  I  have  not  been  to  see  it,  and  con- 
sidering the  price  do  not  know  that  I  shall.     .     .     . 

I  am  not  only  unsuccessful  in  finding  a  farm  or  wintry  retreat, 
but  have  equal  difficulty  to  obtain  a  house  to  suit  us,  tho'  to  say 
the  truth  this  is  a  moment  quite  unfavourable  to  search  for 
one.     .     .     . 

Yours  very  truly, 

R.  K. 

*  Hunter's  Island  on  Long  Island  Sound. 


304  RUFUS  KING,  [1803 

Mr.  King  wrote  a  letter  to  Mr.  Vansittart  in  London, 
Sept.  8,  1803,  which  gives  his  opinions  on  several  topics 
among  which  in  his  memorandum  Book  are  the  following. 

U.  S.  will  be  neutral  and  impartial — no  doubts  of  this  policy — 
Eng.  an  interesting  spectacle — an  invasion  desirable,  as  its  defeat 
will  give  confidence  and  reputation  at  home  and  abroad. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  Sept.  6,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

We  yesterday  received  yours  of  the  2 2d  July,  whereby  we  learnt 
you  were  at  housekeeping,  and  meeting  the  usual  troubles  of  all 
countries,  but  probably  much  greater  with  us  than  in  any  other, 
where  there  is  equal  wealth  and  luxury — I  mean  that  of  servants. 
It  is  clear  that  I  shall  regret  having  sold  my  house,  for  not  only 
it  will  be  difficult  to  purchase  to  my  mind,  but  by  what  they 
write  me  from  Boston,  building  is  nearly  double  what  it  was  in 
1800,  when  I  was  there.  My  intention  is  to  take  nothing  home, 
but  what  is  absolutely  necessary,  and  which  will  form  part  of  my 
baggage.     .     .     . 

The  boys  are  perfectly  well  &  happy  &  behave  well.  The 
Abbe*  goes  with  them  to  plays,  to  the  circus,  &c.  &  amuses  him- 
self as  well  as  them.  They  were  with  us  on  Saturday,  and  we 
took  them  to  the  little  theatre  in  the  Haymarket  that  evening. 
The  rule  is  that  they  dine  here  on  Saturday,  stay  that  night  & 
Sunday  to  dinner,  &  return  to  Holborn  in  the  evening,  on 
Wednesdays,  also  dining  with  us,  and  whenever  else  we  have  any 
company,  as  I  wish  to  mix  them  in  good  society,  as  much  as  is 
convenient  with  their  studies  ;  though  I  consider  the  great  object 
of  their  being  at  the  Abbe's  in  the  holidays  is  that  they  may  be 
amused,  if  not  profitably,  at  least  without  injury.  The  project 
will  attain  this  end  and  probably  give  them  some  taste  for  French 
&  Spanish,  and  drawing.  Williams  is  affectionate  towards  them, 
and  treats  them  with  attention,  and  I  have  a  firm  persuasion  that 
their  morals  will  remain  pure  &  their  minds  be  improved.  I 
am  sorry  to  be  confirmed  in  my  opinions  of  the  education  of  our 


l8o3]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE. 


305 


youth.  The  only  chance  for  a  happy  result  to  the  political  conflicts 
our  country  is  destined  to  undergo,  before  she  settles  down  into  a 
permanent  government  &  established  character,  is  in  the  moral 
habits,  sober  &  just  views  of  the  rising  generation— and  unless 
the  basis  of  these  be  laid  in  early  youth,  they  are  scarcely  ever 
attained. 

Livingston's  memorial  occasions  much  disgust  here  :  but  possi- 
bly this  may  be  received  with  pleasure  by,  at  least,  one  man,  and  I 
am  told  he  will  be  given  up  by  the  adminis'n,  but  it  is  difficult 
for  me  to  see  whom  they  intend  to  set  up  as  V.  P.  unless  it  be 
him.  Sumpter  acts  as  Secretary  to  the  minister— of  course  any 
cause  of  difference  between  these  wise  negotiators  is  not  likely  to 

be  allayed.     I  learn  through that  Livingston  made  another 

memorial,  wherein   he  proposed  a  scheme  by  which  the  U.  S. 
should  provide  a  certain  number  of  ships  of  the  Line,  to  be  under 
the  control  of  France  and  fight  for  the  freedom  of  the  seas.    This 
may  be  the  mere  creature  of  S's  imagination,  or  it  may  have  been 
an  indiscretion  of  L.     It  is,  however  pretty  evident  that  a  portion 
of   the  followers  of  the  present  Government  intend  to  ruin  L. 
The  gentleman  here  assumes  no  merit  to  himself,  but  ascribes  all 
to  the  superior  wisdom  and  discernment  of  the  President,  whose 
plans   they  very    humbly    executed.     I  have    thought    that  this 
admin,  will  endeavour  to  bargain  away  the  lands  west  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi for  those  which  Spain  holds  east  of  that  river,  and  obtain 
some  money  also.     This  would  certainly  free  them  from  the  evils 
of  this  purchase  both  as  respects  the  lands  owned  &  the  cash  to 
be  paid,  and  give  to  the  U.  States  all  they  want.     I  thought  the 
other  day  to  sound  M.  as  to  S.  A.   and  observed  to  him  that  it 
could  not  be  long  before  that  country  would  throw  off  the  yoke 
of  Spain.     He  considers  this  not  improbable,  but  seems  impressed 
with  the  idea,  that  they  have  not  sense  enough  to  form  a  free 
government,  and  thinks  Spain  will  be  quite  willing  to  grant  us  ex- 
clusive privileges  in  trade  to  her  settlements,  and  prepare  herself 
by  degrees  for  the  dropping  of  S.  A.  from  her  dominions.     Perhaps 
one  may  conjecture  from  these  hints  the  views  of  the  Govn.  in 
this  respect,  and  how  easily  some  men  may  be  duped. 

I  could  not  refrain  from  conversing  with  him  on  the  new  state 
of  things,  which  the  possession  of  St.  Domingo  by  the  Blacks 
would  produce  in  the  U.  States,  and  suggested  to  him  whether  it 

VOL.  IV. — 20 


306  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

would  not  be  wise  that  there  should  be  a  concurrent  effort  on  this 
subject,  so  important  to  both.  He  received  my  remarks,  or  ap- 
peared to  receive  them  with  some  interest,  but  from  what  I  per- 
ceive and  hear  of  him,  and  what  we  know  of  the  English  character, 
there  is  no  great  probability  of  their  conferring  much  together. 
You  understand,  for  I  think  I  before  told  you,  that  our  negotia- 
tors consider  Louisiana  as  running  E.  of  the  River  M.  to  the 
Rio  Perdido,  and  so  taking  all  the  coast  from  that  E.  boundary  to 
the  river  M.,  and  of  this  they  notified  Spain.  From  what  I  learn 
the  Government  is  more  in  fear  for  Ireland  than  of  an  invasion 
here.  All  the  French,  Italian,  and  Swiss  are  to  be  sent  off  accord- 
ing to  the  proclamation  of  the  King.  You  will  see  a  curious 
paragraph  by  the  printers  of  the  London  Courier,  in  which  it  is 
stated  that  some  person  offered  to  become  a  fellow  labourer,  pro- 
vided Bonaparte's  character  could  be  supported. 

My  affectionate  regards  to  Mrs.  King  and  the  boys.  I  am  pur- 
chasing books  &  preparing  to  return  home — and  this  is  all  my 
occupation.  I  have  done  walking  &  in  this  great  city  am  almost 
literally  without  society  &  certainly  without  friends. 

Yours, 

C.G. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  Sept.  18,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

The  boys  went  to  Harrow  on  Thursday  morning  in  good  health 
and  spirits,  having  passed  their  holidays  very  much  to  their  own 
&  our  satisfaction.  Their  behaviour  has  been  altogether  such 
as  we  could  have  wished.  I  shall  consider  it  due  to  the  friendship 
that  subsists  between  us,  to  give  you  information,  if  I  observe  any- 
thing amiss  or  of  a  wrong  tendency  in  them  ;  so  that  you  may 
Test  perfectly  satisfied  with  the  truth  of  my  report.  They  have 
promised  that  should  any  misfortune  occur,  of  any  sort  or  kind, 
the  same  shall  be  communicated  to  me  directly,  and  I  have  the 
pleasure  of  believing  that  they  will  in  any  event,  have  an  entire 
confidence  in  me.  We  are  (now  the  boys  have  gone  to  Harrow) 
literally  alone.  Sometimes  we  see  the  Pinkneys.  Mrs.  Gore  has 
been  unwell  and  confined  to  the  house  for  ten  days  past  with  a 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  307 

cold,  that  has  affected  her  like  the  influenza.  The  M.s  are  in 
Wigmere  street,  and  them  we  never  see  except  by  an  accidental 
meeting.  The  Trumbulls  are  at  Brighton  or  Worthing.  If  Mrs. 
Gore  can  muster  strength  and  spirits  enough,  we  shall  probably 
make  an  excursion,  for  some  days,  into  the  country,  before  the 
winter  sets  in.  This  will,  I  am  sure,  be  the  most  unpleasant  & 
gloomy  season  that  we  have  ever  passed  in  Europe,  and  I  every 
day  regret  more  &  more  that  we  could  not  return  this  autumn. 
On  ten  thousand  occasions  we  shall  miss  you  &  Mrs.  King,  and 
we  shall  be  continually  reminded  of  the  happiness  we  enjoyed,  by 
feeling  the  want  of  your  society  and  the  utter  impossibility  of  in- 
demnifying ourselves  by  any  new  connections.  My  great  occupa- 
tion now  is  in  increasing  my  library,  and  rendering  it  as  complete 
as  my  means  will  allow. 

It  is  generally  believed,  and  by  the  Government,  that  an  at- 
tempt will  be  made  to  invade  this  country  and  at  no  very  distant 
day.  Any  diversion  in  favour  of  England,  on  the  part  of  any  of 
the  Continental  powers,  is  not  expected.  Great  apprehensions  are 
entertained  for  the  safety  of  Portugal,  and  the  ministry  here 
probably  begin  to  feel  that  that  they  have  been  duped  by  Spain. 
.  .  .  The  Spanish  messenger,  that  went  from  hence  with  some 
new  project,  was  not  permitted  to  pass  through  France.  He 
landed  at  Calais  but  was  ordered  to  reimbark  &  was  relanded  in 
England.  So  that  if  the  declaration  of  war  is  to  depend  on  the 
return  of  this  messenger,  a  considerable  time  must  yet  elapse,  be- 
fore that  event  takes  place.  But  it  is  hardly  possible  that  B. 
should  refrain  from  compelling  S.,  even  if  she  be  indisposed,  to 
take  some  step  directly  &  openly  hostile,  before  the  delivery  of 
any  project  from  this  Government. 

.  .  .  Mr.  Monroe  has  received  no  dispatches  from  Washing- 
ton since  his  arrival  here  ;  *  and  I  learn  through  P.  that  he  has 
seen  Lord  H.  only  at  his  first  visit,  when  presented  to  the  King, 
and  at  the  Levee,  and  when  he  wanted  to  introduce  him  (Pinkney) 
to  his  Lordship,  as  agent  for  the  Maryland  Bank  Stock.  Ques- 
tions relative  to  the  impress  of  our  seamen  constantly  arise,  and, 
it  is  said,  some  violences  have  been  committed  on  our  citizens  in 
the  Thames.  How  they  intend  to  regulate  the  commerce  between 
the  two  Countries  after  October  does  not  appear.  One  would 
*  He  arrived  in  London  July  1 8th. 


308  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

think  there  should  be  a  harmony  as  to  the  measures  to  be  pursued 
by  G.  B.  in  relation  to  St.  Domingo,  but  no  doubt  our  Govern- 
ment will  be  indisposed  to  take  any  step  in  concert  with  G.  B., 
lest  it  should  give  umbrage  to  France — although  their  own  safety 
is  directly  concerned  in  the  manner  in  which  E.  shall  arrange 
with  the  Blacks  on  the  Island.  Mr.  M.  will  probably  be  in- 
structed to  ask  some  explanation  of  our  admin,  on  the  offensive 
paragraphs  of  L's  memorial. 

Our  affectionate  regards  to  Mrs.  K. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  Sept.  22,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

I  yesterday  received  your  favour  to  2nd  August,  and  though  I 
do  not  see  the  probability  of  our  living  so  near  together,  as  I  trust 
would  conduce  to  the  mutual  happiness  of  ourselves  &  family,  I 
do  assure  you  that  your  wishes  to  that  end  afford  me  the  highest 
gratification,  and  there  is  no  object  to  attain  which  I  would  sacri- 
fice so  much.  The  little  I  saw  when  at  home — my  knowledge  of 
the  pursuits  and  occupations,  the  attainments  and  objects  of  am- 
bition of  those  with  whom  I  must  be  associated  on  my  return, 
afford  me  some  idea  of  the  reflections,  which  cannot  fail  to  crowd 
on  my  mind.  While  I  have  not  the  means,  I  assure  you,  I  have 
as  little  desire  to  vie  with  my  neighbours  in  their  modes  of  enno- 
bling themselves,  or  pursuing  enjoyment.  The  great  eating  par- 
ties with  all  the  accompaniments  of  conversation  &  amusement, 
that  attend  them  in  any  great  town,  never  had,  at  least  since  I 
was  thirty  years  of  age,  any  charm  for  me  ;  and  now  they  would 
be  a  task,  at  which  I  am  very  unwilling  to  labour.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  society  of  a  few  friends,  who  have  had  considerable 
converse,  both  with  the  world  and  with  books,  is  the  most  en- 
viable pleasure  of  life.  Had  other  men  filled  the  chair  of  gov- 
ernment, I  should  have  been  gratified  to  have  represented  it  at 
this  court  for  a  few  years,  at  the  end  of  which  term,  I  could  have 
retired  to  my  farm  at  Waltham,  with  what  would  to  me  have  been 
an  independence,  though  very  far  from  what  our  monied  aristoc- 
racy deem  a  competence.  As  the  case  is,  I  shall  take  my  place  at 
the  Bar  for  a  few  years  in  the  expectation  of  maintaining  myself, 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  309 

while  I  am  building  my  house  at  Waltham,  and  procuring  one  at 
Boston,  which  shall  be  small.  This  does  not  suit  all  my  feelings, 
but  on  the  whole  I  believe  it  the  best  course  for  me  to  pursue. 
My  Library  will  be  rather  more  than  double  what  it  was  when 
you  left  us,  and  with  such  additions  as  I  shall  make  during  my  prac- 
tice for  four  or  five  years,  I  hope  to  have  a  comfortable  resource  for 
age.  Now  we  have  land  in  plenty,  and  rather  reasonable  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Boston  &  in  my  neighbourhood,  and  did  not 
political  considerations,  and  what  I  know  is  more,  considerations 
in  regard  to  your  children,  fix  you  immovably  in  N.  York,  I 
should  hope  to  prevail  on  you  to  remove  to  us,  before  you  pur- 
chase. You  should  have  any  of  my  lands  and  we  could  be  within 
a  quarter  of  an  hour's  walk  of  each  other,  and  the  education  of 
your  younger  children  would  be  better  in  Massachusetts,  I  trust, 
than  in  N.  York.  The  Commission  being  closed,  and  as  I  never 
shall  undertake  another  business  with  such  a  variety  of  embar- 
rassments, &  where  the  certainty  of  being  responsible  only  for 
evils  &  disappointments,  and  of  deriving  no  credit  from  success 
was  so  clear,  I  shall  in  future  be  without  solemn  looks  or  depressed 
feelings.     .     .     . 

Portugal  bends  to  France,  as  does  every  part  of  the  Continent, 
and  you  may  be  assured  the  Govt,  here  expects  to  have  the  contest 
singly  to  bear  against  the  accumulating  power  of  Bonaparte  & 
that  they  also  believe  an  attempt  at  invasion  will  soon  be  made. 
M.pranda],  who  writes  you  by  this  oppor'y  has  renewed  assurances 
from  Govt.,  that  he  shall  go  out  in  a  frigate  within  a  month,  and 
have  advanced  to  him  cash  to  prepare  himself ;  before  that  time 
they  expect  to  be  at  war  with  S. 

Mrs.  Gore  who  is  yet  quite  indisposed  unites  with  me  in  affec- 
tionate regards  to  Mrs.  K.  &  the  children.  You  say  nothing  of 
Hamilton,  Jay  or  Benson.     Are  they  yet  in  your  vicinity  ? 

Yours  truly  &c.  &c.  C.  Gore. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  Sept.  30th,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

Mr.   Merry  sailed  from  Portsmouth  on  the  28th  instant,  and 
my  letters  by  him  you  will  probably  receive  before  this.     I  some- 


3IO  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

time  since  suggested  to  him  the  propriety  of  his  knowing  the 
views  and  intentions  of  the  administration  in  regard  to  St. 
Domingo,  and  whether  the  measures  they  might  adopt  for  the 
purpose  of  restraining  or  limiting  the  evils  that  threaten'd  their 
colonies  from  the  existence  of  a  settlement  of  free  blacks  near 
them,  would  not  be  most  likely  to  produce  the  effect  desired  by 
the  concurrence  of  our  Government,  so  far  as  it  could  concur. 
He  opened  the  subject  to  Lord  H.  who  told  him  that  he  thought 
it  important  now  it  was  suggested,  but  really  it  never  before  en- 
tered his  mind.  Monroe,  as  I  believe  I  mentioned  to  you,  told 
me  in  a  conversation  I  made  with  him,  that  he  thought  it  would 
be  a  good  place  for  the  Southern  States  to  send  their  free  negroes, 
and  those  whom  they  thought  fit  not  to  punish  capitally.  This 
latter  gentleman  has  received  no  letters  from  the  Government 
since  his  arrival  here  ;  and  of  course  has  no  instructions  relative 
to  the  renewal  of  the  treaty  or  proposing  any  substitute.  Merry 
goes  out  without  any  instructions  on  the  subject,  but  is  directed 
to  ask  of  our  Government  some  explanation  of  Livingston's 
memorial,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  checking  their  tyranny  on  the 
seas.  For  two  days  past  a  squadron  of  small  ships  have  been 
bombarding  Calais  and  attempting  to  destroy  some  boats  which 
are  there,  or  are  endeavouring  to  pass  to  Boulogne,  but  with 
what  success  we  do  not  learn.  It  is  certain,  in  the  mind  of  all 
persons,  that  Bonaparte  will  make  an  attempt  to  throw  a  body  of 
troops  on  this  Island,  but  the  nation  is  so  well  prepared,  that  per- 
haps it  might  be  advantageous  not  only  for  G.  B.,  but  for  the 
world,  that  he  should  succeed  in  debarking  30  or  40,000  men, 
especially  if  a  like  number  were  destroyed  in  the  channel.  The 
nations  of  the  Continent  seem  to  view  the  struggle  without  in- 
terest, certainly  without  any  on  the  part  of  this  Kingdom.  The 
changes  that  have  been  made  in  Portugal,  have  all  been  in  favour 
of  France  ;  and  little  doubt  is  now  affected  by  any  that  all  the 
resources  of  Spain  &  Portugal  in  Europe  will  soon  be  at  the  com- 
mand of  Bonaparte.  An  expedition  is  believed  to  be  fitting  at 
Ferrol  for  Ireland,  &  it  is  supposed  that  Augereau  will  have  the 
command.  It  is  said  that  there  is  a  general  expectation  on  the 
Continent  that  England  will  be  conquer'd — and  yet  they  expect  to 
preserve  their  independence  !  It  is  certainly  a  time  when  bravery 
and  wisdom   seem  to  have  deserted  all  cabinets  but  the  French. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  3II 

You  observe  I  am  speaking  of  Europe — what  you  say  is  reported 
of  Bonaparte's  making  grants  prior  to  the  cession,  is  certainly 
very  much  in  character. 

Yours  affectionately,  C.  Gore. 


Robt.  R.  Livingston  to  R.  King,  New  York. 

Paris,  14th  Oct.,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  did  not  receive  your  last  letter  from  England  till  about  one 
month  ago  ;  the  receipt  of  it  gave  me  the  more  pleasure  as  I  was 
somewhat  hurt  that  you  should  quit  your  harbour  without  giving 
me  a  farewell  shot.  You  know  that  Mr.  Monroe  has  taken  your 
station  ;  the  intercourse  being  interrupted  I  hear  very  little  from 
him  &  I  am  sorry  to  add  that  I  hear  as  little  from  the  United 
States.  The  high  opinion  that  is  here  entertained  of  our  treaty, 
&  the  compts.  I  receive  would  make  me  vain  enough  to  believe 
that  silence  at  home  gave  consent,  were  I  not  happily  roused  from 
my  golden  dream,  by  the  kind  offices  of  the  Boston  floppers  (for 
their's  are  the  only  papers  I  have  lately  reed.)  who  tell  me  that  I 
am  a  fool,  a  lunatic,  a  minion  &  a  great  many  other  things  equally 
well  calculated  to  cure  me  of  vanity,  &  to  raise  the  reputation  of 
the  country  which  has  for  upward  of  thirty  years  successively 
employed  me  in  high  and  confidential  offices.  I  am  sorry  the 
sense  of  the  country  in  their  legislature  has  not  been  taken  upon 
this  important  question  of  the  treaty  at  a  much  earlier  day ;  for 
such  are  the  fluctuations  of  European  politicks,  that  if  the  treaty 
secures  advantages,  which  I  trust  it  does,  the  sooner  we  put 
ourselves  in  possession  of  them  the  better.  Things  remain  here 
much  as  you  left  them  ;  the  most  active  preparations  still  go  on 
for  the  attack  on  England  and  Ireland  &  there  is  every  reason  to 
believe  that  they  are  sincerely  intended,  with  whatever  hazard 
they  may  be  attended.  Perhaps  prudence  would  direct  this 
government  to  content  themselves  with  appearances,  since  the 
expenses  to  which  England  puts  herself  in  preparation  are  im- 
mense &  must  be  ruinous  in  the  long  run  ;  but  on  the  other  hand 
France  has  to  fear  changes  in  the  state  of  Europe — for  no  nation 
can  be  indifferent  to  the  fate  of  England  in  which  that  of  many 


312  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

others  must  be  involved.  Russia  has  renewed  her  proffered 
mediation  ;  the  Court  of  St.  James  say  they  are  ready  to  accept 
it,  but  that  no  mediation  founded  on  the  basis  of  the  treaty  at 
Amiens  can  be  admitted.  France  is  more  moderate  in  her  reply 
and  appears  disposed  to  accept  any  reasonable  modifications  of  it. 

From  Mr.  Gelston,  to  whom  I  have  written,  you  will  learn  that 
we  are  at  war  with  the  Emperor  of  Morocco,  &  that  Capt.  Bain- 
bridge  has  taken  one  of  his  corsairs  of  22  guns.  The  Turkish 
Empire  seems  crumbling  into  dust,  the  mamlukes  have  driven  the 
crescent  out  of  all  Egypt  except  Alexandria,  &  they  are  in  their 
turn  likely  to  be  driven  out  by  Abd-el-hahal,  who  is  at  the  head 
of  400,000  men  overrunning  Asia  and  alike  destroying  Jews  and 
Mahometans  &  Christians  in  the  name  of  the  one  living  God, 
whom  alone  he  professes  to  worship,  independent  of  all  forms  or 
creeds  heretofore  received.  As  he  makes  converts  wherever  he 
goes,  either  by  the  word  or  by  the  sword,  there  is  no  calculating 
the  extent  of  his  powers. 

This,  my  dear  Sir,  is  an  eventful  age,  and  I  think  we  are  very 
ungrateful  if  we  do  not  thank  God  for  having  placed  us  out  of 
the  reach  of  fires  that  are  scorching  and  consuming  the  rest  of  the 
world.  But  man  is  not  perhaps  made  to  be  perfectly  happy  here, 
&  for  this  reason  where  he  has  no  real  evils,  he  has  the  address  to 
form  imaginary  ones,  in  which,  I  think,  our  countrymen  are  not 
behindhand  with  the  rest  of  the  world.  ...  I  have  not  yet 
obtained  my  conge,  but  as  an  office  forms  a  contrast  to  hell,  at 
least  in  one  point,  I  presume  I  shall  find  no  difficulty  in  getting 
out  of  it. 

With  much  esteem  &  regard  &c, 

Rob.  R.  Livingston. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Gore  to  King — Miranda  to  be  dispatched  to  Trinidad — Breach  between  Monroe 
and  Livingston— Monroe  in  England— English  Fears  of  Fulton's  Boat- 
Colony  Trade— King  to  Gore — Approves  of  Gore's  Conduct  in  Connection 
with  his  Commission — Light  in  which  Louisiana  Treaty  is  viewed  in  the 
U.  S. — Livingston's  Memorial  indiscreet — Monroe  should  have  explained 
the  Sentiments  of  his  Government — Gore  to  King — Schools  in  France  for 
his  Boys — Volunteers  in  England  training — Russia  may  interfere  for  Spain — 
Louisiana — Monroe — Madison  does  not  notice  his  Communications — Mary- 
land Bank  Stock — Miranda  not  permitted  to  sail — No  new  Treaty  with 
G.  B.  at  Present— King  to  Gore— Louisiana  Treaty  ratified— Conduct 
of  Spain  causes  much  Speculation — He  knows  little  of  public  Affairs — 
King  to  Pickering — Slavery  in  Louisiana,  should  not  Effort  be  made  to 
prevent  it — Would  alter  the  Constitution  to  confine  Representation  and 
Taxation  to  free  Inhabitants — King  to  Gore — Proceedings  in  Congress — 
Jerome  Bonaparte  in  America — Account  of  their  Friends — King  to  Gore — 
Government  will  take  Possession  of  Louisiana — Gore  to  King — Claims  an 
Outfit — Alarm  of  Invasion  subsiding — Monroe  presents  a  Memorial  on 
Impressment  of  Seamen. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  21st  Octr.,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .  Our  acounts  from  N.  York,  which  are  to  the  8th  Septem- 
ber, painfully  convince  us  of  the  ravages  of  the  yellow  fever,  and 
that  no  abatement  can  be  expected  during  the  coming  season. 
I  have  heard  that  some  hopes  were  entertained  of  a  return  of  Con- 
gress to  N.  York  or  Philadelphia.  Should  such  an  event  have 
been  calculated  on,  the  sickness  of  your  city  at  the  present  will 
be  a  powerful  argument  against  the  choice  of  that.  The  acquisi- 
tion of  Louisiana  takes  from  Washington  its  character  of  central, 
and  probably  the  Southern  gentlemen  may  carry  us  deeper  into 
the  ancient  dominion  ;  though  I  confess  it  is  not  very  important 

313 


314  fiUFUS  KING.  [1803 

to  my  mind,  for  at  the  rate  we  are  proceeding  it  is  not  certain  we 
shall  remain  united  much  longer. 

It  is  said  an  Embargo  is  imposed  on  all  vessels  bound  to 
Portugal  or  Spain,  and  I  presume  the  ministry  is  at  length  driven 
to  the  necessity  of  accepting  the  war  against  the  latter  of  these 
powers.  J/ [iranda]  has  absolute  assurances  from  the  Govern- 
ment that  he  shall  be  dispatched  shortly  to  Trinidad.  I  saw  a 
note  from  Vansittart  to  M  ;  saying  that  they  only  waited  for 
Nepean  to  recover  a  little  strength  (he  is  quite  sick)  four  vaguer 
vos  affaires.  The  administration  has  applied  to  Sir  Francis 
Baring  to  be  the  medium,  thro*  whom  every  thing  is  to  be  arranged, 
prepared  &  shipt  for  the  expedition.  Fullarton  is  here.  M.  was 
to  see  him  again  last  evening  ;  he  has  already  had  one  conversa- 
tion with  him,  F.  visiting  him  before  he  saw  the  ministers.  When 
every  thing  is  settled,  M.  will  write  you,  and  this  will  be  in  a  few 
days. 

The  breach,  I  think,  widens  between  Monroe  &  Livingston. 
The  former  supposes  the  latter  detains  his  letters  in  Paris  and 
assumes  all  the  merit  of  the  Louisiana  Convention,  while  he 
humbly  refrains  from  appropriating  any  to  himself,  but  every  thing 
to  the  superior  wisdom,  determined  yet  prudent  conduct  of  the 
President.  He  however  is  said  to  deny  that  any  other  causes 
than  these  had  the  least  influence  on  Bonaparte  and  that  peace  or 
war  in  Europe,  the  result  would  have  been  the  same  !  !  Ham- 
mond, whom  I  see  frequently,  and  who  always  receives  me  kindly 
and  confidentially,  told  me  a  few  days  since  that  neither  he  nor 
Ld.  H.  had  seen  Monroe,  but  twice  since  his  arrival  in  England,  ex- 
cept at  the  Levee,  and  that  all  his  time  was  passed  in  sucking  in 
wisdom  from  Consul  E.,  and  a  few  other  democrats.  He  has  no 
secretary  now.  Alston,  the  young  painter,  visited  him  for  a  pass- 
port :  he  replied  that  being  without  a  secretary  &  so  extremely 
pressed  for  time,  he  could  not  conveniently  attend  to  making  out 
one,  and  desired  him  to  go  to  the  Consul.  But  as  the  young  man 
is  going  on  the  continent,  he  is  informed  that  one  from  the  Minis- 
ter is  at  least  more  useful,  if  not  absolutely  necessary  to  his 
safety.  Indeed  I  believe  they  take  &  detain  the  Consular  certifi- 
cate at  the  Alien  office  on  embarking.  So  far  as  I  learn  any  thing 
of  M.,  I  am  satisfied  he  has  neither  the  inclination,  nor  capacity  to 
do  the  smallest  good  here  ;  neither  do  I  believe  it  consistent  with 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  315 

his  idea  of  propriety  that  he  should  even  know  what  is  passing  in 
E.  or  on  the  Continent.  I  do  not  express  these  opinions  to  any 
one  else,  for  besides  it  being  otherwise  improper,  they  would  be 
imputed  to  very  different  motives  than  the  real  ones. 

I  think  Hammond  has  some  very  odd  fears  relative  to  Fulton's 
boat  &  its  power  of  blowing  up  the  British  Navy.  H.  says  he  has 
learned  from  several  quarters  that  L.  and  his  family  received 
very  large  grants  of  land  prior  to  the  sale,  but  I  do  not  believe  it. 
Bingham  (who,  by  the  way,  thinks  his  conversations  with  Talley- 
rand effected  the  Convention)  does  not  suppose  that  conveyances 
of  land  were  made  to  any  individuals  prior  to  the  cession,  but  you 
know  he  gives  himself  credit  for  full  as  much  knowledge  as  the 
world  thinks  him  entitled  to.  Alexr.  Baring,  who  is  now  with  you, 
will  be  more  likely  to  know  than  any  one  here.  The  Commission 
at^Paris  is  at  a  stand,  the  Commissioners  not  being  able  to  con- 
strue the  convention,  and  waiting  for  instructions  from  the 
Government.  The  cause  why  our  citizens  are  to  be  paid  in  specie 
rather  than  in  stock,  may  be  found  in  the  character  &  connections 
of  the  creditors — at  least  a  censorious  world  will  say  so. 

I  am  now  filing  my  opinion  on  the  colony  trade,  and  having 
come  across  an  old  paper  of  yours  with  some  remarks  on  this 
subject,  I  shall  take  the  liberty  to  offer  them  as  my  own,  they 
concurring  with  my  sentiments  &  better  expressed  than  I  could 
expect  to  do  myself.  1  sent  you  the  Times  by  a  ship  lately  bound 
for  N.  York,  and  when  opport.  offers,  will  send  you  a  further  file. 
The  Editors  of  this  paper  have  become  outrageously  ministerial. 
The  pieces  on  the  late  negotiations  shall  likewise  be  forwarded. 
With  affectionate  attachment  to  Mrs.  King  &  the  children,  I 

Remain  faithfully  yours. 

C.  Gore. 


R.  King  to  C.  Gore,  London. 

New  York,  Oct.  24,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .  I  congratulate  you  that  your  Business  is  so  nearly  fin- 
ished that  you  are  able  to  look  forward  with  confidence  to  your 
return  early  in  the  Spring.  ...  In  regard  to  the  insinuation 
that  it  seems  has  been  made  at  Washington,  that  you  were  inclined 


316  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

to  prolong  your  residence  unnecessarily  in  England,  and  wh. 
could  have  proceeded  only  from  the  malignity  and  envy  of  some 
falsehearted  Jacobin,  I  wonder  that  you  suffered  it  to  engage  a 
second  thought.  The  truth  is,  my  Dr.  Sir,  that  you  are  too  honest 
&  too  virtuous,  that  you  have  too  much  regard  for  your  own  repu- 
tation and  your  duty  to  the  Public,  not  to  be  the  object  of  Jacobin 
hatred  and  persecution  ;  and  I  am  only  surprized  that  you  do  not 
consider  the  proofs  of  this  hatred,  as  the  highest  evidence  of  your 
own  integrity  rather  than  as  that  sort  of  attack  agt.  which  a  good 
man  feels  impelled  to  defend  himself.  Be  persuaded  that  we  live 
in  times,  when  it  behooves  a  man  to  make  his  election  between  the 
upright  performance  of  his  duty  to  God  &  his  Country,  with  the 
persecution  of  triumphant  Jacobinism,  and  the  corrupt  and  de- 
grading violation  of  these  sacred  duties,  with  the  Hosannas  of  this 
abominable  sect.  No  man  who  knows  you  or  whose  good  opinion 
is  an  object  of  desire,  wd.  believe  this  insinuation. 

Here  as  far  as  I  am  able  to  judge,  those  who  know  anything  of 
the  Proceedings  of  your  Board,  consider  them  as  highly  honour- 
able to  yr.  character  and,  except  that  your  prudence  has  naturally 
contributed  to  remove  Jacobin  complaints  agt.  England,  even  the 
privileged  cast  do  not  revile  you  in  my  hearing.     .     .     . 

I  don't  enclose  the  President's  message,  as  it  will  have  reached 
Engd.  before  my  letter.  The  prominent  point  respects  Louisiana  ; 
the  cession  whereof  is  ascribed  to  "  the  just  Discernment  of  the 
Enlightened  Government  of  France "  instead  of  that  posture  of 
things  which  wd.  have  prevented  its  occupation  by  France  until 
she  shd.  have  first  acquired  the  consent  of  England.  As  §  of  the 
Senate  are  of  the  faithful  sect,  there  can  be  no  question  abt.  the 
Ratification,  unless  some  scruple  shd.  arise  abt.  the  constitutional 
powers  of  Congress  to  admit  a  new  State  (which  the  Treaty  re- 
requires)  including  territory  not  within  the  limits  of  the  U.  S. 
But  this  scruple,  if  it  exists,  will  be  so  managed  that  France  may 
have  no  occasion  to  be  dissatisfied.  As  the  Treaty  has  not  been 
published,  the  Public  know  little  of  its  Provisions,  and  hence  the 
newspapers  have  (as  I  am  informed  for  I  see  but  one  or  two)  been 
on  all  sides  pretty  silent.  Little  and  indeed  less  has  been  said  in 
its  favor  than  agt.  it.  I  believe  that  I  have  before  insinuated  a 
doubt  whether  the  Govt,  has  seen  this  treaty  in  the  advantageous 
light  in  which  it  has  been  regarded  by  the  Envoys  ;  tho'  this 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  317 

hesitation  will  not  prevent  its  acceptance,  any  more  than  the  claim 
of  merit  that  will  be  bottomed  upon  its  being  concluded.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  parts  of  the  Govt.,  if  not  the  whole,  think  a 
better  bargain  might  and  ought  under  existing  Circumstances  to, 
have  been  made,  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  chief  agt.  on  our 
part  may  not  receive  those  testimonies  of  satisfaction  that  he  may 
think  his  almost  exclusive  due.  Whether  this  may  be  so  or  not, 
it  is  understood  that  he  has  asked  leave  to  come  home  next  spring 
and  from  the  manner  in  which  the  family  here  is  treated  by  their 
chiefs,  it  wd.  not  be  surprizing  shd.  he  return  dissatisfied  and  that 
he  and  his  name  might  shew  a  disposition  to  return  to  their  former 
Party.  Should  this  be  the  case,  if  I  mistake  not,  the  ruling  party 
wd.  give  them  up  willingly,  feeling  themselves  strong  enow  to 
shake  them  off ;  and  rid  themselves  of  their  numerous  claims  for 
office. 

I  don't  know  what  important  object,  if  any,  is  to  engage  the 
attention  of  Congress  during  the  present  Session.  It  seems  that 
the  proposition  to  amend  the  Constitution  so  as  that  the  votes  for 
President  &  Vice  President  may  be  distinguished,  is  to  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  several  State  Legislatures  without  delay,  and  I  am 
told  that  such  is  the  composition  of  these  Legislatures  that  it  is 
likely  that  this  alteration  will  be  approved  by  the  constitutional 
proportion  of  them.     .     .     . 

The  memorial  to  which  you  refer  in  a  late  letter,  was  to  say  the 
least,  a  most  indiscreet  effusion — and  considering  the  avowed 
opinion  of  our  own  Govt,  relative  to  the  principles  of  the  Northern 
confederation  as  well  as  the  decision  wh.  G.  Britain  has  shown  in 
opposition  to  these  pretended  Rules  or  Principles,  prudence  must 
condemn  the  utterance  of  sentiments  so  false  and  obnoxious  as 
some  of  those  contained  in  Mr.  Ls.  memorial. 

If  Monroe  has  done  his  duty,  he  has  anticipated  all  complaint 
by  such  observations,  authorized  by  the  tenour  of  the  instructions 
of  the  Present  Govt,  to  the  Legation  at  London,  as  would  without 
a  formal  disavowal,  satisfy  the  Eng.  Cabinet  that  these  exception- 
able expressions  and  sentiments  were  not  dictated  by  his  Govt. 
If  he  has  not  done  this,  it  wd.  not  surprise  me  if  our  Gt.  were 
called  upon  for  an  explanation  upon  that  head.  I  hope  this  may 
not  happen,  as  it  wd.  involve  the  Govt,  in  a  dilemma  from  which 
it  wd.  be  extremely  difficult  to  extricate  itself,  and  shd.  the  sub- 


318  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

ject  be  pushed  too  briskly,  it  is  possible  that  the  Govt,  might 
think  itself  forced  to  avoid  what  it  wd.  never  attempt  to  enforce, 
if  left  to  itself. 

I  have  some  thoughts  of  going  on  to  Washington  this  autumn, 
but  shall  know  so  few  people  there,  and  have  so  little  pleasure  in 
hearing  the  croakings  of  those  I  do  know,  that  I  think  it  proba- 
ble that  my  natural  indolence  will  prevail.  Were  you  snug  at 
Waltham,  I  do  really  believe  that  the  earnest  desire  we  have  to 
see  you  and  Mrs.  Gore  would  overcome  all  my  indolence  and  that 
we  should  post  off  without  a  week's  delay  to  embrace  you.  Our 
family  is  well  and  we  all  write  in  affectionate  regards  to  you  and 
yours. 

Faithfully  and  always  yr. 

R.  K. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  Nov.  i,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

Our  last  letters  from  you  are  of  the  6th  Sept.,  and  then  the 
yellow  fever  was  continuing  its  ravages.  Since  then  we  learn  of 
it  at  Philadelphia  and  Alexandria.  You  will  see  by  the  papers 
that  the  vaccine  inoculation  is  supposed  by  some  to  prevent 
any  one  taking  the  plague.  For  this  year  I  hope  the  country  by 
the  present  day  is  free.  Here  the  weather  is  extremely  cold  & 
without  rain.  We  have  scarcely  known  twenty-four  hours  rain 
since  July  came  in,  &  some  accounts  say  the  wheat  is  light, 
which  certainly  was  to  be  expected  from  the  dryness  of  the 
season.     .     .     . 

The  Volunteers  are  training  and  those  of  London  have  been 
reviewed,  as  P.  Porcupine  says  by  the  King  &  Mr.  Sheridan. 
They  amounted  to  upwards  of  30,000,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that 
these  and  the  other  volunteers  about  the  country,  should  Bona- 
parte be  enabled  to  execute  his  threats  of  invasion,  would  fight 
well  and  bravely  for  their  King  &  their  own  independence  : 
but  should  he  not  soon  come,  the  spirit  will  flag  &  they  be- 
come sick  of  their  new  trade.  Ulterior  consequences,  and  cer- 
tainly of  a  very  serious  nature  are  to  be  apprehended,  as  you  justly 
remark  from  such  an  immense  body,  though  the  system,  you  will 


1803]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  319 

see,  is  materially  changed  from  what  it  was  on  Mr.  Addington's 
introduction.  There  are  now  probably  somewhere  about  400,000 
volunteers  in  this  Kingdom,  and  of  this  number  it  is  not  impossi- 
ble many  may  have,  on  some  future  day,  very  different  views 
from  the  Monarch,  the  Nobles  &  the  rich  commoners.  This  is 
an  evil,  however,  entirely  overlooked  at  the  present  day  in  the  ex- 
treme hour  of  a  French  invasion.  Yet,  I  think  the  temper  of  the 
nation  is  now  sanguine  &  confident  of  success.  The  merchants 
here  are  really,  I  believe,  desirous  of  the  attempt  being  made,  but 
it  is  very  much,  I  fear,  in  the  mercantile  idea — horce  momento 
cita  mors  venit  aut  victoria  laeta.  They  are  uneasy  at  the  embar- 
rassments thrown  in  the  way  of  their  commerce,  and  think  that, 
should  Bonaparte  be  defeated  in  his  projected  invasion,  their 
manufactures  &  the  produce  of  their  colonies  would  find  a  sure 
market,  &  the  returns  flow  regularly  back.  When  we  calculate 
the  chances  against  him,  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  believe  he  will 
attempt  crossing  the  channel,  yet  every  thing  indicates  this  to  be 
his  intention.  From  Brest  &  Ferrol  it  is  expected  he  will  make 
the  attempt  to  throw  a  large  force  into  Ireland. 

Vessels  were  prohibited  sailing  to  Portugal  &  Spain  for  some 
days.  It  was  then  said,  this  was  merely  to  prevent  their  sailing 
without  convoy,  &  the  restriction  has  been  taken  off.  Probably 
on  reflection  it  was  found  nothing  Spanish  or  Portuguese  could  be 
detained  here,  while  the  measure  would  be  ground  of  a  retaliation, 
that  would  be  extremely  injurious  to  the  British  subjects,  who 
have  considerable  property  there.  I  rather  suspect  there  was 
some  gaucherie  in  the  business.  Accounts  are  daily  expected 
from  Spain  &  Portugal  which  will  no  longer  leave  to  England  an 
option  in  her  relative  state  to  these  two  powers.  The  papers  this 
evening,  just  come  in  &  which  you  will  have,  seem  to  render  it 
possible  that  Russia  may  interfere  in  behalf  of  Spain.  If  so,  I 
pity  M.  [iranda],  for  in  such  case  my  belief  is  this  Govt,  could  do 
nought.     .     .     . 

Our  friends  are  now  busy  on  the  great  subject  of  Louisiana  ; 
a  subject  which  I  am  sure  will  soon  change,  and  in  a  very  material 
view,  the  relations  of  the  different  States.  I  have  already  under- 
stood, that  the  Eastern  States  are  now  contemplated  as  of  no 
weight  in  the  scale,  and  of  course  not  entitled  to  any  influence. 
Every  thing  that  the  present  administration  wishes  to  effect  may 


320  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

be  done  through  the  Western  States,  now  fast  bound  by  the  ties 
of  gratitude.  The  wealth  of  the  Southern  &  Western  States  will 
soon  leave  us  far  in  the  rear  on  that  score,  as  we  already  are  on 
that  of  population. 

A  deep  misfortune  undoubtedly  will  be  felt  from  the  rude  & 
uncultivated  minds  of  those,  who  will  soon  have  such  a  prepon- 
derating influence  in  our  federal  politics.  Wise  men  should  turn 
their  thoughts  to  what  is  to  be  the  next  chapter  in  our  ever  vary- 
ing systems  :  for  I  really  believe  that  the  present  is  nearly  read 
through,  a  few,  but  very  few  verses  remain  ;  and  those,  probably 
like  some  of  the  old  testament  ones,  full  of  hard  names.  Mr. 
Monroe,  I  hear  for  I  never  see  him,  is  without  a  Secretary. 
Your  former  Sec.  has  much  leisure  now  and  could  assist  the 
Minister  &  himself  too,  but  nothing  I  presume  would  induce  him 
to  take  the  man  you  or  I  employed.  I  frequently  am  told  of  the 
complaints  he  makes  at  being  obliged  to  fill  a  few  passports — it  is 
only  a  few,  for  most  of  those  who  require  them,  unless  going  on 
the  continent,  are  taught  to  confide  in  the  Consuls. 

Notwithstanding  I  wrote  Mr.  Madison  several  letters,  giving  to 
the  Government  an  exact  state  of  what  was  passing  here  &  on  the 
continent,  so  far  as  I  knew,  which  accounts  have  all  proved  true, 
also  in  answer  to  several  things  committed  by  them  to  my  charge, 
yet  I  have  received  not  a  line  from  any  member  of  the  adminis- 
tration. This  was  in  some  measure  the  more  necessary,  as  Erving 
here  wrote  me  an  impertinent  letter  on  my  communicating  to 
him,  by  desire  of  Lord  Hawkesbury,  the  blockade  of  the  Elbe, 
and  also  one  to  L?  H.  to  know  whether  he  might  rely  on  the  in- 
formation which  Mr.  Gore  had  pleased  to  communicate.  A  copy 
of  this  letter,  as  well  as  those  impudent  notes  he  wrote  you  &  me, 
last  autumn,  on  the  subject  of  passports,  I  am  told,  he  sent  to  the 
Government.  Civility,  I  think,  would  have  dictated  to  the  Secry. 
the  fitness  of  some  reply  to  my  letters,  all  these  circumstances 
considered  ;  I  am  further  told  that  he  was  prepared,  had  you  left 
any  person  charge  d'  affaires,  to  have  made  a  formal  &  public  pro- 
test against  the  act,  and  against  the  pretension  of  such  charge. 
These  are  trifles,  but  among  friends,  they  are  interesting.  They 
show  the  impudence  of  some  men  &  the  strange  opinions  of  others, 
for  P.  told  me  he  thought  the  minister  on  quitting  had  no  authority 
to  name  a  charge*  d'  affaires  ;  so  it  is  presumable  this  intention  was 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  32 1 

duly  reflected  on,  advised  and  determined.  The  Govt,  of  the 
United  S.  &  of  Maryland  have  united  in  empowering  P.  to  nego- 
tiate &  settle  the  Bank  Stock  business,  leaving  him  no  discretion 
to  offer  more  for  the  settlement  of  the  claim  of  the  man  who  re- 
fuses to  acquiesce,  than  the  amount  of  Russel's  demand,  which 
sum  the  State  is  willing  should  be  appropriated  to  this  object,  as 
it  is  relieved  from  that.  No  answer  has  yet  been  obtained  from 
the  discontented  man — I  forget  his  name — and  they  have  not 
been  able  to  see  the  Atty.  Genl.  P.  in  his  new  character  has  been 
formally  introduced  to  Lord  Hawkesbury  by  Monroe.  His 
powers  were  received  before  M's  arrival.  I  trust  he  will  see 
reason,  why  greater  progress  has  not  been  made  in  the  business 
in  time  past.     ... 

Yours  ever  &  faithfully, 

C.  Gore. 

Trumbull  has  returned  to  Bath,  where  he  purposes  remaining 
until  Dec.  He  has  written  me,  making  very  affectionate  enquiries 
after  your  health,  &c.  He  is  a  good  fellow  &  worthy  of  a  better 
fate,  but  when  a  man  arrives  at  years  of  discretion,  &  chooses  for 
himself,  he  can  blame  no  one. 

2 1  st  Nov.  Mr.  Addington  declines,  for  the  present,  giving  his 
permission  to  the  expedition  of  M.,  but  promises  that  so  soon  as 
Spain  makes  the  war,  it  shall  proceed.  Nepean  shews  him  letters 
by  which  it  appears,  that  several  ships  of  the  Line  are  fitting  out 
at  Carthagena,  for  the  purpose  of  joining  the  French  at  Toulon  ; 
and  others,  from  whence  it  amounts  to  an  high  probability,  that 
an  armament  is  preparing  at  Ferrol  to  make  the  attempt  from 
thence  for  the  invasion  of  Ireland.  But  he,  A.,  mistrusts  all  in- 
formation from  the  admiralty  relative  to  Spain,  because  the  Navy 
is  anxious  for  a  Spanish  war.  Things  therefore  are  at  a  stand 
in  regard  to  S.  A.  .  .  .  Davidson  prepares  all  that  is  necessary 
for  the  expedition  &  Nepean  says  in  a  very  few  weeks  after 
Mr.  A.  shall  give  his  sanction,  the  business  shall  proceed,  and 
news  is  anxiously  looked  for  from  Spain,  which  shall  even  con- 
vince the  incredulous  Doctor.  It  is  understood  that  a  large 
sum  was  raised  in  Lisbon,  and  chiefly  from  British  Merchants 
there,  by  which  Lannes  was  induced  to  pledge  his  master's  word 
that  Portugal  should  not  be  invaded  for  six  months.     Miranda 

VOL.  IV.— 21 


322  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

desires  me  to  say  to  you  that  he  has  agreed  to  the  suspension 
of  his  project  ;  and  remains  here,  because  he  supposes  such  a  de- 
rangement has  taken  place  in  N.  York,  owing  to  the  yellow  fever, 
that  no  dependance  can  be  made  on  anything  from  thence  ;  and 
that  he  hopes  to  hear  from  you.  On  the  whole  I  think  he  can 
depend  on  no  effort  in  his  behalf  here  until  Spain  makes  the  war, 
or  some  opposition  shall  drive  the  minister  from  his  pacific  pur- 
poses. Spain  has  sent  1600  men  to  reinforce  her  troops  either  at 
Carthagena  or  La  Vera  Cruz. 

You  will  see  Cobbett  in  his  last  paper  goes  upon  the  idea  that 
there  was  some  foundation  for  the  communication  in  some  of  the 
papers  relative  to  the  discussion  on  the  subject  of  a  new  treaty 
between  the  U.  S.  &  G.  B.  .  .  .  I  saw  H.  on  Saturday  ;  he  says 
they  never  see  or  hear  of  M.,  &  so  far  as  regards  their  office,  he 
might  as  well  be  in  Virginia.  He  thinks  that  if  our  Govt,  have  any 
wishes  relative  to  the  commercial  relations  of  the  two  countries, 
it  becomes  them  to  make  the  proposal.  Every  one  must  know 
that  E.  is  now  too  much  occupied  with  what  is  much  more  inter- 
esting, to  advance  any  propositions.  He  supposes  some  Jacobin 
made  those  insertions  in  the  newspapers  to  answer  some  purpose. 
Cobbett,  you  see,  presumes  that  this  Govt,  did  for  the  purpose  of 
preparing  the  country  for  great  sacrifices  or  a  rupture.  I  under- 
stand from  another  quarter,  that  it  is  supposed  to  be  exceeding 
wise  policy,  to  let  France  see  that  we  suffer  our  treaty  with 
G.  B.  to  die,  &  that  we  have  no  wish  of  making  another,  so  we 
may  attain  favour  in  the  eyes  of  Bonaparte.  H.  has  information 
that  Hayley  is  about  sailing  from  N.  York  with  a  vessel,  fitted  for 
a  privateer,  with  guns  in  her  hold,  and,  after  she  is  out,  to  place 
her  guns  on  deck  &  cruize  against  the  English.  As  he  is  going  to 
France,  Tom  Paine  is  to  be  his  passenger.  They  are  in  great 
hopes  of  taking  him  in  which  all  good  men  will  wish  them  success. 
English  goods  now  find  a  market  on  the  Continent,  &  large  quan- 
tities are  shipt  thither.  Many  Frenchmen  come  to  London  & 
purchase  largely  with  cash.  Mrs.  Mallet  yesterday  informed  Mrs. 
Gore  that  the  minister  was  certainly  going  home  this  ensuing 
Spring.  He  will  not  come  here  previous  to  his  embarking,  I  pre- 
sume. Some  person  reports  from  Paris,  that  he  denies  all  merit 
in  the  gentleman  here  in  obtaining  the  late  convention,  and  this 
very  publickly,   &  assumes   the  whole   to   himself,  imputing   it 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  323 


entirely  in  his  superior  address  and  wisdom.     Merry,  as  I  told 
you,   had   orders   to   remonstrate  against  his   famous   memoire. 
Lord  H.  directed  him  to  communicate  the  reply  to  you.     .     .     . 
My  affectionate  regards  to  Mrs.  King. 

Yrs.  truly  &  ever, 

C.  Gore. 


R.  King  to  C.  Gore,  London. 

New  York,  Nov.  i,  1803. 

My  dr.  Sir  : 

There  being  a  large  and  willing  majority  of  both  Houses  of 
Congress  of  the  true  sect,  the  measures  of  the  Ex.  will  receive  no 
impediment.  Great  is  the  Prophet,  and  in  the  whole  earth  there 
is  none  to  be  likened  unto  him,  is  the  language  of  the  faithful !  ^ 
The  Louisiana  Treaty  has  been  ratified  and  the  H,  of  R.  is 
engaged  in  preparing  such  laws  respecting  it  as  are  called  for  by 
the  President,  and  this  in  contempt  of  the  Remonstrance  of  the 
Spanish  Minister,  who  declares  that  the  Conditions  on  wh.  Spain 
promised  to  cede  not  having  been  performed,  the  Country  is  still 
her  property. 

The  Conduct  of  Spain  is  the  occasion  of  various  and  unsatisfac- 
tory speculations.  Some  believe  that  France  having  the  offer  of  a 
better  price  from  Spain  is  at  the  bottom  of  the  Opposition  ;  others 
allege  that  Spain  is  encouraged  by  G.  Br.,  while  the  majority,  not 
regarding  Spain  as  an  independent  power  and  looking  on  the 
French  Govt,  as  enlightened,  honest  &  powerful,  rely  upon  it  that 
the  opposition  will  not  be  persisted  in. 

As  I  know  nothing  about  it,  the  subject  engages  no  part  of  my 
attention  ;  and,  to  say  the  truth,  I  consider  the  state  and  tendency 
of  the  Country  such  that  an  upright  and  prudent  man,  to  be 
happy,  shd.  know  little  of  our  public  affairs.  You  and  I  cannot 
alter  certain  opinions  which  we  entertain  and  wh.  are  confirmed 
bv  experience,  as  well  as  by  those  authorities  which  our  educa- 
tion and  habits  enable  us  to  consult.  With  those  opinions  we  are 
proscribed  by  those  whose  best  interests  and  happiness  wd.  be 
promoted  by  their  observance ;  hence  the  course  which  a  wise 
man  shd.  in  these  circumstances  pursue  is  too  clearly  marked  out 
to  be  neglected. 


324  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

It  is  our  Duty  to  seek  those  models  with  which  past  time 
abounds,  and  to  imitate  their  Conduct  in  retirement,  rather  than 
to  engage  in  the  desperate  strife  of  factions.     .     .     . 

Our  fever  is  nearly  or  quite  over.  The  Bankers,  public  officers, 
&c,  are  returning  to  town,  and  in  the  course  of  the  week  the  town 
will  be  full  again.  We  remain  where  we  are  some  weeks  longer, 
and  until  we  can  open  and  put  up  our  furniture. 

Yr.  assured  Friend, 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  probably  to  Col.  Pickering. 

New  York,  Nov.  4,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Congress  may  admit  new  States,  but  can  the  Executive  by  treaty 
admit  them,  or,  what  is  equivalent,  enter  into  engagements  binding 
Congress  to  do  so  ?  As  by  the  Louisiana  Treaty,  the  ceded  terri- 
tory must  be  formed  into  States,  &  admitted  into  the  Union,  is  it 
understood  that  Congress  can  annex  any  condition  to  their  ad- 
mission ?  if  not,  as  Slavery  is  authorized  &  exists  in  Louisiana, 
and  the  treaty  engages  to  protect  the  Property  of  the  inhabitants, 
will  not  the  present  inequality,  arising  from  the  Representation  of 
Slaves,  be  increased  ? 

As  the  provision  of  the  Constitution  on  this  subject  may  be  re- 
garded as  one  of  its  greatest  blemishes,  it  would  be  with  reluctance 
that  one  could  consent  to  its  being  extended  to  the  Louisiana 
States ;  and  provided  any  act  of  Congress  or  of  the  several  states 
should  be  deemed  requisite  to  give  validity  to  the  stipulation  of 
the  treaty  on  this  subject,  ought  not  an  effort  to  be  made  to  limit 
the  Representation  to  the  free  inhabitants  only  ?  Had  it  been 
foreseen  that  we  could  raise  revenue  to  the  extent  we  have  done, 
from  indirect  taxes,  the  Representation  of  Slaves  wd.  never  have 
been  admitted  ;  but  going  upon  the  maxim  that  taxation  and 
Representation  are  inseparable,  and  that  the  Genl.  Govt,  must  re- 
sort to  direct  taxes,  the  States  in  which  Slavery  does  not  exist, 
were  injudiciously  led  to  concede  to  this  unreasonable  provision 
of  the  Constitution.  On  account  of  the  effect  upon  the  public 
opinion,  produced  by  alterations  of  the  fundamental  Laws  of  a 
Country,  we  should  hesitate  in  proposing  what  may  appear  to  be 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  $2$ 


beneficial ;  but  I  know  no  one  alteration  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  U.  S.  which  I  would  so  readily  propose,  as  to  confine  repre- 
sentation and  taxation  to  the  free  inhabitants.     .     .     . 

Yr.  obt.  &  faithful  Servt. 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  C.  Gore,  London. 

New  York,  Nov.  20,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

.  .  A  day  or  two  since  I  saw  one  of  the  members  of  the 
H.  of  R.  who  is  here  on  leave  of  absence  ;  he  is  of  the  ruling  sect, 
and  says  all  is  going  on  well,  that  the  Spanish  Ambassador's  re- 
monstrance will  retard  nothing  in  the  measures  for  occupying 
Louisiana,  and  that  the  Ambassador  himself  says  no  opposition 
will  be  made  by  the  Govt. ;  if  so  this  business  will  produce  no  im- 
mediate Embarrassment. 

We  yesterday  had  a  Rumour  that  Mr.  Dawson  is  named  Govr. 
of  the  new  acquisition  ;  but  whether  this  be  so,  I  know  not. 
Already  as  I  hear  in  Connecticut  as  well  as  the  upper  part  of  this 
State,  they  are  beginning  to  talk  of  moving  to  Louisiana,  the 
country  which  will  produce  sugar  &  cotton  &  corn,  &c.  &c.  !  !  ! 
and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  project  of  reserving  the  Lands 
west  of  the  Mississippi  tor  posterity  will  be  defeated  by  the  Emi- 
grants of  the  Eastern  and  Western  States. 

The  proposed  amendment  to  the  Constitution  respecting  the 
Election  of  President  &  Vice  President  has  passed  the  House, 
and  is  before  the  Senate  where  its  fate  is  sd.  to  be  doubtful.  Mr. 
Adams  is  supposed  to  approve  the  alteration,  with  an  alteration 
the  purport  whereof  is  not  mentioned.  Mr.  Dayton  proposes  to 
abolish  the  office  of  V.  President,  &  what  other  schemes  may  be 
proposed  is  more  than  I  know. 

In  the  order  of  important  communications  I  shd.  inform  you 
that  citizen  Jerome  Bonaparte  arrived  here  last  Evening :  he  has 
passed  some  months  at  Baltimore,  a  fortnight  at  Philadelphia,  and 
how  long  he  is  to  honour  us  with  his  residence  is  not  foretold. 
At  Baltimore  he  was  on  the  point  of  being  married  to  a  daughter 
of  Mr.  W.  Patterson,  but  fortunately  the  young  lady  was  persuaded 
to  make  a  visit  to  Virginia.     The  young  Prince  is  said  to  spend  a 


326  RUFUS  KING,  [1803 

great  deal  of  money  which  the  Span,  ambassador  is  good  enough 
to  supply. 

To  pass  from  trifles  to  what  is  really  interesting,  I  have  a  word 
to  say  respecting  some  of  our  friends,  Mr.  Jay  lives  retired  upon 
his  farm  at  Bedford,  W.  Chester,  50  miles  from  Town,  which  he 
has  not  visited  these  last  two  years.  We  expect  to  see  him  here 
this  winter.  Excepting  the  solitude  of  his  situation  I  hear  he  lives 
much  at  his  ease  and  enjoys  tolerable  health.     .     .     . 

Benson  is  the  same  man  I  left  him,  except  a  little  older,  he 
has  been  at  Boston  during  the  fever,  says  all  our  friends  are  well 
there  except  Ames,  of  whom  he  gives  but  an  indifferent  acct. 
Having  himself  formerly  reed,  advantage  by  a  voyage  to  Amster- 
dam, he  recommends  to  Ames  to  go  to  the  E.  Indies  for  his 
health  ! 

Hamilton  is  at  the  head  of  his  profession,  and  in  the  annual 
rect.  of  a  handsome  income.  He  lives  wholly  at  his  house  9. 
miles  from  town  so  that  on  an  average  he  must  spend  three  hours 
a  day  on  the  road  going  and  returning  between  his  house  and 
town,  which  he  performs  four  or  five  days  each  week.  I  don't 
perceive  that  he  meddles  or  feels  much  concerning  Politics.  He 
has  formed  very  decided  opinions  of  our  System  as  well  as  of  our 
administration,  and  as  the  one  and  the  other  has  the  voice  of  the 
country,  he  has  nothing  to  do  but  to  prophecy  ! 

G.  Morris,  who  has  laid  out  over  50  or  60  M  Dollars  in  build- 
ings and  alterations  at  Morrisania  lives  much  to  his  own  taste  en 
garfon,  receives  his  friends  on  Sundays,  keeps  a  good  look  and 
can  talk  as  decidedly  and  agreeably,  provided  you  have  no  theory 
to  defend  or  suggest,  as  anyone.     .     .     . 

Owing  to  the  fever,  which  has  wholly  disappeared,  we  have 
seen  very  little  of  the  manners  and  society  of  our  city  since 
our  return  ;  but  I  think  I  have  such  a  glimpse  already  as  by 
a  sort  of  anticipation  enables  one  to  form  a  pretty  correct  opinion 
of  them.  Jay  is  a  recluse,  a  rigorous  one,  and  tho'  not  precisely 
from  the  same  motives,  I  am  not  sure  that  I  shd.  not  prefer  the 
like  Retreat  in  preference  to  the  enjoyment  of  our  City  Society.  .  .  . 
With  affectionate  regards  &c 

R.  K. 


1803]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  Z27 


R.  King  to  C.  Gore,  London. 

New  York,  Dec.  7,  1803. 
My  dr.  Sir  : 

Our  last  letters  from  you  were  by  Mr.  Merry,  who  after  a  rough 
passage  over  the  ocean  and  a  tedious  one  up  the  Chesapeake, 
reached  Washington  last  week.  I  wish  he  may  find  himself  tol- 
erably comfortable  there,  as  otherwise  his  reports  will  be  shaded 
with  the  discontents  he  may  himself  feel. 

The  Spanish  minister  delivered  a  memorial  respecting  the  sur- 
render of  Louisiana,  expressing  the  disinclination  of  his  court 
to  comply.  The  Govt,  has  notwithstanding  determined  to  take 
possession  and  a  force  sufft.  to  do  so,  even  in  case  of  opposition, 
is  ordered  to  march.  I,  however,  understand  that  it  is  not  probable 
that  any  opposition  will  be  made.  Except  the  occasion  and  con- 
versation that  one  hears  respecting  this  cession,  we  have  no  domes- 
tic object  which  engages  the  pub.  attention.  "Whether  you  are 
invaded  in  Engd.,  or  will  be  invaded  during  the  Winter,  is  a  fruitful 
source  of  dispute.  I  arn  a  believer  that  you  have  not  been  invaded, 
and  that  it  is  not  the  purpose  of  Bonaparte  to  invade  England,  but 
that  his  real  object  is  Ireland. 

Our  commerce  and  navigation  are  checked  rather  than  in- 
creased by  the  war.  The  shutting  up  of  Hamburgh  and  the  Reg- 
ulations of  France  abt.  Eng.  Manures  &  Produce,  are  embarrass- 
ments to  our  trade.     Freights  are  very  low.     .     .     . 

Your  faithful  friend 
R.  K. 

C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  December  7,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

...  I  have  a  friendly  letter  from  Col.  Pickering,  in  answer 
to  one  written  him  on  the  subject  of  our  outfit  *  and  it  has  relieved 
my  mind  from  the  only  anxiety  it  has  suffered,  on  that  subject ; 

*  In  a  previous  letter  Mr.  Gore  had  written  that  at  the  instigation  of  Mr. 
Pinkney  an  application  would  be  made  to  the  Government  by  the  Commissioners 
under  the  7th  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  for  the  payment  to  them  of  an 
outfit.  He  had  joined  in  this  particularly  because  of  the  wants  of  Mr.  P.  who 
44  had  been  encouraged  to  believe  the  Government  would  acknowledge  its 
propriety  and  accede  to  the  request."  Mr.  G.  would  of  course  benefit  by  it  if 
granted. 


328  RUFUS  KING.  [1803 

for  all  my  fears  were,  that  our  own  friends  might  disapprove  of 
the  application.  As  to  the  final  issue  of  the  claim,  or  the  manner 
in  which  the  Government  &  its  friends  shall  please  to  regard  and 
treat  it,  I  have  not  the  smallest  concern.  Pinkney  would  never 
have  forgiven  me,  had  I  not  joined  in  the  request,  and  thinking 
as  he  did  upon  the  subject,  he  might  have  had  just  cause  to  blame 
my  declining  to  submit  the  justice"  of  the  claim  to  the  Govern- 
ment. I  enquired  of  Mr.  Hammond  to-day,  if  there  were  any 
reason  to  believe  that  Russia*was  about  to  change  her  politics  ? 
His  reply  was  that  they  had  not  the  least  intelligence  from  which 
they  could  draw  any  inference.  The  alarm  of  invasion  seems  fast 
subsiding,  though  no  doubt  is  entertained  of  the  intention  to  in- 
vade Ireland  from  Brest,  should  Admiral  Cornwallis  be  blown  off. 
The  manner  in  which  this  Admiral  has  kept  his  station  does  not 
afford  Bonaparte  a  very"  good j  prospect,  and  perhaps  he  is  now 
raising  a  pretext  by  the  levy  'of 'contributions  in  the  Northern 
States  and  petty  powers,|for  the  diversion  of  his  forces  from  the 
sea.     .     .     . 

Mr.  Monroe  has  lately  presented  a  very  temperate  memorial  on 
the  subject  of  seamen  impressed.  Not  a  word  has  ever  passed 
relative  to  a  renewal  of  the  oldjtreaty,"or  the  making  of  a  new  one. 
This  I  understand  not  from  M.,  whom  I  have  seen  only  once, 
though  we  are  on  very  good  terms  these  three  months.  M  was  here 
this  morning,  and  desired  Mrs.  G.  to  tell  me  that  his  affairs  were 
in  good  train,  but  I  know  nothing  further — undoubtedly  every- 
thing depends  on  thejdetermination  that  may  be  made,  whether 
peace  shall  continue  to  subsist  between  the  two  countries.    .    .    . 

Ever  yours 

C.  Gore. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Boundaries  Convention  with  England — Madison  to  King — King  to  Madison — 
Answer  removing  Objections — Madison  to  King.  Mr.  Merry's  etiquette 
Claims — Gore  to  King — Personal — Louisiana — Bonaparte's  Invasion  of 
England.  Livingston's  Position — Ingelsoll  to  King — House  in  New  York 
— King  to  Ingersoll — House  rented  and  occupied — Gore  to  King — Corn- 
wallis  watching  Brest — King's  Views  relative  to  Louisiana — King  to  Gore 
— Invasion  of  England — Louisiana  Convention — Col.  Burr  and  the  Feder- 
alists— Miranda — Merry — Gore  to  King — Merry  and  sombre  Dispatches — 
Lord  Hawkesbury's  Opinion — Government  seem  to  consider  this  a  studied 
Affront — Erving  told  Memorials  were  not  received  from  Consuls — Gore  to 
King— The  King's  Sickness— Maryland  Bank  Stock  adjusted— Gore  about 
returning  Home. 

The  Convention  for  the  eastern  and  northwestern  boun- 
daries which  had  been  negotiated  by  Mr.  King  with  the 
British  Government,  was  laid  before  the  Senate  for  advice 
and  consent  as  to  its  ratification.  Some  doubt  was  felt  in 
that  body  as  to  whether  it  conflicted  with  the  Louisiana 
treaty,  the  signature  of  which  was  of  an  earlier  date  than 
that  of  the  Boundary  Convention.  Mr.  Henry  Adams  gives 
an  account  of  the  facts  concerning  this  hesitation  which  the 
following  letters  will  show  to  be  incorrect  so  far  as  Mr.  King 
is  concerned.     Speaking  of  Mr.  Merry,  he  says : 

"At  the  moment  when  he  was,  as  he  thought,  socially  mal- 
treated, and  when  he  was  told  by  Madison  that  America  meant 
to  insist  on  her  neutral  rights,  he  learned  that  the  Government 
did  not  intend  to  ratify  Rufus  King's  boundary  convention.  The 
Senate  held  that  the  stipulations  of  its  fifth  article  respecting  the 
Mississippi  might  embarrass  the  new  territory  west  of  the  river. 
King  knew  of  the  Louisiana  cession  when  he  signed  the  treaty ; 

329 


330  RUFUS  KING,  [1803- 

. : 

but  the  Senate  had  its  own  views  on  the  subject,  and  under  the 
lead  of  General  Smith  preferred  to  follow  them,  as  it  had  done  in 
regard  to  the  second  article  of  the  treaty  with  France,  Sept.  30, 
1800,  and  as  it  was  about  to  do  in  regard  to  Pinckney's  claims 
convention,  Aug.  11,  1802,  with  Spain.  Merry  was  surprised  to 
find  Madison,  instead  of  explaining  the  grounds  of  the  Senate's 
hesitation,  or  entering  into  a  discussion  of  the  precise  geographi- 
cal difficulty,  contented  himself  with  a  bald  statement  of  the  fact. 
The  British  Minister  thought  this  was  not  the  most  courteous  way 
of  dealing  with  a  treaty  negotiated  after  a  full  acquaintance  with 
all  the  circumstances,  and  he  wrote  to  his  government  to  be  on  its 
guard,  &c,  &c." 

Mr.  Madison  could  not  give  the  reasons  why  the  Senate 
refused  to  ratify  the  Convention,  because  that  body  refused 
to  withdraw  the  injunction  of  secrecy,  and  therefore  they 
were  unknown  to  him.  As  regards  Mr.  King's  knowledge 
of  the  cession  of  Louisiana  at  the  time  when  he  signed  the 
Convention,  his  answer  to  the  Committee  of  the  Senate,  of 
which  John  Quincy  Adams  was  Chairman,  inquiring  about 
the  fact,  explicitly  denied  it  and  thus  removed  that  objec- 
tion to  its  ratification. 

James  Madison  to  R.  King. 

Washington,  Dec.  4,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  cannot  better  fulfill  the  object  of  the  Committee  of  which  Mr. 
Adams  is  chairman,  than  by  enclosing  you  his  letter  to  me  accom- 
panying it.  Writing  from  my  house,  where  a  copy  cannot  be  con- 
veniently taken,  I  am  induced  to  avoid  delay  by  sending  you  the 
original  which  I  ask  the  favor  of  you  to  return  with  your  answer. 
With  great  esteem  I  remain 

Your  most  obedt.  servt. 

James  Madison. 
[Endorsed  by  R.  King.] 

Copy  of  letter  referred  to : 

Sir: 

Some  difficulty  having  arisen  in  the  Senate,  in  considering  the 
expediency   of   advising   and   consenting   to   the   ratification  of 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  331 


the  Treaty  of  limits,  between  the  U.  S.  &  G.  B.,  signed  on  the 
1 2th  of  May,  1803,  a  comtee.  of  that  body  has  been  appointed  to 
enquire  and  report  upon  the  subject. 

The  difficulty  arises  from  the  circumstance  that  the  Treaty 
with  the  French  republic^containing  the  cession  of  Louisiana, 
was  signed  on  the  30th  of  April  twelve  days  earlier  than  that 
with  G.  Br.  and  some  apprehension  is  entertained  that  the  Boun- 
dary line  contemplated  in  the  3rd  art.  of  ye.  latter,  may  by  a 
possible  future  construction  be  pretended  to  operate  as  a  limita- 
tion to  the  claims  of  territory  acquired  by  the  U.  S.  in  the  former 
of  these  Instruments. 

But  as  the  Ratification,  if  it  can  be  effected,  without  unneces- 
sary delay  is  a  desirable  object,  it  has  occurred  to  the  committee 
that  Mr.  King,  may  possibly  have  it  in  his  power  to  give  informa- 
tion which  might  remove  the  obstacle  ;  I  have  therefore  in  behalf 
of  the  comtee.  to  ask  whether  from  any  information  in  possession 
of  your  Department,  or  wh.  may  be  obtained,  in  such  manner  as 
you  may  deem  expedient,  it  can  be  ascertained  whether  the  3rd 
art.  of  the  Treaty  with  G.  Br.  was  concluded  with  any  reference 
whatsoever  to  that  with  the  Fr.  Rep.,  or  with  any  Right  or  claim 
wh.  the  U.  S.  have  acquired  by  it. 

I  am,  etc., 
[Signed.]  J.  Q.  Adams. 

Copy  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  King : 

New  York,  Dec.  9,  1803. 
Sir  : 

The  draft  of  the  convention  with  Great  Britain  respecting 
boundaries,  having  been  settled  in  previous  conferences,  was 
drawn  up  and  sent  by  me  to  Lord  Hawkesbury  on  the  nth  of 
April ;  on  the  12th  of  May  the  convention  was  signed  without  the 
alteration  of  a  word  of  the  original  draft  ;  and  on  the  15  of  May 
the  letter  of  Messrs.  Livingston  &  Monroe  (a  copy  of  which  was 
annexed  to  my  No.  100)  announcing  the  treaty  of  cession  with 
France,  was  received  and  communicated  by  me  to  Lord  Hawkes- 
bury. At  the  date  of  the  signature  of  the  convention  with  Great 
Britain,  I  had  no  knowledge  of  the  Treaty  with  France  and  have 
reason  to  be  satisfied,  that  Lord  Hawkesbury  was  equally  unin- 


332  RUFUS  KING.  [1803- 

formed  of  it.  It  results  that  the  Convention  was  concluded  with- 
out any  reference  whatsoever  to  the  Treaty  of  Cession  with 
France.  With  much  respect  &c. 

[Signed.]  Rufus  King, 

Secretary  of  State. 

James  Madison  to  R.  King. 

Private. 

Washington,  Dec.  18,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  reed,  and  communicated  to  the  Committee  of  the  Senate 
the  information  contained  in  your  favor  of  the  9th  which  clearly 
shows  that  the  Convention  of  May  12,  with  G.  Br.  is  not  to  be 
construed  by  any  reference  to  that  of  April  30,  with  France. 

I  am  mortified  at  troubling  you  on  a  subject  which  more  than 
any  other  is  in  itself  unworthy  the  attention  of  either  of  us,  but 
which  is  obtruded  on  mine  by  sensibilities  in  others  which  neither 
public  prudence  nor  social  considerations  will  allow  to  be  dis- 
regarded. Since  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Merry  &  his  lady,*  several 
points  of  ceremony  have  started  up,  with  respect  to  which  it  will 
be  convenient  to  learn  the  usage  abroad,  particularly  in  England, 
where  your  station  must  have  involved  some  acquaintance  with 
it.     Will  you  allow  me  then  to  ask  the  following  questions  : 

1.  On  the  arrival  of  a  foreign  minister,  is  the  first  visit  paid  by 
him  or  the  ministers  of  the  country  ?  2.  To  which  is  the  prece- 
dence given  in  scenes  of  a  more  public  ceremony  and  of  ordinary 
hospitalities  ?  3.  Is  the  order  of  attention  precisely  the  same  in 
the  case  of  ladies,  as  of  their  husbands  ? 

*  "  The  President's  contempt  of  courtly  niceties  caused  some  trouble  in  dip- 
lomatic circles.  Merry,  the  new  British  Minister,  took  deep  offense  at  the 
President's  republican  humors.  Proceeding  in  full  dress  at  an  appointed  hour 
to  make  his  first  official  call,  in  company  with  the  Secretary  of  State,  he  found 
the  hall  of  audience  empty,  and  instead,  came  upon  the  President  in  a  narrow 
entry,  from  which  he  had  to  back  out  in  order  to  get  introduced  ;  Jefferson, 
appearing,  to  his  amazement,  in  a  slovenly  undress,  with  slippers  down  at  the 
heel  and  Connemara  stockings.  When  he  and  his  wife  dined  afterwards  at  the 
White  House  Jefferson  took  to  the  table,  not  Mrs.  Merry,  but  the  lady  nearest 
him,  the  wife  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  This  he  conceived  to  be  a  new  insult 
and,  notwithstanding  Monroe's  wife  was  similarly  treated  at  London,  he  de- 
clined further  social  hospitalities  from  the  President,  and  when  the  latter  made 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  333 


Our  wish  would  be  to  unfetter  social  intercourse  as  well  as 
public  business  as  much  as  possible  from  ceremonious  clogs,  by 
substituting  the  pell  mell ;  but  this  may  be  rendered  difficult  by 
the  pretentions  &  expectations  opposed  to  it.  And  as  it  is  proper 
that  we  should  not  be  behind  other  nations  either  in  civility  or 
self-respect,  it  is  well  to  know  the  manner  in  which  other  nations 
respect  both  us  and  themselves.  This  information  will  be  per- 
tinent, whether  a  reciprocity  in  the  object,  or  the  right  possessed 
in  every  country  be  exercised  of  establishing  a  practice  for  itself. 

To  enable  you  to  give  the  apter  shape  to  your  answer  to  the 
third  enquiry,  it  may  be  proper  to  remark,  that  it  refers  among 
other  particulars  to  that  long  used  at  the  President's  as  well  as 
elsewhere,  of  selecting  the  lady  first  handed  to  the  table.  In 
general  this  mark  of  civility  has  been  shown  to  the  ladies  of  for- 
eign Ministers  ;  but  was  it  seems  disapproved  of  and  at  one  time 
varied  by  the  last  President.  The  practice  of  the  present  has 
been  different,  without  however  adverting  to  precedents,  or  rather 
supposing  it  to  be  conformable  to  them,  and  without  an  intimation 
of  discontent  anywhere,  till  the  late  occasion,  which  has  produced 
it  from  several  quarters. 

I  will  thank  you  not  to  delay  your  answer  longer  than  you  con- 
veniently may  require.  I  would  have  preferred  waiting  till  I  have 
the  promised  pleasure  of  seeing  you  here,  but  that  you  make  the 
weather  a  condition  of  your  visit,  and  that  some  occasion  may 
in  the  mean  time  arise,  on  which  the  information  asked  may  be 
apropos.  With  great  respect  &  esteem  I  am,  Dear  Sir, 

yr.  mo.  obedt.  Servt. 

James  Madison. 

overtures  to  arrange  the  difficulty  administered  an  airy  rebuke.  D'Yrujo,  who 
had  acquiesced  nearly  three  years  in  the  President's  practice,  made  common 
cause  with  Merry  on  this  point.  An  explanation  to  the  British  Ministry  fol- 
lowed. Merry's  wife  was  thought  to  be  the  chief  agent  in  producing  what  was 
a  mere  misunderstanding." — Note  in  Schouler,  Hist,  of  U.  States,  vol.  ii.,  p.  81. 

Mr.  Henry  Adams,  Hist,  of  U.  S.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  360  et  sea.,  gives  a  full 
account  of  these  matters  and  of  the  effect  of  his  treatment  on  Mr.  Merry,  who 
deeply  resented  the  slight  which  he  considered  had  been  put  upon  him,  and  it 
will  be  seen  that  his  dispatches  to  his  government  reflected  his  feelings  and 
gave  an  idea  that  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson  was  determined  to  make 
more  decided  demands  upon  England  for  the  settlement  of  pending  questions. 

See  also  Mr.  Madison's  letters  to  Mr.  Monroe,  Letters,  &c.t  of  James 
Madison,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  188,  195. 


334  XUFUS  KING.  [1803- 

Mr.  Henry  Adams,  Hist,  of  U.  States,  vol.  ii.,  p.  365,  after 
quoting  Mr.  Jefferson's  "  Canons  of  Etiquette  to  be  observed 
by  the  Executive,"  says:  "  Such  according  to  Rufus  King, 
whose  aid  was  invoked  on  this  occasion,  was  the  usage  in 
London."  It  is  hardly  probable  that  this  is  correct,  and  the 
Editor  is  at  a  loss  to  know  from  what  source  Mr.  A.  derived 
his  information.  A  careful  search  for  an  answer  by  Mr. 
King  to  the  letter  of  Mr.  Madison,  has  been  made  but  none 
can  be  found  in  the  public  correspondence  or  in  that  in  the 
Editor's  possession.  As  Mr.  Madison's  letter  is  marked 
private,  the  answer  was  probably  also  private. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  December  20,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .  The  Minerva  arrived  from  Boston  about  a  week  since, 
and  it  is  almost  settled  that  we  embark  in  her.  She  will  probably 
quit  this  the  beginning  of  March.  .  .  .  We  exceedingly  re- 
joice at  your  promise  of  visiting  us  next  summer,  and  be  assured 
we  shall  not  rest  satisfied  without  a  performance.  There  are  no 
persons  whom  it  would  afford  us  such  sincere  pleasure  again  to 
meet,  and  my  own  affairs  &  professional  pursuits  will  not  permit 
me  for  a  year  or  two  to  move  far  from  town.  It  is  unnecessary 
for  me  to  say  that  nothing  would  tempt  me  to  engage  in  public 
life,  under  those  who  now  rule  our  country,  for  nothing  is  more 
certain  than  that  they  would  not  employ  me.  Yet  I  may  be 
permitted  to  remark,  that  so  different  are  all  their  notions  &  con- 
duct from  what  I  conceive  wise  &  honest,  that  were  their  dispo- 
sitions towards  me  exactly  the  reverse  of  what  I  know  them  to 
be,  mine  could  not  change,  and  of  course  I  could  not  move  in 
their  train.     .     .     . 

It  is  to  me  inconceivable  how  men,  entertaining  a  proper  sense 
of  duty,  could  proceed  with  such  intemperate  haste  in  ratifying 
the  Louisiana  treaty.  That  with  Spain  was,  without  any  question, 
executory,  so  far  as  related  to  the  cession  of  the  country  to 
France,  and  surely,  they,  who  were  about  to  oblige  the  U.  S.  to 
the  payment  of  a  large  sum  &  the  performance  of  other  stipula- 


1804]  LIFE   AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  335 

tions,  ought  to  see  that  France  had  the  right  to  convey.  One 
would  expect  that  such  rash  &  imprudent  measures  could  not 
fail  to  discover  to  the  people,  whose  affairs  they  thus  mismanage, 
their  utter  incapacity  to  preside  over  the  concerns  of  a  great 
nation. 

The  expectation  of  Bonaparte's  attempt  to  invade  England 
daily  lessens.  The  papers,  which  I  send  by  this  ship  will  (besides 
showing  you,  in  the  Courier,  the  opinion  entertained  of  the  Presi- 
dent's message)  communicate  the  intelligence  of  a  misunderstand- 
ing between  Bavaria  &  Austria.  Nothing  more  is  yet  known  than 
the  simple  fact,  as  related  in  the  papers.  Whether  it  proceeds 
from  the  hasty  &  imprudent  temper  of  the  Elector,  or  from  the 
intrigues  of  France  to  occasion  a  quarrel  between  those  powers, 
and  avail  herself  of  this  occasion  to  find  plunder  for  her  troops 
on  the  continent,  and  an  apology  for  quitting  the  coast,  is  all 
matter  of  conjecture.  It  is  said  by  some  who  pretend  to  know, 
that  the  character  of  England  is  rising  and  that  of  France  falling 
in  the  eyes  of  Europe  ;  that  these  nations  begin  to  see  the  justice 
of  the  British  cause,  and  that  the  war  is  entirely  owing  to  the 
ambition  of  the  Consul.  If  such  an  alteration  of  sentiment  has 
really  been  produced,  in  my  opinion  it  is  owing  to  a  conviction 
on  the  part  of  those,  who  have  changed  their  judgment,  that 
Bonaparte  can  not  execute  his  threats  on  England,  &  is  therefore 
determined  to  turn  his  arms  on  them.     .     .     . 

A  letter  came  here  a  few  days  ago  from  Swan  to  young  Mr. 
Higginson  whom  you  know,  saying  that  the  Virginia  faction 
thwarted  all  Mr.  L's  views  ;  that  never  was  anything  more  abomi- 
nable than  the  attempt  of  M.  to  assume  any  share  of  the  merit  in 
gaining  Louisiana ;  that  the  Government  only  supported  the 
claim  of  the  latter  to  avoid  the  charge  of  misspending  the  public 
money  in  sending  him  out ;  and,  finally,  that  the  Federalists 
ought  to  support  him  L.  as  Vice  President  at  the  next  election, 
and  begging  him  H.  to  write  out  so  to  his  friends  in  America.  From 
what  is  said  in  another  quarter  here,  I  have  little  doubt  but  the 
present  administn.  intend  to  discard  him  &  his  connections.  It 
will  rely  entirely  on  Southern  &  Western  influences  for  continuing 
in  power  and  leave  the  Northern  &  Eastern  States  to  perish  for 
their  ingratitude  in  poverty  &  disgrace.     .     .     . 

Truly  yours  C.  Gore. 


33^  RUFUS  KING.  [1803- 

A  letter  from  Mr.  Charles  J.  Ingersoll,  who  had  been  on 
very  intimate  social  relations  with  Mr.  King  and  his  family  in 
London  during  the  former's  residence  in  Europe,  shows  that 
he  had  not  forgotten  those  from  whom  he  had  received  much 
kindness.     It  is  dated  Dec.  6,  1803. 

"  I  am  told  you  have  bo't  a  house  and  are  settling  down  in  the 
Broadway.  As  you  may  suppose  I  often  look  towards  you  with 
pleasure  and  gratitude  ;  and  for  some  weeks  past  I  have  been 
about  enquiring  of  you  and  yours. 

"  J'espere  que  madame  se  trouve  a  son  aise  dans  la  nouvelle 
maison,  et  qu'elle  l'a  meuble'  et  garni  a  son  gout.  I  tender  the 
homage  of  my  most  respectful  consideration  to  Edward  who  I 
hope  has  found  a  Vauxhall  in  New  York.  Little  Master  Gore  by 
this  time,  I  guess,  can  ask  for  his  bread  and  butter. 

"  I  am  jogging  along  my  professional  path  ;  my  father  nudges 
me  along,  and  the  Governor  has  given  me  a  publick  room  adjoin- 
ing the  Court,  where  I  have  established  my  desk  and  armchair  ; 
so  that  they  say  I  do  tolerably  well.  The  U.  S.  Government  looks 
to  me  like  a  salt  monster,  180  miles  too  big  ;  *  if  it  don't  vanish  I 
flatter  myself  it  must  dissolve. 

"  Our  State  rulers  threaten  to  toss  away  that  excrescence  on 
civilization,  the  bar  ;  and  Counsellor  Ingersoll  declares  he  '11  go 
to  New  York — all  the  eminent  lawyers  have  their  eyes  on  one  city 
or  another  to  remove  to  in  case  of  extremes."     .     .     . 


R.  King  to  Chas.  J.  Ingersoll. 

New  York,  December  21,  1803. 
Dear  Sir  : 

When  we  have  but  little  to  do,  we  are  prone  to  lose  our  habits 
of  regularity,  and  I  can  offer  you  no  better  excuse  for  my  delay 
in  replying  to  the  obliging  letter  that  I  lately  received  from  you. 
I  am  glad  to  hear  that  you  have  seriously  taken  an  office  and  en- 
gaged in  business,  as  I  am  firmly  persuaded  you  will  succeed  to 

*  A  thought  probably  prompted  by  the  publication  by  the  President  about 
this  time  of  the  existence  of  a  mountain  of  pure  rock-salt  in  Louisiana  "  180 
miles  long  &  45  wide  and  400  feet  high,"  as  one  of  the  precious  benefits  derived 
by  the  purchase  of  that  Province. 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  337 

your  satisfaction  and  acquire  distinction,  if  you  have  patience  and 
will  persevere. 

During  our  fever,  we  resided  at  Greenwich  :  about  three  weeks 
ago  I  gave  up  my  house  there  and  removed  to  town,  having  taken, 
not  purchased  as  you  had  heard,  Mr.  Peter  Livingston's  house  in 
Broadway.  My  lease  will  expire  on  May  day,  before  which  I 
must  seek  another  habitation.  Mrs.  K.  enjoys  her  health  as  she 
was  accustomed  to  do  before  we  went  abroad,  and  better  than  at 
any  period  during  our  absence.  Little  Fritz  bore  the  summer 
well  and  will,  we  hope,  carry  his  rosy  cheeks  thro'  the  winter. 
Edward,  who  has  for  want  of  something  better  been  a  day 
scholar  in  a  French  school  near  my  house  in  the  country,  is  just 
preparing  to  go  to  Mr.  Harris,  a  clergyman  of  good  education 
and  accustomed  to  the  instruction  of  boys,  who  will  receive  him 
into  his  family.  He  lives  a  few  miles  out  of  town,  so  that  I  should 
have  no  apprehension  in  his  remaining  with  him  in  the  event  of 
another  fever. 

We  often  hear  from  our  sons  in  England,  who  are,  I  flatter  my- 
self, doing  as  well  as  I  have  any  right  to  expect.  From  James 
(in  Paris)  we  do  not  receive  frequent  accounts ;  our  last  letter 
was  written  in  September  when  he  was  well  and  happy.  I  had 
thought  of  bringing  him  home  next  spring,  but  I  am  so  little  satis- 
fied with  our  academies  here,  that  I  have  determined  to  leave  him 
abroad  some  time  longer. 

As  no  one  is  more  out  of  politics  than  I  am,  you  must  expect 
nothing  from  me  on  this  interesting  topic  :  I  have  talked  about 
going  to  Washington  in  the  course  of  the  winter,  but  as  I  am  snug 
by  my  fire  side,  with  my  books  about  me,  I  suspect  my  voyage 
will  begin  and  end  in  talk. 

With  sincere  regard  &c  &c 

Rufus  King. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  December  23,  1803. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .  Col.  Livingston  left  there  (Paris)  but  not  having  given 
his  address,  it  is  very  probable  I  may  not  see  him.  Notwithstand- 
ing what  the  papers  chose  to  say  on  the  subject,  there  is  no 
probability  that  Talleyrand  has  confided  anything  to  him.     On, 

VOL.  IV.— 22. 


338  RUFUS  KING.  [1803- 

Wednesday,  Hammond  did  not  believe  that  he  was  in  England  ; 
the  papers  said  he  arrived  on  Monday.  The  Courier  will  an- 
nounce the  arrangement  of  the  misunderstanding  between  Austria 
&  Bavaria.  Some  of  the  gales  have  been  tremendous,  but,  with 
the  persevering  spirit  of  a  true  Eng.  Bull-dog,  Cornwallis  keeps 
his  station  off  Brest.  An  idea  is  entertained  that  should  the  fleet 
come  out,  the  British  will  waste  their  time  and  powder  on  the 
armed  ships  &  that  in  the  mean  while  the  transports  will  be  able 
to  proceed  with  their  troops.  It  is,  however,  said,  that  the  in- 
tention is  to  pay  the  principal,  if  not  their  whole,  attention  to 
destruction  of  the  transports.  Occurrences  daily  happen,  which 
go  far  to  support  an  idea  of  the  utter  impracticability  of  crossing 
the  channel  hostilely  in  these  flat  bottom  boats. 

Affectionately  yours 

C.  Gore. 

Dec.  29.  .  .  .  It  is  understood  that  some  of  Cornwallis* 
squadron  have  been  obliged  to  come  into  port.  The  storm  on 
Christmas  day  was  extremely  violent.  I  do  not  know  the  grounds, 
but  by  the  appearances  abroad,  it  would  seem  that  the  Admin, 
really  expect  the  attempt  at  invasion  will  be  shortly  hazarded. 

yours  as  ever 

C.  G. 

With  this  letter  of  Mr.  Gore's,  the  correspondence  for  the 
year  1803  closes.  Mr.  King,  as  he  says,  was  out  of  politics 
and  was  quietly  enjoying  the  pleasure  of  social  intercourse 
among  the  friends  about  him  and  the  company  of  his  books. 
But  he  seems  to  have  been  interested  in  the  discussion  of 
the  different  points  suggested  by  the  acquisition  of 
Louisiana.  Several  papers  are  found  among  his  manuscripts, 
which  are  given  in  an  appendix.  They  appear  to  have  been 
written  for  publication,  but  if  they  were  published,  they 
-cannot  be  traced.  As  however  they  present  his  views  rela- 
tive to  the  extent  of  the  Territory  purchased,  based  upon  a 
critical  examination  of  its  history,  and  to  the  question  of 
the  wisdom  of  the  purchase,  they  will  be  given  as  they  are 
found. 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  339 

R.  King  to  C.  Gore. 

London,  Jany.  4,  1804. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .  I  am  a  little  sceptical  concerning  the  invasion  of  Eng- 
land although  Bonaparte  would  play  a  deep  game  by  doing  nothing 
except  to  garnish  the  coast  with  his  Battalions,  &  to  build  flat 
bottom  Boats.  I  do  not  think  this  Fabian  mode  of  war  is  in  his 
character,  and  therefore  conclude  that  a  grand  Project  will  some- 
where be  attempted.  Perhaps  when  the  Eng.  fleets  are  driven  off 
the  Enemy  coasts,  the  Dutch  &  French  &  Ferrol  fleets  will 
attempt  a  combined  operation  by  the  invasion  of  Ireland.  Per- 
haps the  show  is  in  the  West,  and  the  real  efforts  are  making  in 
the  East  to  pass  an  army  into  the  Morea  by  crossing  the  Adriatic 
.  .  .  These  are  however  mere  Speculations  and  of  the  worst 
sort  as  they  are  not  founded  upon  any  kind  of  information. 
.  .  .  I  can  only  hope  as  I  earnestly  do,  that  no  sinister  Event 
may  endanger  the  security  of  the  nation  where  you  are,  which 
may  be  regarded  as  the  principal  and  almost  the  sole  Barrier 
agt.  an  Evil  that  menaces  every  Country. 

Things  here  go  on  in  the  order  which  those  who  direct  them 
wish,  and  are  pleased  with.  The  Louisiana  Business  will  be 
carried  into  effect  according  to  the  provisions  of  the  Treaty. 
Already  we  have  accounts  of  the  delivery  of  the  Colony  to  the 
French  Prefect,  who  has  notified  the  inhabitants  that  he  expects 
the  American  Commissioners  at  N.  Orleans  and  shall  surrender 
the  Country  to  the  U.  S.  This  will  be  done  and  we  shall  enter 
peaceably  into  the  Possession  &  Government. 

You  will  see  in  the  news  papers  the  debates  respecting  the 
Constitutionality  of  certain  of  the  Articles  of  the  Treaty. 
Whether  the  Govt,  will  admit  the  force  of  the  objections,  and 
submit  an  amendment  to  the  States,  by  which  Congress  may  be 
authorized  to  carry  the  Treaty  into  effect  or  recommend  to 
Congress  to  do  so  as  the  Constitution  stands,  is  more  than  I  am 
able  to  decide,  and  is  a  question  if  I  mistake  not  with  which  those 
who  have  to  determine  it  are  not  a  little  embarrassed. 

In  our  quarter,  the  western  acquisition,  by  which  I  mean  the 
Territory  over  the  River,  is  not  liked  and  I  think  it  seems  to  be 
pretty  generally  wished  that  the  Govt,  would  exchange  it  for  the 
Floridas.     This  in  my  view  would  be  the  best  mode  of  avoiding 


340  RUFUS  KING.  [1803- 

the  otherwise  great  Difficulties  of  various  kinds  which  will  be  sure 
to  arise.  From  the  tenor  of  the  President's  message  at  the  open- 
ing of  Congress,  this  will  not  be  done,  as  he  talks  of  the  uses  of 
this  Region  to  which  our  Posterity  are  to  apply  it.  If  our  Govt,  be 
even  willing,  the  consent  of  France  must  be  had,  before  we  can 
make  this  Exchange,  or  in  any  way  dispose  of  this  Country  ; 
a  Right  inconvenient  to  us  and  of  no  honest  value  to  France,  and 
reserved  therefore  for  mischievous  ends. 

As  to  the  next  Election,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Pr. 
will  be  re-elected — a  Vice  President  of  the  same  Politics  is  also 
sure  to  be  chosen,  if  the  amendment  of  the  Constitution  takes 
Place  of  wh.  there  can  scarcely  be  doubt.  Whether  it  will  be 
Col.  Burr  or  some  other  Person  is  not  mentioned.  The  former 
Genan.  is  in  a  deep  minority  with  his  Party  here,  and  is  making  con- 
siderable efforts  to  better  his  situation,  as  the  London  servants 
say  ;  but  if  the  Federalists  are  steady  he  must  fail  ;  on  this  point 
however  after  what  happened  at  the  election  at  Washington 
one  can  never  feel  at  ease.  I  sent  you  the  Examination  :  the 
object  of  which  is  to  repel  the  charge  that  Col.  Burr  intrigued 
with  the  Federalists  to  become  President — or  in  other  words  to 
reconcile  himself  to  the  Democrats  who  have  suspected  him.  It 
is  curious  that  at  the  moment  of  this  publication,  and  ever  since, 
the  friends  of  Col.  Burr  are  making  overtures  to  the  Federalists 
to  elect  him  Governor  of  this  state  in  opposition  to  Gov.  Clinton. 
Such  are  the  inconsistencies  that  some  men  can  practice  and  such 
the  intellect  of  the  Community  which  they  must  despise.     .     .     . 

We  hear  that  there  is  some  Buzz  at  Washington  concerning 
Merry's  Reception.  The  day  and  hour  were  appointed  for  his 
first  audience,  and  he  was  attended  by  the  Sec'y  of  State.  Mr. 
Jefferson  rec'd  him  in  his  slippers,  and  altogether  in  an  undress  ! 
— at  least  such  is  our  report.     .     .     . 

I  write  to  the  boys,  who  are  now  at  the  Abbe's,  and  shall  again 
propose  to  them  to  talk  with  you  concerning  their  future  profes- 
sions. I  should  like,  were  it  practicable,  to  decide  immediately 
which  of  the  three  boys  I  shall  put  into  the  House  of  Sir  F. 
Baring,  as  in  this  case  I  should  wish  you  to  converse  with  Sir 
Francis  respecting  the  subject  before  your  embarkation.  Genl. 
M  (iranda)  has  I  conclude  left  England  before  this  date.  If  the 
question  is  at  length  settled  with   Spain,  as  it  shd.  have  been 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  34 1 

months  ago,  he  may  yet  see  his  wishes  accomplished.  He  &  you 
know  my  sentiments  on  this  subject,  which  nothing  can  alter.  I 
do  not  write  to  the  Genl.,  because  I  am  expecting  to  hear  of  him 
in  another  quarter.  Should  he  make  a  beginning,  the  news  wd. 
electrify  this  country,  which  contains  an  immense  number  of  indi- 
viduals who  would  be  ready  to  take  up  their  Bed  and  walk. 

Yrs.  affectionately, 
R.  K. 

C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  February  8,  1804. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

Since  I  last  wrote  we  have  received  your  favours  of  Nov.  20  & 
Dec.  7  and  January.  4.  The  boys  left  us  about  a  fortnight  ago  for 
Harrow.  They  were  perfectly  well,  and  so  conducted  themselves 
during  the  vacation.  John  at  present  seems  inclined  to  the  pro- 
fession of  law,  &  Charles,  so  far  as  he  has  any  predilections,  to 
that  of  a  merchant.     .     .     . 

What  you  feared  has  certainly  come  to  pass.  M's  dispatches 
are  truly  of  a  very  sombre  hue.  The  reception  of  the  Prest.,  the 
details  of  leading  into  dinner,  &c.  &c.  were  as  particularly  re- 
counted, as  the  wounded  pride  of  the  Lady,  or  the  injured  dig- 
nity of  the  Minister  could  possibly  require.  The  want  of 
accommodation  there,  high  prices,  bad  01  rather  no  markets,  lead 
them  to  view  the  seat  of  our  philosophic  empire,  if  not  the 
philosophers  themselves,  with  great  disgust.  The  Convention 
you  subscribed  here,  the  President  declined  for  a  time  to  ratify, 
making  a  reservation  of  Louisiana.  Now  it  is  said,  he  will  ratify, 
making  a  reservation  of  any  rights  that  may  have  accrued  to  us, 
by  the  cession  of  this  country.  H.  says  he  hopes  to  God  the 
admin,  here  will  not  take  the  ratification  so  made.  It  is  fur- 
ther believed,  that  Monroe  has  orders  to  propose  an  arrangement 
of  the  business  of  seamen,  by  a  convention,  in  which  G.  B. 
shall  agree,  that  the  American  Flag  shall  protect  all  persons  who 
sail  under  it.  The  Under-Sec.  is  outrageous,  but  his  superiors, 
operated  upon  much  as  are  some  other  great  men  in  the  West,  may 
act  according  to  existing  circumstances,  though  my  persuasion  is 
that  they  will  not  yield  that  point. 

Feb'y  9.    Yesterday  Pinkney  &  myself  dined  at  Ld.  Hawkes- 


342  RUFUS  KING.  [1803- 

bury's.  His  Lordship  there  took  me  aside  &  mentioned  the 
unpleasant  accounts  they  had  received  from  Washington.  I  de- 
clared my  regrets  that  anything  should  arise  to  afford  occasion 
therefor,  that  it  would  be  a  pity  if  circumstances,  in  themselves 
really  trifling  &  of  no  public  consequence,  should  be  suffered  to 
produce  a  coolness  between  the  Govt,  of  the  U.  S.  and  the  Rep. 
of  his  Majesty  ;  that  without  pretending  to  judge  as  to  the  real 
weight  or  importance,  that  should  be  ascribed  to  what  he  alluded, 
I  was  sure  he  would  concur  with  me  in  the  opinion,  that  wisdom 
dictated  a  total  disregard  of  personal  considerations  &  trivial  cir- 
cumstances in  weighing  the  just  and  important  relations  of  two 
countries  situated  as  were  the  U.  S.  &  G.  B.,  especially  at  this 
highly  interesting  &  convulsed  state  of  Europe.  While  he  agreed 
with  me  in  these  reflections,  he  said  Mr.  M.  (erry)  had  taken 
particular  pains  to  enquire  of  Mr.  Liston  &  Mr.  Hammond,  what 
was  the  etiquette  observed  when  they  were  in  the  U.  S.,  that  he 
might  neither  claim  nor  expect  more  respect  or  attention  than 
was  the  custom.  I  only  replied  that  surely  Mr.  M.  did  appear  to 
me  to  go  out  with  a  disposition  favourable  to  the  harmony  &  inter- 
ests of  the  two  nations,  and  that  I  hoped  that  if  Mr.  M.  saw  that 
whatever  course  had  been  adopted  was  alike  to  all  the  foreign 
ministers,  both  himself  &  his  Majesty's  Govt,  would  not  feel  in  it 
any  particular  cause  of  dissatisfaction,  &  at  least  not  to  suffer  it 
to  have  more  influence  than  its  intrinsic  importance  demanded. 
I  was  sorry  to  find  however  that  it  has  &•  will  have  considerable 
weight  in  the  minds  of  this  Govt.  Without  particularising,  it  is 
certain  he  principally  referred  to  the  leading  into  dinner  &  seating 
at  table.  In  this  silly  business,  they  probably  see  here  a  disposi- 
tion to  affront  England,  and  it  will  with  others,  increase  a  grow- 
ing discontent  with  us.  He  then  remarked  to  me  about  your 
convention,  and  said  explicitly  that  the  Government,  if  it  came 
back  as  they  had  reason  to  fear,  would  not  consent  to  a  ratifica- 
tion. Dinner  was  announced  and  we  parted,  he  saying  that  he 
would  ask  another  opportunity  of  conferring  further  on  these  sub- 
jects before  my  departure.  If  he  should  I  will  surely  do  every- 
thing in  my  power  to  soften  &  diminish  the  growing  prejudice 
against  our  Government,  the  effects  whereof  we  shall  feel  when- 
ever G.  B.  is  more  at  her  ease  in  her  European  relations.  After 
dinner,  at  which  were  several  of  the  foreign  Ministers,  and  two  or 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  343 

three  of  the  nobility,  he  called  on  me  to  take  some  wine  &  said 
he  would  give  one  toast,  by  my  consent,  which  was  Mr.  King. 
This  was  drunk  &  such  remarks  made  afterwards  on  the  subject 
of  it,  as  were  gratifying  to  all  (how  relished  by  P.  I  cannot  say) 
but  they  were  such  as  would  insure  your  condemnation  by  all 
the  Democrats  of  our  country. 

Some  few  weeks  ago,  Erving,  as  Consul,  sent  a  memorial  to 
Lord  Hawksbury  relative  to  a  vessel  that  was  here  in  distress, 
with  a  request  that  the  cargo,  which  was  oil  &  in  a  leaky  state, 
might  be  unladen  &c,  &c,  and  saying  that  the  parties  had  applied 
to  Mr.  Monroe  for  his  interference,  who  after  examining  the  sub- 
ject &  finding  it  purely  commercial,  referred  them  to  the  Consul. 
A  note  was  returned  saying  that  it  was  the  invariable  usage  of  the 
office  to  receive  no  memorials  from  Consuls,  that  if  Mr.  Monroe 
would  make  any  application  relative  to  the  interests  of  his  Gov- 
ernment, or  its  citizens,  it  would  be  attended  to  with  all  "the 
promptness  that  its  nature  required,  and  especially  in  the  case  al- 
luded to.  Monroe  made  no  application,  and  the  man's  oil,  I 
presume,  goes  on  wasting.  They  conceive  here  that  it  is  Jeffer- 
son's intention  to  disgust  all  foreign  ministers  at  Washington,  and 
by  degrees  insinuate  Consuls  into  the  business  at  foreign  courts, 
and  when  these  Genln.  shall  retire  from  our  Government,  leave  all 
affairs  to  be  transacted  by  Commercial  Agents.  This  may  be  his 
scheme,  especially  as  it  would  be  cheaper  &  by  multiplying  certifs., 
he  might  impose  all  the  expense  on  the  merchants  trading  to  the 
different  countries. 

Genl.  M.  is  still  here,  waiting  the  decision  of  the  Government 
in  relation  to  Spain.  Possibly  an  original  error  in  not  consider- 
ing it  as  a  party  in  the  war,  is  the  cause  of  the  present  delay  &  of 
all  the  subsequent  errors. 

.  .  .  We  shall  probably  sail  in  the  beginning  of  March.  We 
are  to  execute  our  last  awards  on  Saturday  next.  Two  cases  yet 
hang  in  the  Courts,  one  in  the  admir'ty,  &  the  other  before  the 
Lords  :  these  Swaby  has  consented  to  decide  that  I  may  not  lose 
my  passage.     .     .     . 

Ever  &  affectionately  yours 

C.  Gore. 


344  RUFUS  KING.  [1803- 

Thomas  Jefferson  to  R.  King. 

Washington,  Feby  17,  1804. 
Sir  : 

I  now  return  you  the  M.S.  History  of  Bacon's  rebellion  with 
many  thanks  for  the  communication.  It  is  really  a  valuable  mor- 
sel in  the  history  of  Virginia.  That  transaction  is  the  more 
marked  as  it  was  the  only  rebellion  or  insurrection  which  had  ever 
taken  place  in  the  colony  before  the  American  revolution.  Neither 
its  cause  nor  course  have  been  well  understood,  the  public  records 
containing  little  on  the  subject.  It  is  very  long  since  I  read  the 
several  histories  of  Virginia,  but  the  impression  remaining  in  my 
mind  was  not  at  all  that  which  this  writer  gives  ;  and  it  is  impos- 
sible to  refuse  assent  to  the  candor  &  simplicity  of  his  story.  I 
have  taken  the  liberty  of  copying  it,  which  has  been  the  reason 
for  the  detention  of  it.  I  had  an  opportunity  of  communicating 
it  to  a  person  who  was  just  putting  into  the  press  a  history  of  Vir- 
ginia, but  still  in  a  situation  to  be  corrected.  I  think  it  possible 
that  among  the  antient  MSS.  I  possess  at  Monticello,  I  may  be  able 
to  trace  the  author.  I  shall  endeavour  to  do  it  the  first  visit  I 
make  to  that  place  ;  and  if  with  success,  I  will  do  myself  the 
pleasure  of  communicating  it  to  you  ;  from  the  public  records 
there  is  no  hope,  as  they  were  destroyed  by  the  British,  I  believe, 
very  completely,  during  their  invasion  of  Virginia.  Accept  my 
salutations  and  assurances  of  high  consideration  and  respect. 

Th.  Jefferson. 

C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  February  19,  1804. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

By  the  newspapers  which  I  have  put  on  board  the  Oneida  Chief 
you  will  see  that  the  King  is  seriously  indisposed.  I  learn  that 
the  stories  about  his  having  the  dropsy  are  altogether  untrue,  but 
he  is  violently  mad.  It  has  been  coming  on  for  some  time,  and 
said  to  have  been  occasioned  at  first  by  drinking  cold  water,  when 
very  warm.  The  night  before  last  he  slept  seven  hours,  awoke 
perfectly  collected,  took  his  medicines  &  eat  his  food  as  he  should 
do.  From  this  some  hopes  are  entertained  that  he  may  recover, 
but  I  doubt  if  they  be  very  strong.     .     .     . 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  345 

The  Maryland  Bank  Stock  is  through  the  Chancery  &  the  costs 
adjusted.  So  it  only  remains  to  pass  from  the  crown,  which  will 
be  impeded  by  the  King's  malady.  We  execute  our  last  awards 
to-day  &  close  next  week.     .     .     . 

Yours  ever  &  affectionately 

C.  Gore. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

London,  February  29,  1804. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

I  have  only  time  to  say  that  we  expect  to  leave  town  on  Satur- 
day for  Gravesend,  where  we  embark.  Our  commission  closed 
with  perfect  harmony  on  the  23d  inst.  I  can  only  say  that  per- 
sonally I  have  been  treated  by  Ld.  H.  &  Hammond  with  great 
kindness  &  attention.  The  King  is  better  ;  this,  I  understand 
from  those  who  wish  it,  and  those  who  think  the  public  good  may 
be  promoted  by  a  different  dispensation  of  Providence.     .     .     . 

C.  Gore. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Grievances  and  Suggestions  of  certain  Federalists  for  a  Separation  of  the  New 
England  States — Proposal  to  nominate  King  for  Governor  of  the  State  of 
New  York — Hamilton  to  King — Urging  him  to  allow  himself  to  be  nomi- 
nated— King  to  Hamilton — He  declines — Plan  of  Separation  of  the  North- 
ern States — Pickering — Cabot — Wolcott — Conversation  with  King  about 
a  Separation — J.  Q.  Adams — Conversation  with  King  on  the  Same — Ham- 
ilton's Views  adverse  to  the  Plan — Pickering  to  King — Louisiana — Judge 
Pickering's  Trial — Pickering  to  King — Plan  of  Separation — King  to  Pick- 
ering— Protection  of  Seamen — Cabot  to  King — Experiment  of  Separation 
of  the  States. 

At  the  close  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  King  to  Mr.  Gore,  Sep- 
tember 6,  1803,  p.  303  in  this  volume,  he  remarks:  "  Not- 
withstanding the  satisfaction  of  the  negotiators  with  their 
performance,  I  believe  that  Govt,  is  and  will  be  embar- 
rassed with  the  cession  [of  Louisiana],  which  may  become 
the  immediate  cause  of  very  important  political  events 
among  the  States."  It  was  not  long  before  the  correctness 
of  this  opinion  was  manifested  by  the  debates  in  the  Senate 
and  House  on  the  provisions  for  carrying  out  the  Conven- 
tions and  by  subsequent  events. 

The  constant  troubles  with  the  Spanish  authorities  at  New 
Orleans,  interfering  with  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
and  the  commerce  of  the  western  portions  of  the  United 
States,  induced  Mr.  Jefferson  to  endeavor  by  purchase  to 
become  possessed  of  New  Orleans  and  the  adjacent  districts, 
and  thus  secure  the  free  navigation  of  the  river.  Mr.  Liv- 
ingston, who  was  sent  to  France  as  Minister,  when  he  found 
that  Louisiana  had  been  transferred  to  that  country,  en- 
deavored to  accomplish  the  purchase  ;  but  to  his  astonish- 
ment he  was  in  the  end  offered  the  whole  of  Louisiana,  with 

346 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  347 

New  Orleans,  at  a  price  which  seemed  not  too  large.  The 
First  Consul's  necessities  suggested  the  offer,  the  treaty  of 
purchase  was  made  and,  when  received  in  the  United  States, 
was  accepted  by  the  President  and  ratified  by  the  Senate. 
So  far  all  seemed  well,  although  the  objections  made  to  the 
ratification  by  the  Federalists  showed  that  the  action  was 
hasty  and  that  the  provisions  of  the  Conventions  were  such 
as  involved  serious  constitutional  questions.  The  President 
himself  had  believed  that  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution 
would  be  required  to  make  this  addition,  with  its  peculiar 
provisions,  to  the  territory  of  the  United  States  ;  but  his 
friends  in  the  Senate  had  set  aside  the  scruples  and  ratified 
the  agreement. 

When,  however,  it  became  necessary  to  make  the  appro- 
priations for  the  payment  and  to  provide  a  government  for 
the  new  territory,  the  objections  to  the  Conventions  were 
again  brought  forward,  and  a  stern  opposition  was  made  by 
the  Federalists  on  the  broad  constitutional  question,  and 
especially  upon  the  clause  in  the  Convention  that  "  the  in- 
habitants of  the  ceded  territory  should  be  incorporated  in 
the  Union  of  the  United  States  "  with  all  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States.  They  con- 
tended that  there  was  no  power  which  "  was  competent  to 
such  an  act  of  incorporation  "  ;  that  therefore  "  this  could 
not  be  effected  without  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution," 
an  amendment  which  would  require  "  the  assent  of  each  in- 
dividual State  and  all  of  them  to  admit  "  a  foreign  country 
as  an  associate  in  the  Union."  Besides  they  contended 
that  the  New  England  States  by  the  admission  of  this 
territory,  with  the  government  of  it  in  the  control  of  the 
administration  and  its  friends,  chiefly  in  Virginia,  would  be 
cut  off  from  their  proper  influence  in  the  affairs  of  the  nation. 
Their  opposition  was  of  no  avail ;  the  money  was  appropri- 
ated, the  territorial  government  established,  no  constitutional 
amendment  was  adopted,  and  Virginia  and  the  republican 
party  carried  their  measures. 

But  the  end  was  not  here.     Another  amendment  to  the 


34^  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

Constitution  had  been  passed  through  the  same  Congress, 
providing  for  a  change  in  the  manner  of  electing  the  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President.  Two  candidates  for  the  office  of 
President  had  hitherto  been  voted  for:  the  one  receiving  the 
highest  vote  was  to  be  President  and  the  other  Vice-Presi- 
dent. The  election  of  Mr.  Jefferson  had  been  placed  in 
jeopardy  by  this  provision,  and  his  friends,  who  had  de- 
cided upon  his  re-election  and  a  possible  succession  of 
other  Virginians,  determined,  if  possible,  to  prevent  any  in- 
terference with  their  plans,  and  brought  forward  the  amend- 
ment by  which  the  candidates  for  each  office  should  be 
designated  and  the  choice  of  President  could  only  be  made 
from  among  those  voted  for  as  such. 

To  this  strong  and  earnest  objections  were  made  by  the 
Federalists,  who  contended  that  by  this  provision  it  would  be 
impossible  ever  to  elect  a  Federal  president,*  as  by  a  com- 
bination of  the  larger  States,  they  could  control  the  election 
and  thus  the  smaller  States  would  have  their  privileges  cur- 
tailed, privileges  which  under  the  existing  balances  of  the 
Constitution  they  might  enjoy.  This  and  other  reasons 
were  ably  presented  as  objections  to  the  proposed  change, 
but  it  was  passed  by  the  same  dominant  party  through 
Congress,  and  was  ratified  by  a  sufficient  number  of  the 
States  to  make  it  valid.  Its  wisdom  has  not  yet  been  proved 
though  it  still  continues  to  be  the  law. 

As  if  to  rouse  the  Federalists  still  more  and  to  make  them 
afraid  that  every  balance  of  the  Constitution  might  be  de- 
stroyed, the  attempt  to  tamper  with  the  judiciary  and  to  re- 
duce it  also  to  a  political  machine  was  the  next  step  adopted 
by  the  friends  of  the  administration.  In  the  debates  which 
took  place  in  the  impeachment  of  two  of  the  judges  of  the 
U.  States  Courts,  it   was  openly  suggested  that   even  the 

*  Indeed,  Mr.  Cooke  of  Tennessee  avowed  that  this  was  one  of  their  objects. 
He  said  "  that  the  majority  of  the  Republicans  might  obtain  the  man  of  their 
choice,  and,  with  certainty,  prevent  the  election  of  either  a  President  or  Vice 
President  from  the  Federalists."  Mr.  Taylor  of  Virginia  suggested  that  the 
proposed  amendment  would  finally  destroy  the  minority. 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  349 

Supreme  Court,  the  only  department  the  administration 
could  not  control,  the  buttress  of  the  Constitution,  should 
be  subjected  to  the  power  of  Congress,  by  changing 
the  tenure  of  office  which  made  the  judges  independent  of 
the  other  departments.  Happily  the  threatened  change 
was  averted  and  that  court  still  maintains  its  high  and  inde- 
pendent character. 

A  considerable  number  of  the  leading  Federalists,  Messrs. 
Pickering,*  Tracy,  Griswold,  and  others,  who  had  already 
been  outraged  by  the  removal  of  their  friends  from  office, 
saw  danger  in  these  various  movements  and  endeavored  to 
arouse  their  friends  to  resist  further  encroachments  upon  the 
Constitution  by  the  party  which  now  dominated  the  country. 
They  truly  loved  their  country,  and  were  among  those  who 
had  laid  its  foundations  so  as  to  secure,  as  they  believed,  its 
prosperity,  but  they  thought  it  best  that  the  New  England 
States,  to  which  they  belonged,  should,  for  self-protection, 
separate  themselves  from  those  who  were  threatening,  by 
other  measures  also,  to  destroy  their  proper  share  in  the 
benefits  of  the  Union.  They,  therefore,  took  measures,  by 
correspondence  and  concert  of  action,  to  endeavor  to  brings 
about  a  separation,  but  felt  that  without  the  assistance  of 
New  York,  they  could  not  hope  to  succeed.  They,  therefore, 
sought  the  assistance  of  Aaron  Burr,  who  had  been  re- 
jected by  his  party  f  and  offered  himself  to  them,  to  accom- 
plish their  object.  He  had  been  nominated  as  a  candidate 
for  the  office  of  Governor  of  New  York  and  it  was  hoped  by 
many  Federalists,  that  with  their  help  he  might  be  elected 
and  thus  be  ready  to  forward  their  schemes,  which  he  seemed 

*  See  T.  Pickering's  letter,  March  4,  1804,  R.  King's  Life,  p.  363. 

f  Schouler,  Hist,  of  U.  S.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  59,  says:  "At  a  dinner  in  honor  of 
the  event  [the  peaceful  acquisition  of  Louisiana]  on  January  27,  1804,  at 
Stelle's  Hotel,  Capitol  Hill,  which  the  Republican  Members  of  Congress  and 
high  officials  generally  attended,  '  the  general  applause  indicated  that  Jefferson 
would  be  put  forward  for  a  second  term,  while  Burr,  who  was  one  of  the  guests, 
would  be  dropped.  Not  long  after,  at  a  caucus  of  the  Republican  Senators  and 
Representatives  (February  28th),  Jefferson  was  nominated  for  President  unani- 
mously, with  George  Clinton  as  his  associate  for  Vice-President." 


350  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

inclined  to  do.  Happily  he  was  defeated  and  the  hope  of 
assistance  through  him  by  the  plotters  was  destroyed. 

But  this  was  not  the  only  drawback  to  the  success  of  their 
plans.  They  found  positive  objections  and  a  refusal  to 
entertain  their  propositions  by  those  Federalists,  Messrs. 
Hamilton,  King,  Cabot,  and  others,  whom  they  looked  upon 
as  the  head  of  that  party,  and  whose  assistance  it  was  neces- 
sary to  obtain,  and  as  a  consequence  the  whole  scheme  fell 
through. 

Before  proceeding  with  the  correspondence  relative  to  the 
details  of  the  proposed  separation  of  certain  States  from  the 
Union,  it  may  be  well  to  bring  forward  the  narrative  of  cer- 
tain events,  which,  to  a  certain  extent,  have  been  hinted  at. 
In  a  letter  of  January  27,  1803,*  addressed  by  Mr.  Sedgwick 
to  General  Hamilton,  in  anticipation  of  Mr.  King's  return 
home,  he  spoke  strongly  of  the  advisability  of  holding  the 
Federal  control  of  the  State  governments  and  recommended 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  King  to  the  office  of  Governor  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  to  which  he  thought  it  possible  he 
might  be  elected,  and  in  which  he  might  "  do  infinitely  more 
good  than  in  the  inefficient  office  of  Vice-President.  Gen- 
eral Pinckney  must  in  all  events  be  considered  the  candidate 
for  the  first  office.  .  .  .  Should  Mr.  King  be  holden  up 
for  this  office  (the  Vice-Presidency),  it  would  lessen,  at  least, 
the  probability  of  success  for  the  government  of  New  York." 

The  friends  of  Mr.  King  continued,  however,  to  desire  his 
election  to  the  office  of  Vice-President,  for  at  a  public 
dinner  of  the  Federalists  in  Washington  on  February  22, 
1804,  at  which  Mr.  Pickering  presided,  Messrs.  Pinckney 
and  King  were  by  consent  nominated  as  their  candidates 
for  the  Presidency  and  Vice-Presidency,  but  without  desig- 
nation as  to  which  should  have  the  precedence ;  though  at  a 
subsequent  and  much  later  meeting  Mr.  Pinckney  was 
named  for  the  first  office. 

In  the  meantime,  Mr.  Clinton  having  been  chosen  as  the 
Republican  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency,  Mr.  Burr  was 

*  R.  King's  Life,  vol.  iv.,  p.  215. 


1804]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  35 1 

left  out  in  the  cold.  The  New  York  Governorship  was  still 
unsettled,  and  he  hoped,  as  had  been  said,  by  the  help  of  the 
dissatisfied  Federalists,  to  succeed  in  reaching  it.  The  Fed- 
eralists who  remained  loyal  to  their  party  views  desired,  as 
had  been  suggested  by  Mr.  Sedgwick  a  year  before,  a  candi- 
date upon  whom  they  could  unite  and  bring  back  those  who 
were  wandering  away  to  the  support  of  Mr.  Burr.  It  would 
appear  from  the  two  following  letters,  that  Mr.  King,  un- 
consulted,  was  proposed  as  their  candidate. 

The  letter  of  General  Hamilton  was  written  from  Albany, 
where  he  was  engaged  in  defending  the  liberty  of  the  press 
against  the  construction  of  the  judge  that  he  alone  could 
decide  whether  an  article  was  libellous  or  not,  and  the  jury 
could  only  determine  the  question  of  publication.  He  con- 
tended that  the  dictum  "  the  greater  the  truth,  the  greater 
the  libel,"  was  contrary  to  the  "  genius  of  our  civil  institu- 
tions and  manifestly  a  palpable  outrage  on  human  rights, 
common  justice,  and  even  common  sense,  .  .  .  that  the 
liberty  of  the  Press  consists  in  publishing  with  impunity  the 
Truth  with  good  motives  and  for  justified  ends,  whether  it 
related  to  men  or  measures.  ...  If  the  intent  be  a 
subject  of  enquiry,  the  giving  of  the  Truth  in  evidence  is 
requisite  as  a  means  to  determine  the  intent." 

While  this  important  trial  of  an  editor  was  going  on,  the 
canvass  for  candidates  for  Governor  occupied  the  minds  of 
those  assembled  in  Albany  and  it  was  carried  on  with  great 
warmth :  the  letter  given  shows  how  earnestly  Hamilton 
sought  to  avert  the  calamity  which  was  threatening  in  the 
nomination  of  Burr  by  the  aid  of  the  Federalists. 

A.  Hamilton  to  R.  King.* 

Albany,  February  24,  '1804. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

!  You  will  have  heard  before  this  reaches  you  of  the  fluctuations 
ancT  changes  which  have  taken  place  in  the  measures  of  the  reign- 
ing party,  as  to  a  candidate  for  Governor  ;  and  you  will  probably 
also  have  been  informed  that  pursuant  to  the  opinions  expressed 
♦See  also  Hamilton's  Works,  vi.,  559. 


352  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

by  our  friends  before  I  left  New  York,  I  had  taken  an  open  part 
in  favour  of  Mr.  Lansing. 

It  is  a  fact  to  be  regretted,  though  anticipated,  that  the  federal- 
ists, very  extensively,  had  embarked  with  zeal  in  the  support  of 
Mr.  Burr  ;  yet  an  impression  to  the  contrary  and  in  favour  of  Mr. 
Lansing  had  been  made  &  there  was  good  ground  to  hope  that  a 
proper  direction,  in  the  main,  might  have  been  given  to  the  cur- 
rent of  federalism.  The  substitution  of  Mr.  Lewis  has  essentially 
varied  the  prospect ;  and  the  best  informed  among  us  here  agree 
that  the  Federalists  as  a  body  could  not  be  diverted  from  Mr. 
Burr  to  Mr.  Lewis  by  any  efforts  of  leading  characters,  if  they 
should  ever  deem  the  support  of  the  latter  expedient. 

Though  I  have  no  reason  to  think  that  my  original  calculation 
was  wrong,  while  the  competition  was  between  Clinton  &  Burr, 
yet  from  the  moment  the  former  declined,  I  began  to  consider  the 
latter  as  having  a  chance  of  success.  It  was  still  however  my  re- 
liance that  Lansing  would  outrun  him  ;  but  now  that  Chief  Justice 
Lew\s  is  the  competitor,  the  probability  of  success  in  my  judg- 
ment inclines  to  Mr.  Burr. 

Thus  situated  two  questions  have  arisen  ;  1st,  whether  a  federal 
candidate  ought  not  to  be  run  as  a  means  of  defeating  Mr.  Burr, 
and  of  keeping  the  federalists  from  becoming  a  personal  faction 
allied  to  him  ;  2nd,  whether  in  the  conflict  of  parties  as  they  now 
stand,  the  strongest  of  them  disconcerted  and  disjointed,  there 
would  not  be  a  considerable  hope  of  success  for  a  Federal  candi- 
date. 

These  questions  have  received  no  solution  in  scarcely  any  one's 
mind  ;  but  it  is  agreed  that  if  an  attempt  is  to  be  made,  you  must 
be  the  candidate.  There  is  no  other  man  among  us,  under  whose 
standard  either  fragment  of  the  democratic  party  could  as  easily 
rally.  It  is  enough  to  say,  you  have  been  absent  during  the  time 
in  which  party  animosities  have  become  matured  and  fixed,  and 
therefore  are  much  less  than  any  other  distinguished  federalist  an 
object  of  them. 

To  detach  the  Federalists  from  Burr,  they  must  believe  two 
things — one,  that  we  are  in  earnest  as  to  our  candidate,  and  that 
it  is  not  a  mere  diversion  ;  the  other,  that  there  is  some  chance  of 
success.  All  believe,  &  some  leading  democrats  admit,  that  if 
either  of  the  two  democratic  rival  parties  should  come  to  expect 
a  defeat,  they  would  arrange  themselves  under  your  banners.  1 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  355, 

Reflect  well  on  all  these  things  and  make  up  your  mind,  in  case 
you  should  be  invited  to  consent.     I  have  not  time  to  enlarge. 

Yrs  very  truly 

A.  Hamilton. 

Mr.  King's  letter  was  written  on  the  same  day  as  the  above 
in  New  York,  and  explains  itself.* 

R.  King  to  Genl.  Hamilton,  Albany. 

Feby.  24,  1804-.. 

Dr.  Sir  : 

Mr.  D.  B.  Ogden  called  upon  me  a  few  minutes  past,  and  as  I 
understood  from  him  that  he  purposes  writing  to  you  by  the  mail, 
of  this  Evening,  I  think  it  proper,  in  order  to  avoid  any  miscon- 
ceptions of  the  tenour  of  our  conversation,  to  repeat  to  you  the 
purport  of  what  I  said  to  him,  viz — "  Whether  it  will  be  expedient 
to  offer  a  federal  candidate  for  the  Govr.  is  a  point  upon  which,, 
from  the  want  of  information  concerning  the  relative  strength, 
and  disposition  of  parties,  and  the  consequent  probability  of  suc- 
cess, I  professed  myself  (to  Mr.  D.)  quite  unable  to  judge. 

"With  respect  to  my  being  the  fedl.  candidate,  altho'  I  would 
not  say  that  my  mind  was  absolutely  decided,  as  I  had  never  con- 
sidered the  subject,  the  objections  to  my  consenting  appeared  to> 
me  to  be  unsurmountable." 

faithfully  &c. 

Rufus  King. 

In  resuming  the  consideration  of  the  plan  proposed  by- 
some  of  the  leading  Federalists  in  Congress  to  bring  about 
the  making  of  a  northern  Confederacy,  the  intention  is  to- 
state  only  the  facts  which  connect  the  name  of  Mr.  King- 
with  it  and  to  show  that  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with 
the  movement  for  a  separation  of  the  States. 

*  Mr.  J.  C.  Hamilton  in  Hamilton's  Life,  vii.,  778,  with  his  usual  unwilling- 
ness to  give  Mr.  King  credit  where  he  can  avoid  it,  says — "  the  nomination  of 
a  federal  candidate,  in  the  person  of  King,  was  thought  of,  but  the  idea  was 
not  pursued."  He  does  not  say  that  he  declined  allowing  his  name  to  be  used 
notwithstanding  the  strong  appeal  made  to  him. 

VOL.   IV.— 23 


I 


354  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

It  would  seem  that  the  first  knowledge  of  it  was  from  a 
letter  of  Timothy  Pickering,  March  4,  1804,*  m  which  after 
showing  that  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana  and  the  legislation 
consequent  upon  it,  would  throw  the  power  of  the  Govern- 
ment forever  in  the  control  of  the  Southern  and  slave-hold- 
ing States  and  thus  shut  out  New  England  from  its  proper 
influence  in  the  Union,  he  therefore  urged  that  steps 
be  taken  without  delay  to  counteract  this  danger  and  form, 
with  the  addition  of  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  a  separate 
government. 

Without  expressing  any  opinion  as  to  the  wisdom  or  feasi- 
bility of  the  measure,  Mr.  King  on  March  9th,  f  acknowl- 
edged the  receipt  of  his  letters  with  the  remark  that  "  the 
views  they  disclose  ought  to  fix  the  attention  of  the  real 
friends  of  liberty  in  this  quarter  of  the  Union,  and  the 
more  so  as  things  seem  to  be  fast  advancing  to  a  crisis." 

In  a  letter  from  Mr.  Cabot,  Boston,  March  17,  1804,^:  to 
Mr.  King,  he  says  : 

"  An  experiment  has  been  suggested  by  some  of  your  friends  to 
which  I  object  that  it  is  impracticable,  and,  if  practicable,  would 
be  ineffectual.  The  thing  proposed  is  obvious  and  natural,  but 
it  would  now  be  thought  too  bold  and  would  be  fatal  to  the  advo- 
cates as  public  men  :  yet  the  time  may  soon  come,  when  it  will  be 
demanded  by  the  people  of  the  N.  &  East,  and  then  it  will  un- 

*  R.  King's  Life,  iv.,  p.  363  ;  given  also  in  Lodge's  Cabot,  p.  447. 

See  also  letter  of  Pickering  to  King,  March  3d,  p.  359. 

f  R.  King's  Life,  iv.,  p.  366. 

Henry  Adams,  History  of  the  United  States,  ii.,  p.  178,  says:  "Of  all 
Federalist  leaders,  moderate  and  extreme,  Rufus  King,  who  had  recently 
returned  from  London,  stood  highest  in  the  confidence  of  his  party.  He  was 
to  be  the  Federalist  candidate  for  Vice-President  ;  he  had  mixed  in  none  of 
the  feuds  which  made  Hamilton  obnoxious  to  his  former  friends,  and  while 
King's  manners  were  conciliatory,  his  opinions  were  more  moderate  than  those 
of  other  party  leaders.  .  .  ."  Rufus  King  was  as  cautious  as  Pickering. 
He  acknowledged  this  letter  in  vague  terms  of  compliment,  saying  that  Picker- 
ing's views  "ought  to  fix  the  attention  of  the  real  friends  of  liberty  in  this 
quarter  of  the  Union,  and  the  more  so  as  things  seem  to  be  fast  advancing  to 
a  crisis." 

%  R.  King's  Life,  iv.,  p.  369. 


1804]  LIFE  AND    CORRESPONDENCE.  355 

avoidably  take  place.  I  am  not  satisfied  that  the  thing  itself  is 
to  be  desired.  My  habitual  opinions  have  been  always  strongly 
against  it  and  I  don't  see  in  the  present  mismanagement  motives 
for  changing  my  opinion." 

There  does  not  appear  that  any  answer  was  given  or  pre- 
served to  this  letter,  but  on  March  19,  1804,  the  following 
papers  are  found  in  the  handwriting  of  Mr.  King,  endorsed 
"O.  Wolcott,  Conversation  Spring  1804." 

"  March  19,  1804. 

u  The  opposition  or  at  least  the  dissimilitude  of  Interests  be- 
tween the  Northern  &  Southern  States  is  such,  and  the  present  and 
increasing  preponderance  of  the  power  of  those  of  the  South  is 
such  that  the  balance  between  North  and  South,  which  secured 
to  the  former  an  equal  share  of  influence  &  honours,  an  equal 
encouragement  of  industry,  and  the  like  Protection  of  Property, 
with  the  latter,  is  altered  and  permanently  settled  in  favour  of  the 
Southern  States.  As  in  all  similar  cases  power  will  be  increased 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Possessors,  and  the  Northern  States  are  des- 
tined to  be  ruled,  and  not  only  so  but  ruled  unjustly  and  for  the 
advantage  of  the  Southern  States. 

"  Hence  the  necessity  of  a  division  of  the  confederacy.  Patience 
wd.  lead  to  delay— the  mercenary  character  of  the  Northern  Peo- 
ple, fearful  for  their  commerce,  timid  for  their  money  in  the  funds, 
recommend  Procrastination.  In  the  mean  time  Jacobinism  ex- 
tends itself  and  the  means  of  successful  opposition  to  Virginia  is 
lessened.  Commerce  wd.  be  equally  successful  &  the  pub.  Cred- 
itors wd.  be  equally  secure.  In  July  1803  the  public  Debt  due 
east  of  Pennsylvania  amounted  to  $32,160,000  &  to  this  a  proper 
proportion  of  the  Dutch  Dt.  shd.  be  added,  &  assumed.  The 
Louisiana  Dbt.  shd.  be  left  to  those  for  wh.  benefit  it  was  made. 

"  Means  have  been  taken  to  rouse  the  three  N.  En.  States  M., 
N.  H.  &  Conn,  to  begin — but  they  are  slow,  cautious  &c.  ;  the 
Demos,  in  Cong,  from  the  North  are  dissatisfied  but  obedient  to 
Virginia,  and  so  they  will  be  until  they  are  from  home  told  to  do 
otherwise.  They  are  also  destitute  of  Talents,  and  incapable  of 
influence.  Eustis  &  Bradbury  may  be  attached  to  Burr  ;  but 
both  of  them  more  attached  to  their  own  projects.  Eustis  has  lost 
reputation  with  all  sides  :  his  object  is  to  be  collector  of  Boston. 


35^  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

Bradley  profligate  &c. — Burr's  views  unknown — believed  to  be 
supported  in  N.  Yk.  by  Persons  hostile  to  Virginia  :  if  so,  and  he 
becomes  Govr.,  N.  Yk.  may  be  united  with  the  Northern  States 
in  the  Project  of  Separation  :  his  sentiments  on  this  point  un- 
known (met  him  accidentally  in  the  Nat.  Library,  an  interview 
proposed  by  him  at  N.  Yk.)  altho'  a  bad  man  perhaps  the  Feder- 
alists shd.  support  him,  as  the  evil  daily  extends  itself  &  his 
Election  seems  the  only  chance  of  rescuing  N.  Yk.  from  Virginia — 
but  if  Burr  gains  N.  Yk.  merely  to  gain  the  Presidency— the 
support  and  success  wd.  be  subject  of  Regret  for  the  southern 
power  being  as  stated,  the  occasional  possession  of  the  Presidency 
wd.  do  no  good,  might  do  harm. 

"  The  only  remedy  is  separation — will  Burr  agree  and  pledge 
himself  to  this  object. 

"April  5 

"  According  to  the  proposal  of  the  Library  Mr.  Griswold  visited 
Burr  April  4  :  the  purport  of  the  Conversation  was  that  he  must 
go  on  democratically  to  obtain  the  Govt. — that  if  he  succeeded, 
he  shd.  administer  the  Govt,  in  a  manner  that  wd.  be  satisfac- 
tory to  the  Federalists — no  particular  explanation  was  made  on 
this  head — in  respect  to  the  affairs  of  the  Nation,  Burr  said  that 
the  Northern  States  must  be  governed  by  Virginia,  or  govern  Vir- 
ginia, and  that  there  was  no  middle  mode — that  the  Democratical 
members  of  Congress  from  the  East  were  in  this  sentiment,  some 
of  those  from  N.  York  (Phelps,  Thomas,  Paterson  &  Root)  and 
some  of  the  Leaders  in  Jersey  and  likewise  in  Pennsylvania. 

"  Griswold  said  the  Federalists  to  the  Eastward  would  be  solici- 
tous to  understand  the  policy  of  N.  Yk,  they  might  be  active  or 
passive  according  to  the  opinion  they  should  form  on  this  point — 
it  was  to  this  enquiry,  that  Burr  replied,  that  he  shd.  administer  the 
govt,  in  a  manner  satisfactory  to  the  Federalists  !  I  could  not 
learn  that  Griswold  engaged  anything  on  his  side,  limiting  himself 
as  I  was  given  to  understand,  to  mere  enquiry  :  but  according  to 
what  has  been  told  me,  I  conclude  that  Griswold  wishes  Burr 
success  agt.  Lewis,  believing  by  his  means  to  rescue  N.  Yk.  from 
the  Jeffersonian  Politicks  !  !  !  " 

"April.  5. 1804 

"  Informant.  O.  W.  Before  Congress  adjourned  Phelps  and  one 
or  two  other  of   the  democratical  members   of  Congress   from 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  357 

N.  Yk  went  to  the  President  to  know  of  him  whether  he  regarded 
Burr  as  a  Republican  ;  &  referring  to  the  pending  Election  of 
N.  Yk  for  Govr.,  whether  the  Presidt.  wd.  disapprove  of  Col. 
Burr's  being  supported  by  the  Republicans  ;  or  in  other  words 
whether  those  who  shd.  support  Col.  Burr  for  Govr.  wd.  be  re- 
garded favourably  ;  or  entitled  to  the  favour  of  the  President  ? 
Jefferson  replied  that  he  considered  Burr  to  be  a  Republican,  that 
it  was  a  division  among  republicans  and  that  therefore  Republicans 
might  with  Equal  Propriety  support  or  vote  for  either  Candidate. 

"  Yesterday,  Ap.  4,  an  interview  took  Place  between  Phelps  and 
DeWitt  Clinton  ;  Phelps  recited  the  opinion  of  Jefferson  respect- 
ing the  candidates  for  Govr.  Clinton  stated  that  Gen.  Jno.  Smith 
having  heard  of  the  interview  between  Phelps  and  Jefferson,  had 
gone  to  require  a  farther  Explanation — that  Jefferson  in  this  in- 
terview admitted  that  in  substance  he  had  stated  what  Phelps  had 
reported  ;  but  added  that  this.  Opinion  was  given  upon  the  idea 
of  a  mere  division  among  the  Republicans — that  if  the  federalists 
took  a  part,  it  wd.  materially  alter  the  case  and  that  the  candidate 
opposed  by  the  Feds  shd.  be  supported  by  the  Republicans  !  !  ! 

"  The  interview  between  Phelps  &  DeW.  C.  broke  up  with 
mutual  recriminations  and  dissatisfaction." 

Informt.  O.  W. 

"Ap.  5. 

"  Genl.  Varnum,  one  of  the  Demo,  members  of  Cong,  from  Vir- 
ginia has  been  surrounded  by  the  Burrites  on  his  way  thro'  N.  Yk 
to  Mass.  Concerning  the  caucus  held  at  Washington  to  agree  on  a 
Vice  President,  the  Genl.  stated  that  during  the  session  a  corre- 
spondence was  opened  between  Dawson  and  another  member 
from  Virginia  and  DeWitt  Clinton — that  one  or  two  of  the  New 
York  members  were  privy  to  this  correspondence — the  object 
whereof  was  to  engage  Gov.  Clinton  to  become  the  Vice  Presi- 
dent— his  consent  was  in  this  way  obtained,  without  any  previous 
communication  with  the  Eastern  demo,  members  ;  when  a  meet- 
ing of  all  the  demo,  members  was  called  to  agree  in  the  Choice  of 
a  V.  Pr. — when  met  this  consent  of  Gov.  Clinton  was  announced, 
— the  Eastern  members  complained  that  the  business  had  gone 
thus  far  without  their  having  been  consulted,  and  moved  to  ad- 
journ the  meeting.  The  Virginians  opposed  it,  and  the  assembly 
took  a  Ballot ;  the  result  whereof  has  been  published. 


\ 


358  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

"  Some  days  after  the  Eastern  Demo,  members  (those  East  of 
N.  Yk)  met  and  deputed  Varnum  to  the  Virginians  to  express 
their  disapprobation  of  the  Proceedings  which  had  taken  place 
without  their  privity,  and  to  declare  that  as  the  Engagement  had 
been  made  without  their  consent,  they  left  the  contract  to  be  ful- 
filled by  the  Virginians  who  had  formed  it." 

In  the  reply  of  Mr.  J.  Quincy  Adams  to  thirteen  citizens 
of  Massachusetts,  in  1829,  the  following  remarks  are  found  :  * 

"  The  information  concerning  the  project  communicated  to  me 
at  Washington,  in  the  spring  of  1804,  corresponded  in  the  main 
with  that  detailed  by  Mr.  Plumer.  .  .  .  The  session  closed 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1804,  and  I  shortly  afterwards  returned  to 
spend  the  summer  at  Quincy.  On  my  way  thither,  I  was  detained 
several  days  at  New  York,  during  which  I  frequently  visited  Mr. 
Rufus  King,  who  had  recently  returned  from  his  first  mission  to 
England.  On  the  8th  day  of  April,  I  called  and  passed  great  part 
of  the  evening  with  him  in  his  Library.  I  found  there,  sitting 
with  him,  Mr.  Timothy  Pickering,  who  shortly  after  I  went  in, 
took  leave  and  withdrew.  As  he  left  the  house,  Mr.  King  said  to 
me,  ■  Colonel  Pickering  has  been  talking  to  me  about  a  project 
they  have  for  a  separation  of  the  States  and  a  Northern  Confeder- 
acy :  and  he  has  also  been  this  day  talking  of  it  with  General 
Hamilton.  Have  you  heard  anything  of  it  at  Washington  ? '  I 
said  I  had,  much,  but  not  from  Colonel  Pickering.  'Well,'  said 
Mr.  King,  ■  I  disapprove  entirely  of  the  project  ;  and  so,  I  am 
happy  to  tell  you,  does  General  Hamilton.'  I  told  Mr.  King  that 
I  rejoiced  to  hear  that  this  was  his  opinion,  and  was  equally  grati- 
fied to  learn  it  was  that  of  General  Hamilton, — that  I  was  utterly 
averse  to  the  project  myself  and  much  concerned  at  the  counte- 
nance I  had  heard  it  was  receiving  at  Connecticut  and  at  Boston. 
It  was  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana  which  had  been  the  immediate 
incentive  to  the  plan.  I  had  much  conversation  with  Mr.  King 
on  that  subject ;  and  I  found  his  opinions  concerning  it  concur- 
ring with  my  own  ;  and,  I  understood  from  him,  not  differing 
from  those  of  General  Hamilton.  We  agreed,  and  lamented  that 
one  inevitable  consequence  of  the  annexation  of  Louisiana  to  the 
*  New  England  Federalism,  by  H.  Adams,  p.  147. 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  359 

Union  would  be  to  diminish  the  relative  weight  and  influence  of 
the  Northern  section  ;  that  it  would  aggravate  the  evil  of  the  slave 
representation,  and  endanger  the  Union  itself,  by  the  expansion 
of  its  bulk  and  the  enfeebling  extension  of  its  line  of  defence 
against  foreign  invasion.  But  the  alternative  was — Louisiana  and 
the  mouths  of  the  Mississippi  in  the  possession  of  France,  under 
Napoleon  Bonaparte.  The  loss  of  sectional  influence,  we  hoped 
and  believed,  would  be  more  than  compensated  by  the  extension 
of  national  power  and  security.  A  fearful  cause  of  war  with 
France  was  removed.  From  a  formidable  and  ambitious  neighbor, 
she  would  be  turned,  by  her  altered  and  steadily  operating  inter- 
ests, into  a  natural  ally.  Should  ever  these  anticipations  fail,  we 
considered  a  severance  of  the  Union  as  a  remedy  more  desperate 
than  any  possible  disease."  * 

Such  was  the  position  of  affairs,  when  the  New  York 
election  took  place  on  April  25th  and  Burr  was  defeated. 
Henry  Adams  says  :  f 

"  Pickering  &  Griswold  saw  their  hopes  shattered  by  the  New 
York  election.  They  gained  at  the  utmost  only  an  agreement  to 
hold  a  private  meeting  of  leading  Federalists  at  Boston  in  the 
following  autumn  J  ;  and  as  Hamilton  was  to  be  present,  he  prob- 
ably intended  to  take  part  only  in  order  to  stop  once  for  all  the 
intrigues  of  these  two  men.  Such  an  assemblage  under  the  com- 
bined authority  of  Cabot,  King,  and  Hamilton  could  not  have 
failed  to  restore  discipline." 

The  history  of  this  unwise  project,  so  far  as  General  Ham- 
ilton is  concerned,  is  summed  up  in  a  conversation,  five  days 

*  Mr.  John  Quincy  Adams  (p.  227,  New  England  Federalism)  further  says  : 
"  So  secret  was  it  (the  project)  that,  although  during  that  session  of  Congress 
I  was  sitting  at  the  side  of  Mr.  Plumer  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  and 
contracted  with  him  an  intimate  friendship  which  continues  to  this  day,  yet  I 
never  knew  that  he  had  been  made  acquainted  with  the  project  at  the  time,  far 
less  that  he  had  favored  it,  until  after  the  note  of  preparation  sounded  last 
autumn  in  the  Boston  newspapers,  preliminary  to  the  summons  of  the  Confed- 
erates addressed  to  me." 

\Hist.  U.  S.,  ii.,  p.  186. 

\  Life  of  Plumer,  p.  299. 


3.60  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

before  his  duel,  with  Colonel  Trumbull,  who  had  been  dining 
with  him.     Mr.  J.  C.  Hamilton  *  says  : 

"  After  dinner,  when  they  were  alone,  Hamilton  turned  to  Trum- 
bull, and,  looking  at  him  with  deep  meaning,  said:  '  You  are  going 
to  Boston.  You  will  see  the  principal  men  there.  Tell  them  from 
me  as  my  request,  for  God's  sake,  to  cease  these  conversations  and 
threatenings  about  a  separation  of  the  Union.  It  must  hang 
together  as  long  as  it  can  be  made  to.'  " 

In  his  celebrated  letter  to  Sedgwick,  written  on  the  eve  of 
iiis  duel,  Hamilton  says  : 

"  I  will  here  express  but  one  sentiment,  which  is  that  Dismem- 
berment of  our  Empire  will  be  a  clear  sacrifice  of  great  positive 
advantages,  without  any  counterbalancing  good  ;  administering 
no  relief  to  our  real  disease  which  is  Democracy  ;  the  poison  of 
which,  by  a  subdivision,  will  only  be  more  concentrated  in  each 
part,  and  consequently  the  more  virulent. 

"  King  is  on  his  way  to  Boston,  where  you  may  chance  to  see 
him,  and  hear  from  himself  his  sentiments." 

The  death  of  General  Hamilton  seems  to  have  arrested 
further  attempts  to  enlist  the  sympathy  of  leading  Federal- 
ists. There  is  no  report  of  what  took  place  during  Mr. 
King's  visit  to  Boston,  nor  whether  any  general  conference 
was  held  there  as  had  been  proposed. 

T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

Washington,  March  3,  1804. 
Dear  Sir  : 

As  long  ago  as  the  4th  of  November  last,  you  were  so  obliging 
as  to  notice  my  Letter  concerning  Louisiana.  The  ruling  party 
— *  <io  not  now  pretend  that  the  Louisianians  are  Citizens  of  the  U. 
States.  They  do  not  venture  to  say — they  have  never  said — that 
the  Government  had  a  Constitutional  power  to  incorporate  that 
new  &  immense  Country  into  the  Union  ;  yet  they  will  not  give 
*  Life  of  Hamilton ,  vii.,  822. 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  36 1 

themselves  the  trouble  to  alter  the  Constitution  for  that  purpose. 
It  appears  very  evident  that  in  a  few  years,  when  their  power  shall 
be  more  confirmed,  and  the  implicit  obedience  of  the  people  has 
been  habitual,  they  will  erect  States  in  that  Territory  and  incor- 
porate them  into  the  Union.  Mr.  Adams  had  not  arrived  when 
the  Treaty  was  ratified,  but  he  approved  of  it  and  of  the  conse- 
quent appropriation  for  the  purchase-money  ;  fondly  believing 
that  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  to  embrace  that  new  ob- 
ject, would  have  been  a  mighty  easy  thing.  He  presented  a  Reso- 
lution really  for  that  purpose  ;  but  after  lying  some  time,  it  was 
called  up  and  even  contemptuously  rejected ;  his  own,  Mr.  Hill- 
house's  and  mine  being  the  only  votes  in  its  favour.  It  is  further 
evident,  that  the  Constitution  will  henceforward  be  only  a  con- 
venient instrument,  to  be  shaped,  by  construction,  into  any  form 
that  will  best  promote  the  views  of  the  operators.  In  the  name  of 
the  Constitution  they  will  commit  every  arbitrary  act  which  their 
projects  may  require  ;  or  they  will  alter  it  to  suit  their  purposes. 
I  begin  to  think  it  would  be  better  if  we  had  none.  *  The  leaders 
of  the  populace  wanting  the  sanction  of  a  constitutional  power 
might  then  be  more  cautious  in  their  measures. 

We  have  commenced  the  consideration  of  the  Impeachment  of 
Judge  Pickering  of  Portsmouth  (I  presume  you  know  that  he  is 
not  a  relative  of  mine)  for  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors.  Proc- 
ess was  served  upon  him  in  January  and  he  was  summoned  to 
appear  at  the  bar  of  the  Senate  yesterday.  Mr.  Harper  delivered 
to  the  President  (Mr.  Burr)  a  letter  from  himself,  and  a  petition 
(admirably  drawn)  from  Jacob  L.  Pickering  the  Judge's  son.  In 
his  letter  Mr.  Harper  suggested  Judge  Pickering's  insanity,  and 
that  he  appeared  not  as  his  attorney,  and  could  not  enter  an  ap- 
pearance for  him,  but  at  his  son's  request,  to  support  the  facts 
stated  in  his  petition  ;  which  described  Judge  Pickering  to  have 
been  insane  at  the  times  when  he  held  the  district  courts  men- 
tioned in  the  articles  of  impeachment ;  and  as  still  insane  and  so 
infirm  in  body  as  to  be  utterly  incapable  of  being  brought  at  this 
time,  in  person,  to  the  Bar  of  the  Senate,  and  tendered  affidavits 
to  substantiate  these  facts  :  praying  also  that  the  trial  of  the  im- 
peachment might  be  postponed.  Mr.  Harper  asked  if  he  might 
be  permitted  to  speak  in  support  of  the  petition. 

The  managers  on  the  part  of  the  House  of  Representatives  ob- 


362  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

jected.  They  wished  the  non-appearance  of  the  Judge  might  be 
recorded  as  a  default.  The  Senate  retired  (conformably  to  a  pre- 
vious arrangement)  to  an  adjoining  room  to  consider  this  point. 
After  near  an  hour  spent  in  loose  debate,  they  came  to  this  con- 
clusion only,  that  they  would  return  to  their  Chamber,  and  that 
the  President  should  inform  the  managers,  that  the  Senate  had  not 
come  to  a  determination  ;  and  that  when  they  had  they  would 
give  due  notice  thereof  to  the  House  of  Representatives. 

To-day  we  met  again,  and  with  closed  doors,  discussed  the  ques- 
tion. All  the  Jeffersonians  who  spoke  were  for  denying  the  prayer 
of  the  petition  and  the  hearing  of  counsel  in  support  of  it,  declar- 
ing that  Judge  Pickering  ought  to  plead,  or  that  his  friends  should 
put  in  a  plea  for  him,  if  not  guilty  ;  and  that  under  this  plea,  all  the 
evidence  they  proposed  to  offer,  to  prove  his  insanity,  might  be 
given.  Some  of  them  supposed,  or  pretended  to  think,  that  if  he"7 
was  proved  to  be  insane,  he  might  be  found  guilty.  Mr.  Tracy  re- 
plied, with  a  poignancy  which  would  have  excited  a  proper  feeling 
in  men  unhackneyed  in  the  measures  of  a  party  malignant  and 
cruel  as  death.  He  remarked  that  intelligence  was  essential  to  the 
commission  of  a  crime,  and  that  no  court  would  pronounce  an  in- 
sane person  guilty  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  who  were 
not  themselves  insane.  Still,  however,  they  all  persisted  to  argue 
against  the  hearing  of  counsel  on  the  petition  until  near  four 
o'clock  when  the  court  adjourned. 

In  this  debate  (I  am  sorry  it  was  not  public)  there  were  mani- 
fested a  virulence  and  rancour  which  shocked  every  man,  who  had 
any  feelings  of  justice  or  humanity.  Let  this  party  progress  in 
the  course  they  have  travelled  for  two  years  past,  and  before  Mr. 
Jefferson's  second  Presidency  expires,  I  shall  not  be  surprised,  if 
I  live  so  long,  to  see  bloody  victims  of  their  ambition,  inexorable 
malice  and  revenge.  One  or  two  Marats  or  Robespierres,  with 
half  a  dozen  congenial  spirits,  would  carry  along  enough  of  the 
half  moderates  to  make  a  majority  in  the  Senate  to  concur  in  any 
measures  ;  and  by  similar  means  they  would  be  forced  through 
the  House  of  Representatives,  ftould  Senators  vote  by  ballot, 
Judge  Pickering  would  not,  being  proved  insane,  be  convicted  of 
any  crime  ;  but  voting  viva  voce,  many  have  not  honest  fortitude 
enough  to  say  nay  to  any  measure  which  is  supposed  to  involve 
popularity,  and  I  do  not  know  what  will  be  the  result.     The  late 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  363 

amendment  to  the  Constitution  would  hardly  have  been  adopted 
by  a  majority  ;  much  less  by  two  thirds  of  the  Senate,  if  their  votes 
had  been  given  by  ballots^ 

The  British  Convention  for  settling  Boundaries,  which  you 
took  some  pains  to  negotiate,  and  which  was  signed  the  12th  of 
May,  you  would  naturally  suppose  must  have  been  readily  ap- 
proved by  the  Senate  ;  seeing  it  conformed  to  your  instruction  ; 
and  was,  in  fact,  made  by  our  own  Government ;  and  especially 
after  the  President,  in  his  message  at  the  opening  of  the  Session, 
had  informed  Congress  and  the  world,  that  the  terms  of  the  Con- 
vention were  entirely  satisfactory  to  both  parties.  But  the  Presi- 
dent altered  his  mind  ;  the  Senate  followed  of  course  ;  and  the 
advice  to  ratify  was,  with  the  exception  of  the  fifth  article,  which, 
you  will  recollect,  respected  the  Northwestern  boundary.  And 
yet  in  a  paper  which  he  sent  me,  (occasioned  with  an  accidental 
written  correspondence  between  us)  speaking  of  the  Treaty  of 
Cession  of  Louisiana,  to  the  U.  States,  he  said  expressly  "  But 
this  Treaty  was  not  known  to  the  negotiators  of  either  party  at 
London  nor  could  the  rights  acquired  by  it  be  affected  by  arrange- 
ments instituted  and  compleated  there  merely  for  the  purpose  of 
explaining  and  supplying  provisions  in  the  Treaty  of  1783." 
Why  then  suspend  the  5th  Article  ?  why  not  ratify  absolutely  ? 
Mr.  Jefferson  is  not  contented  with  the  immense  extent  of  Louis- 
iana as  held  by  the  French.  Its  northern  boundary  not  having 
been  explicitly  defined  (tho'  undoubtedly  it  reached  to  the  utmost 
range  of  the  Mississippi  and  Missouri)  he  wants  to  carry  it  to  the 
parallel  of  the  490  of  North  Latitude.  To  effect  this  end,  he 
certainly  supposes  the  suppression  of  the  5th  Article  will  contri- 
bute. For  this  object  your  entirely  satisfactory  convention  is  put 
in  jeopardy.  He  thinks,  however,  or  pretends  to  think,  that  G. 
Britain  will  readily  agree  to  the  other  articles  ;  and  he  doubtless 
supposes  they  will  negotiate  to  his  wishes  relative  to  the  northern 
boundary  of  Louisiana.  Some  of  his  magnanimous  partisans  in  the 
Senate  have  openly  avowed  the  propriety  of  pushing  G.  Britain 
now  on  any  points  we  desire  to  gain  ;  because  her  present  critical 
situation  will  dispose  her  to  yield  (as  they  imagine)  what  in  a  time 
of  peace  she  might  refuse  !  This  avowal  was  made  this  week, 
when  we  were  discussing  Sam.  Smith's  wise  bill  for  the  protection 
of  the  seamen  of  the  U.  States  ;  and  which  the  Senate  (doubtless 


364  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

on  the  hint  from  the  oracle)  had  the  grace  to  reject,  by  postpon- 
ing it  to  next  December.  A  like  bill  before  the  House  of  Repres. 
must  meet  the  like  fate.  It  is  understood  the  President  is  negoti- 
ating on  this  Subject. 

In  this  debate  S.  Smith  told  us  that  you  were  once  on  the  point 
of  signing  a  convention  relative  to  American  seamen — or  rather 
seamen  on  board  of  American  vessels  ;  when  it  was  suddenly  de- 
clined by  the  British  Ministry.  In  a  former  debate,  he  said  that 
the  British  Ministry  had  consented  to  renounce  all  impressments 
from  our  vessels,  except  within  the  narrow  seas.  Apropos.  What 
do  the  British  mean  by  the  words  "  narrow  seas  "  ? 

I  shall  be  much  obliged  by  your  giving  me  any  information 
which  it  may  not  be  improper  to  communicate  on  the  subject  of 
impressing  our  seamen  ;  or,  if  any  part  be  confidential,  you  will 
so  mark  it.  The  Act  of  Congress,  presenting  the  certificates  to 
be  given  to  seamen,  is  defective.  I  have  had  some  thoughts  of 
offering  a  bill  for  amending  it ;  and  to  introduce  some  guards  to 
prevent  the  disreputable  modes  of  obtaining  proofs  of  citizenship, 
whereby  all  certificates,  even  of  our  native  seamen,  are  rendered 
suspicious.     Any  hints  on  this  head  will  be  gratefully  received. 

Faithfully  yours 
T.  Pickering. 

T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 
Dear  Sir  •  Washington,  March  4,  1804. 

I  must  request  you  to  consider  this  as  a  continuation  of  my 
letter  yesterday. 

\  I  am  disgusted  with  the  men  who  now  rule  us  and  with  their 
measures.  At  some  manifestations  of  their  malignancy  I  am 
shocked.  The  coward  wretch  at  the  head,  while,  like  a  Parisian 
revolutionary  monster,  prating  about  humanity,  could  feel  an  in- 
fernal pleasure  in  the  utter  destruction  of  his  opponents.  We 
have  too  long  witnessed  his  general  turpitude — his  cruel  removals 
of  faithful  officers,  and  the  substitution  of  corruption  and  base- 
ness for  integrity  and  worth.  We  have  now  before  the  Senate  a 
nomination  of  Meriweather  Jones  of  Richmond,  Editor  of  the 
Examiner,  a  paper  devoted  to  Jefferson  and  Jacobinism  ;  and  he 
is  now  to  be  rewarded.  Mr.  Hopkins,  Commissioner  of  Loans,  a 
man  of  property  and  integrity,  is  to  give  room  to  this  Jones.     The 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  365 

Commissioner  may  have  at  once  in  his  hands  thirty  thousand  dol- 
lars, to  pay  the  public  creditors  in  Virginia.  He  is  required  by 
law  to  give  bond  only  in  a  sum  of  from  five  to  ten  thousand  dollars  ; 
and  Jones'  character  is  so  notoriously  bad,  that,  we  have  satisfac- 
tory evidence,  he  could  not  now  get  credit  at  any  store  in  Rich- 
mond for  a  suit  of  clothes  !  Yet,  I  am  far  from  thinking  if  this 
evidence  were  laid  before  the  Senate,  that  his  nomination  will  be 
rejected  !  I  am  therefore  ready  to  say  "come  out  from  among 
them  and  be  ye  separate."  Corruption  is  the  object  and  instru- 
ment of  the  Chief,  and  the  tendency  of  his  administration,  for  the 
purpose  of  maintaining  himself  in  power  &  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  his  infidel  and  visionary  schemes.  The  corrupt  portion 
of  the  people  are  the  agents  of  his  misrule  ;  corruption  is  the 
recommendation  to  office ;  and  many  of  some  pretentions  to 
character,  but  too  feeble  to  resist  temptation,  become  apostates. 
Virtue  and  worth  are  his  enemies,  and  therefore  he  would  over- 
whelm them.  ) 

^The  collision  of  democrats  in  your  State  promises  some  amend- 
ment. The  administration  of  your  Government  cannot  possibly 
be  worse.  The  federalists  here  in  general,  anxiously  desire  the 
election  of  Mr.  Burr  to  the  chair  of  New  York  ;  for  they  despair 
of  a  present  ascendency  of  the  federal  party.  Mr.  Burr  alone, 
we  think,  can  break  your  democratic  phalanx,  and  we  anticipate 
much  good  from  his  success.  Were  New  York  detached  (as  un- 
der his  administration  it  would  be)  from  the  Virginia  influence, 
the  whole  Union  should  be  benefited.  Jefferson  would  then  be 
forced  to  observe  some  caution  and  forbearance  in  his  measures. 
And  if  a  separation  should  be  deemed  proper,  the  five  New  Eng- 
land States,  New  York  and  New  Jersey  would  naturally  be  united. 
Among  those  seven  States  there  is  a  sufficient  congeniality 
of  character  to  authorize  the  expectation  of  practicable  harmony 
and  a  permanent  union  ;  New  York  the  centre.  Without  a  sepa- 
ration, can  those  States  ever  rid  themselves  of  negro  Presidents 
and  negro  Congresses,  and  regain  their  just  weight  in  the  political 
balance  ?  At  this  moment  the  Slaves  of  the  middle  and  southern 
States  have  fifteen  Representatives  in  Congress  ;  and  they  will 
appoint  15.  Electors  of  the  next  President  &  Vice  President ;  and 
the  number  of  slaves  is  continually  increasing.  You  know  this 
evil.     But  will  the  Slave  States  ever  renounce  this  advantage  Y 


366  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

As  population  is  in  fact  no  rule  of  taxation,  the  negro  representa- 
tion ought  to  be  given  up.  If  refused,  it  would  be  a  strong 
ground  of  separation  ;  tho'  perhaps  an  earlier  occasion  may  oc- 
cur to  declare  it.  How  many  Indian  wars,  excited  by  the  avidity 
of  the  western  and  southern  States  for  Indian  Lands,  shall  we 
have  to  encounter?  and  who  will  pay  the  millions  to  support 
them  ?  The  Atlantic  States.  Yet  the  first  moment  we  ourselves 
need  assistance  and  call  on  the  western  States  for  Taxes,  they 
will  declare  off,  or  at  any  rate  refuse  to  obey  the  call.  Kentucky 
effectually  resisted  the  collection  of  the  excise  ;  and  of  the  $37,- 
000  direct  tax  assessed  upon  her  so  many  years  ago,  she  has  paid 
only  $4,000,  &  probably  will  never  pay  the  residue.  In  the  mean 
time  we  are  maintaining  their  representatives  in  Congress  for  gov- 
erning us,  who  surely  can  much  better  govern  ourselves.  When- 
ever the  Western  States  detach  themselves  they  will  take  Louis- 
iana with  them.  In  thirty  years,  the  white  population  in  the 
Western  States  will  equal  that  of  the  13  States,  when  they  declared 
themselves  independent  of  G.  Britain.  On  the  Census  of  1790, 
Kentucky  was  entitled  to  two  Representatives  ;  under  that  of  1800 
she  sends  six.j 

The  facility  with  which  we  have  seen  an  essential  change  in  the 
Constitution,  proposed  and  generally  adopted,  will  perhaps  re- 
move your  scruples  about  proposing  what  you  intimate  respect- 
ing Negro  representation.  But  I  begin  to  doubt  whether  that  or 
any  other  change  we  could  propose,  with  a  chance  of  adoption, 
would  be  worth  the  breath,  paper  and  ink,  which  would  be  ex- 
pended in  the  acquisition.  Some  think  Congress  will  rise  in  15 
or  20  days     *     *     * 

Ever  your  faithful  and  obedient 

T.  Pickering. 

I  do  not  know  one  reflecting  Nov.  Anglian,  who  is  not  anxious 
for  the  great  event  at  which  I  have  glanced.  They  fear,  they 
dread  the  effects  of  the  corruption  so  rapidly  extending ;  and 
that  if  a  decision  be  long  delayed,  it  will  be  in  vain  to  attempt  it. 
If  there  be  no  improper  delay,  we  have  not  any  doubt  but  that 
the  great  measure  may  be  taken  without  the  smallest  hazard  to 
private  property  or  the  public  funds  ;  the  revenues  of  the  North- 
ern States  being  equal  to  their  portion  of  the  public  debt.  Leav- 
ing that  for  Louisiana  on  those  who  incurred  it. 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  367 

R.  King  to  T.  Pickering. 

New  York,  Mar.  9,  1804. 

Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  duly  received,  &  beg  you  to  accept  my  acknowledg- 
ments for  your  letters  of  the  3d  &  4th  instant — the  views  which 
they  disclose  ought  to  fix  the  attention  of  the  real  friends  of 
Liberty  in  this  quarter  of  the  Union,  &  the  more  so  as  things 
seem  to  be  fast  advancing  to  a  crisis — to  save  the  post  I  can  do 
little  more  than  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letters — by  the 
mail  of  tomorrow  or  Monday  I  will  send  you  a  copy  of  my  De- 
spatch to  the  Sec'y  of  State  respecting  the  effort  I  made  to  con- 
clude a  convention  concerning  seamen. 

Perhaps  you  will  recollect  a  long  letter  from  Lord  Grenville  to 
me,  pointing  out  the  defects  of  our  Law  for  granting  Protection 
to  seamen  :  it  was  sent  to  the  Dept.  of  State  while  you  were  in  it, 
and  according  to  my  Recollection,  was  so  very  particular  as  to 
shew  the  only  ex  parte  regulations  that  the  Br.  Govt,  would  be 
likely  to  respect. 

As  to  our  native  seaman,  there  would  I  suspect,  be  little  diffi- 
culty in  framing  such  rules  as  might  effectually  protect  them — 
and  if  nations  alone  were  in  question,  the  Northern  States  would 
find  little  embarrassment,  as  they  do  not  depend  upon  for- 
eign seamen  to  carry  on  their  trade. 

But  the  Southern  States  could  not  carry  on  their  trade  without 
the  aid  of  foreign  seamen  ;  and  Great  Britain  will  not  consent 
that  our  naturalization  of  her  seamen  shall  exempt  them  from 
being  recalled  &  obliged  to  serve  &  defend  their  native  country. 

Were  I  in  your  place,  I  should  leave  it  to  the  friends  of  the 
present  Govt,  to  do  what  they  can  to  obtain  what  we  were  unable 
to  accomplish — it  is  perhaps  all  that  the  federalists  can  do,  to  op- 
pose improper  acts  ;  leaving  the  origination  of  all  Laws,  especially 
those  which  affect  the  Executive  Power  &  Responsibility  to  the 
Legislative  Agents  of  the  President — The  packet  brings  us  no 
news  from  Engd.  Monroe,  towards  the  close  of  Novr.  presented 
a  temperate  memorial  on  the  subject  of  seamen  :  no  answer  has 
been  given  :  except  this  Comn.  the  Department  for  For.  af- 
fairs knew  nothing  of  Monroe — no  negotiation  is  on  foot  respect- 
ing the  old  treaty,  and  I  conjecture  that  this  memorial  about  the 


368  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

impressment  of  seamen  is  the  only  act  of  our  minister  at  London 
since  his  arrival. 

faithfully  yr.  obt.  ser* 

Rufus  King. 

P.  S. '  I  am  unable  to  give  you  any  correct  opinion  respecting 
the  election  of  Govr.  The  Federalists  with  the  exception  of  cer- 
tain individuals,  will  pretty  generally  vote  for  Burr — this  will  not 
be  enough — and  what  portion  of  Demos  will  join  him,  I  know  not 
— pray  how  did  it  happen  that  he  had  not  a  single  vote  at  Wash- 
ington for  Vice  President. 


R.  King  to  T.  Pickering. 

New  York,  Mar.  10,  1804. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Enclosed  I  send  you  the  extract  promised  in  my  last,  and  I 
likewise  add  copies  of  my  letters  to  the  Secy  of  State  in  answer 
to  an  enquiry  that  your  colleague  Mr.  Adams  in  behalf  of  a  Comee. 
of  the  senate  requested  Mr.  Madison  to  make  of  me.  The  pro- 
ject of  a  Convention  respecting  seamen  had  it  taken  effect, 
would  have  been  beneficial  but  less  extensively  so  than  we  may 
be  apt  to  suppose  ;  inasmuch  as  a  large,  by  far  the  larger  pro- 
portion of  seamen  taken  out  of  our  employ,  are  impressed  within 
the  territorial  Limits  of  G.  Br. — which  instead  of  being  restrained 
by  the  convention  wd.  have  rec'd  an  implied  sanction. 

That  allegiance  is  unalienable,  and  seamen  liable  to  impress- 
ment are  two  points  about  which  English  Lawyers  &  Statesmen 
entertain  no  doubt — and  I  shall  be  disappointed  if  the  Eng. 
Govt,  even  consent  to  limit  its  authority,  or  tie  up  its  hands  in 
these  respects,  within  its  own  proper  jurisdiction. 

The  late  Bill  will  I  fear  have  a  mischievous  instead  of  a  benefi- 
cial effect  :  and  joined  to  other  circumstances  may  produce  to 
our  trade  greater  embarrassment  than  of  late  it  has  suffered. 
Very  much  depends  upon  the  existence  of  good  humour  between 
G.  Br.  &  the  U.  S.  Many  hundred  naval  officers  are  intrusted 
with  the  power  of  the  nation  ;  these  all  look  for  favor  &  promo- 
tion, and  are  careful  to  find  out  the  sentiments  &  temper  of  their 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  369 

government  towards  Foreign  Nations — &  the  opinions  they  form 
in  this  respect  have  a  material  influence  in  the  exercise  of  their 
several  powers.  Circumstances  therefore  of  apparently  small  im- 
portance, but  which  are  of  a  nature  to  produce  irritation  or  dis- 
turb a  satisfactory  state  of  things,  may  lead  to  mischievous  conse- 
quences— and  tho'  England  has  too  powerful  an  interest  to  involve 
herself  seriously  with  the  U.  S.  yet  the  difference  between  a  favour- 
able &  temperate  exercise  of  her  Rights  as  a  Belligerent,  and  a 
vigorous  and  harsh  one,  would  be  most  terribly  felt  throughout 
our  Commercial  Cities.  Nothing  will  be  obtained  by  menacing 
because  nothing  ought  so  to  be  obtained  from  a  great  Nation.  I 
have  somewhere  seen  a  very  precise  definition  of  what  the  English 
mean  by  the  narrow  seas,  at  this  moment  I  do  not  recollect  the 
exact  limits — they  include  however  the  sea  according  to  my 
memory,  between  the  Continent  and  Great  Britain,  and  the  claim 
is,  I  think,  extended  north  almost,  or  quite  to  the  northern  point 
of  Norway — St.  George's  channel  which  is  carried  far  southward 
is  likewise  within  the  narrow  seas,  so  that  a  vessel  arriving  from 
America  with  the  purpose  of  entering  the  Baltic  by  the  route  of 
the  Br.  Channel,  would  be  within  the  narrow  seas,  according  to  the 
Eng.  construction  of  their  limits,  from  the  time  of  her  making 
soundings  till  she  reached  the  Categat.  When  Ld  St  Vincent 
proposed  to  me  the  addition  by  which  the  narrow  seas  should  be 
excepted  so  as  that  within  these  limits  our  vessels  might  be  visited 
&  searched  for  British  seamen,  I  remarked  to  him  that  all  parts 
of  the  high  seas  within  the  territorial  jurisdiction  of  G.  Br.  had 
been  excepted  in  the  proposed  article,  and  that  the  narrow  seas 
were  or  were  not  within  their  jurisdiction  ;  if  they  were  not,  the 
exception  ought  not  to  be  made.  His  reply  was  that  the  express 
exception  of  them  would  remove  doubts  which  might  otherwise 
be  raised. 

As  this  exception  would  have  subjected  our  vessels  trading 
with  the  North  of  Europe  as  well  as  those  trading  with  Holland 
&  some  parts  of  France  to  the  most  embarrassing  visits  in  search 
of  British  seamen,  I  preferred  leaving  the  subject  on  its  present 
footing  to  a  Convention  which  wd  have  afforded  no  little  protec- 
tion to  our  seamen. 

Very  faithfully  yr  obtd  sert. 

Rufus  King. 


370  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

G.  Cabot  to  R.  King,  New  York. 

Boston,  March  17,  1804. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

In  reply  to  your  inquiry  respecting  the  opinion  of  our  Legisla- 
Nl  V  ture  on  the  subject  of  Louisiana,  I  cou'd  only  speculate.  The 
~"^  session  is  ended  &  no  one  attempted  to  discover  what  was  thought 
or  what  might  be  done.  We  add  thousands  to  our  possessions, 
but  have  long  since  discarded  the  idea  of  security.  The  many  do 
not  think  at  all,  and  the  few  think  only  to  despond.  Indeed 
most  men  are  compelled  to  admit  that  our  evils  must  be  borne  until 
their  intoler ability  generates  their  cure.  Most  of  those  which  we  fear 
must  therefore  happen  before  a  remedy  can  be  prescribed.  An 
experiment  has  been  suggested  by  some  of  our  friends  to  which  I 
object  that  it  is  impracticable,  and,  if  practicable,  wou'd  be  inef- 
fectual. The  thing  proposed  is  obvious  and  natural,  but  it  would 
now  be  thought  too  bold  and  would  be  fatal  to  the  advocates  as 
public  men  ;  yet  the  time  may  soon  come  when  it  will  be  de- 
manded by  the  people  of  N.  &  East,  and  then  it  will  unavoid- 
ably take  place.  I  am  not  satisfied  that  the  thing  itself  is  to  be 
desired.  My  habitual  opinions  have  been  always  strongly  against 
it,  and  I  do  not  see  in  the  present  mismanagement  motives  for 
changing  my  opinion. 

J  It  is  doubtless  true  that  we  are  not  so  perfectly  mad  in  N.  E. 
as  the  people  in  some  other  States,  especially  those  of  the  South  ; 
but  here  we  are  altogether  democratic  in  our  principles  ;  and  those 
principles  of  necessity  place  power  in  the  worst  hands.  If  the 
favourable  aspect  of  our  State  Politics  seems  to  contradict  my 
opinion,  I  confess  that  those  principles  have  not  yet  produced  all 
the  mischief  to  which  they  tend ;  but  at  the  same  time  I  insist 
that  our  appearance  is  deceptive,  being  better  than  the  reality 
and  the  reality  better  than  can  be  well  maintained.  You  see 
good  men  in  high  office  here  contrary  to  the  natural  operation  of 
democratic  elections  ;  but  those  men  hold  their  powers  upon  the 
sole  condition  that  they  will  not  use  them,  and  the  moment  they 
shall  dare  to  exercise  them  with  vigor,  they  will  cease  to  be  popu- 
lar, and  of  course  cease  to  fill  the  high  offices  they  now  hold. 

There  is  an  unusual  apathy  among  the  Federalists  here.  They 
have  lost  more  of  their  vivacity  than  of  their  numbers  ;  I  fear 
they  lose  some  of  these.     Our  national  admintn.  may  destroy 


804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  371 


Judiciaries  and  Constitutions  and  make  new  ones  without  exciting 
much  sensibility  ;  but  if  they  had  involved  us  by  their  folly  and 
baseness  in  a  war  with  G.  B.  I  believe  N.  E.  might  be  roused  to 
do  anything  which  her  leading  men  shou'd  recommend.  Some 
distinct  general  cause  of  evil  like  this  and  fairly  imputable  to  the 
wickedness  or  ignorance  of  those  who  govern  wou'd  be  fatal  to 
their  power  or  to  the  Union  of  the  States.  We  are  loyal  to  the 
National  Govt.,  and  can  bear  every  species  of  public  dishonor, 
but  the  moment  our  loyalty  appears  to  be  made  the  instrument  of 
our  impoverishment,  we  shall  be  disposed  to  act  with  effect  in  de- 
fence of  all  that  is  dear  to  us.     .     .     . 

We  are  now  going  on  according  to  the  course  of  nature  and 
shall  follow  those  who  have  gone  before  us  from  bad  to  worse  'till 
suffering  or  the  fear  of  suffering,  generally  and  deeply  felt,  stimu- 
late us  to  do  better.  Indeed  I  expect  no  essential  improvement 
in  our  systems,  but  from  suffering,  from  fear,  or  from  force.  I 
think  no  material  change  can  be  made,  except  by  those  whom 
we  call  Jacobins.  Good  men  wou'd  not,  if  they  had  opportunity, 
establish  any  system  of  sufficient  force  to  protect  itself  :  the  vio- 
lent and  unprincipled  are  more  likely  to  make  a  govt,  independent 
of  popular  consent  than  their  betters?) 

I  beg  you  however  not  to  infer  that  because  I  think  we  cannot 
do  things  impossible,  that  I  would  not  attempt  every  possible 
good,  or  that  I  do  not  think  any  great  good  can  be  accomplished. 
So  far  would  that  be  from  the  truth,  that  I  firmly  believe  we  owe 
much  of  what  we  enjoy  and  of  what  we  hope  for,  to  the  influ- 
ence of  the  federal  party.  We  are  a  minority  and  unable  to  con- 
quer the  vast  body  which  keeps  the  field,  but  we  are  so  powerful, 
that  he  is  compelled  to  confine  his  movements  to  a  narrow  com- 
pass, lest  he  should  give  us  an  advantage  over  him.  We  have 
therefore  the  most  commanding  motive  to  preserve  to  our  party 
all  the  weight  we  can  by  adhering  to  the  principles  on  which  it  is 
formed  and  keep  it  well  combined  and  well  informed  ;  prepare 
to  think  and  act  alike  on  every  important  occasion.  In  this  way 
we  prevent  some  mischief  entirely  and  mitigate  what  we  cannot 
wholly  avert,  and  shall  be  able  to  soften  every  catastrophe  in  the 
political  Drama,  which  must  happen,  and  turn  them  to  the  best 
account.     .     .     . 

Your  faithful  &  affec.  friend. 

G.  C. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Settlement  of  the  Accounts  of  King  during  his  Mission — Letters  from  the  Sec- 
retary of  Treasury,  A.  Gallatin— Secretary  of  State,  J.  Madison — Auditor 
of  Treasury,  R.  Harrison — R.  King. 

On  March  II,  1804,  Mr.  King  wrote  the  following  letter 
to  the  Secretary  of  State,  which  explains  itself. 

R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

New  York. 
Sir: 

As  my  mission  abroad  had  no  other  connection  with  the  money 
department  of  our  Government  than  what  arose  from  the  pay- 
ment and  receipt  of  my  annual  appointments,  I  made  it  a  point, 
carefully,  not  to  have  the  custody  or  to  become  accountable  for 
any  money  belonging  to  the  public.  Hence  I  have  concluded 
that  I  have  no  accounts  to  settle  with  the  Treasury.  As,  how- 
ever, this  Department  keeps  its  accounts  in  such  manner  as  it 
may  deem  expedient,  I  am  not  sure  that  it  may  not  have  accounts 
with  my  name.  On  this  subject  I  took  the  liberty  to  speak  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  when  he  was  in  this  quarter  during  the 
last  summer,  and  he  was  so  obliging  as  to  say  that  he  would  look 
into  the  question  on  his  return  to  Washington.  From  the  variety 
of  his  engagements  I  apprehend  the  subject  has  escaped  his  recol- 
lection, and  I  am  therefore  under  the  necessity  of  begging  you  to 
inform  yourself  and  me  whether  there  is  any  unclosed  account 
with  me,  either  in  your  Department  or  that  of  the  Treasury. 
With  sentiments  &c. 

Rufus  King. 

The  Secretary,  on  March  29,  1804,  writes  that  this  letter 
was  received  and  sent  to  Mr.  Gallatin,  who  promised  to  at- 

372 


1804I  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  373 

tend  to  the  matter,  and  communicated  the  result  of  his 
examination  as  follows  : 

A.  Gallatin  to  R.  King. 

Treasury  Department,  April  20,  1804. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  did  not  forget  that  I  had  promised  to  attend  to  the  situation 
of  your  public  account,  if,  upon  enquiry  I  found  that  any  charges 
existed  on  the  Treasury  books  against  you.  But  the  pressure  of 
business  during  the  session  of  Congress  and  a  wish  to  obtain  Mr. 
Baring's  accounts  which  were  necessary  to  give  a  full  view  of  the 
subject  have  prevented  an  investigation  until  this  time. 

It  appears  that  there  are  two  accounts  opened  against  you  ; 
one,  called  the  general  account,  includes  all  the  payments  made 
to  you  or  on  your  account  either  at  the  Treasury  or  by  Messrs. 
Bird,  Savage  and  Bird,  and  by  Sir  Francis  Baring  and  Co.  ;  the 
other  relates  to  the  payments  to  or  on  account  of  Major  General 
Lafayette.*  .  .  .  You  have,  as  yet,  received  no  credit  on  either 
of  those  two  heads,  it  being  the  usage  that  the  party  should  state 
an  account  and  transmit  it  to  the  Auditor  with  such  vouchers  and 
explanations  as  he  may  possess  and  think  necessary.  The  items 
of  salary  need  only  be  stated  and  the  Secretary  of  State  will  in- 
form whether  the  dates  and  allowances  claimed  are  the  proper 
ones.  In  respect  to  the  items  of  postages,  stationery  or  other 
contingencies  each  should  strictly  be  accompanied  with  receipts 
or  other  vouchers,  but  Mr.  Harrison  informs  me  that  they  are  not 
very  strict  on  that  subject  with  foreign  Ministers,  from  the 
impracticability  in  most  cases  to  obtain  on  their  return  home 
those  receipts,  &c,  which  are  demanded  in  the  settlement  of 
domestic  accounts.  Such  as  you  may  have  you  will  of  course 
transmit  ;  but  I  apprehend  no  difficulty  whatever  in  the  imme- 
diate settlement  of  that  first  branch  of  the  account  as  soon  as  you 
shall  have  stated  and  transmitted  it. 

In  respect  to  the  second  division  of  that  general  account,  and 

*  Mr.  Gallatin  here  gives  the  items  of  these  two  accounts,  upon  which  he 
comments  in  the  letter.  The  first  amounted  to  $78,978.32,  and  the  second  to 
$2698.18.  Two  of  these  items — the  payments  to  Wilson  and  Chisholme — he 
does  not  see  **  to  what  appropriation  to  charge  them."  They  amount  to 
j£i02.7  sterling. 


374  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

which  consists  of  payments  made  by  your  order,  it  appears  to  me 
that  from  the  face  of  the  accounts  it  results  that  the  money  did 
not  go  through  your  hands,  unless  it  be  for  the  first  item,  .  .  . 
and  even  in  these  it  is  probable  that  it  did  not.  If  so,  no  receipts 
are  necessary  nor  any  other  voucher,  but  to  show  the  authority 
under  which,  or  the  reason  why  you  directed  the  payment.  All 
the  items  composing  that  branch  of  the  account  are  charged 
provisionally,  as  requiring  explanation.     .     .     . 

The  other  account  of  disbursements  for  Lafayette  is  settled 
and  you  stand  charged  with  $4,895.09,  being  the  amount  paid,  by 
your  orders,  beyond  the  sum  granted  by  Congress.  You  may  on 
that  subject  give  any  explanation  you  may  think  proper  :  but  I  do 
not  perceive  the  possibility  of  giving  you  credit  for  the  sum  with- 
out the  special  interference  of  Congress.  Whether  or  how  an 
application  should  be  made  for  that  purpose  will  be  a  matter  of 
future  consideration.     .     .     . 

With  sincere  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Albert  Gallatin. 

In  the  course  of  the  letter,  Mr.  Gallatin  says : 

"  I  only  mean  to  point  out  the  manner  in  which  you  should 
state  your  account  and  claim  credit ;  the  receipts  and  vouchers 
should  be  transmitted  to  the  Auditor,  with  such  explanations  as 
may  be  wanted,  but  in  the  course  of  the  settlement  I  will  with 
great  cheerfulness  assist  in  removing  difficulties  and  in  explaining 
to  you  what  objections  are  made,  and  what  may  be  required  from 
you  to  remove  them." 

In  accordance  with  the  suggestions  of  this  letter  Mr.  King 
transmitted,  May  f,  1804,  to  the  Auditor  of  the  Treasury 
an  account  specifying  the  items  due  to  him  and  claimed  by 
him — amounting  in  all  to  $94,136  (being  £18,981.15.4,)  in 
dollars  at  4.44  cents  to  the  pound  sterling  "  according  to 
which  he  received  and  paid  out."  By  this  account  he 
claimed  as  due  to  him    $856.30. 

On  the  original  paper,  retained  by  Mr.  King  (a  copy  he 
says  was  sent  to  the  Auditor)  is  the  following  Remark,  sent 
most  probably  as  an  explanation  : 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  375 

"  Remark — By  turning  to  the  accounts  of  Messrs.  Bird,  Savage 
and  Bird  and  of  Sir  Francis  Baring  and  Co,  it  will  be  perceived 
that  the  credit  side  of  this  accouut  (with  the  exception  of  nine 
thousand  dollars  received  from  Mr.  Pickering  *)  is  wholly  taken 
from  a  transcript  of  these  accounts  ;  the  same  is  likewise  the  fact 
in  respect  to  the  whole  contingent  account  on  the  Debtor  side  : 
the  fact  being  that  the  only  account  which  Mr.  King  has,  either 
of  the  contingent  account  or  of  the  payments  made  to  him  by  the 
Bankers,  is  his  Bankers'  book." 

There  is  a  letter  to  the  Auditor  of  the  Treasury  (in  the 
copy  of  which  the  date  is  not  given),  in  which  Mr.  King  ex- 
plains his  mode  of  providing  for  the  care  of  the  public 
money  during  his  mission  in  England  : 

Sir  : 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  has  been  good  enough  at  my  re- 
quest to  furnish  me  with  copies  of  several  accounts  in  my  name 
from  the  Books  of  your  Department.  Before  I  submit  to  your 
consideration  any  observations  upon  the  items  of  these  accounts 
it  may  be  proper  that  I  should  state  to  you  how  far  I  consider 
myself  personally  accountable  in  respect  to  the  public  money  ex- 
pended in  England  during  my  mission  to  that  country.  As  the 
custody  of  public  money  formed  no  part  of  my  official  duty,  and 
as  for  this  reason,  as  well  as  others,  I  was  unwilling  to  be  its 
keeper,  my  earliest  attention  after  my  arrival  in  England  was 
directed  to  the  choice  of  a  Banker,  who  would  receive,  keep  and 
disburse  whatever  money  should  be  remitted  for  the  public  ser- 
vice in  that  country. 

Messrs.  Bird,  Savage  and  Bird  having  been  employed  as  Bank- 
ers of  the  United  States  during  the  time  of  my  Predecessor,  Mr. 
Pinckney,  upon  his  recommendation  I  settled  with  them  the  terms 
upon  which  their  agency  should  be  continued.  This  agreement 
was  reported  by  me  to  the  Secretary  of  State  in  my  dispatch  No. 
4,  Sept.  7,  1796,  and  sanctioned  by  letters  to  me  dated  Sept.  30 
and  Oct.  26,  1796. 

According  to  this  arrangement  all  remittances  on  account  of 
the  public  service  in  England  were  immediately  upon  the  receipt 
of  the  Bills  put  into  the  hands  of  the  Bankers  for  collection,  who 

*  His  outfit. 


376  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

kept  and  paid  out  the  money  so  collected  to  the  persons  author- 
ized to  receive  the  same.  On  the  failure  of  Bird,  Savage  and 
Bird,  the  house  of  Sir  Francis  Baring  and  Company,  with  the  ap- 
probation of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  was  substituted  in 
their  place  ;  and  by  strictly  adhering  to  this  system,  I  myself 
never  had  the  custody  of  a  shilling  of  public  money  during  my 
residence  abroad.  In  common  with  the  Commissioners  under  the 
seventh  article  of  the  British  Treaty,  and  other  persons  in  the  pub- 
lic employ,  I  applied  for,  and  received  from  the  Bankers,  my 
quarterly  appointments,  and  for  these  receipts  and  these  only  can 
I  with  any  justice  admit  myself  to  be  personally  responsible. 

By  my  direction  money  was  advanced  by  the  Bankers  for  the 
prosecution  of  appeals  in  the  Prize  Courts,  for  the  purchase  of 
presents  to  the  Barbary  Powers,  in  payment  for  military  stores, 
Military  Books,  and  Indian  Medals,  for  copper  supplied  to  the 
mint,  for  the  support  of  General  Lafayette  and  for  other  public 
purposes.  In  some  cases  these  disbursements  were  made  pur- 
suant to  express  instructions,  in  others  by  virtue  of  the  discretion 
which  was  supposed  to  appertain  to  my  office. 

At  the  same  time  that  with  all  deference  to  the  opinion  of 
others  I  think  myself  bound  to  decline  all  accountability  for 
money  that  I  never  received.  I  am  ready  to  afford  every  expla- 
nation in  my  power  concerning  any  payment  made  by  the 
Bankers  upon  my  recommendation.     .     .     . 

In  carrying  this  out,  Mr.  King  then  enters  upon  a  con- 
sideration of  certain  specific  charges  made  by  him  and  of 
which  he  claims  the  payment.* 

*  Payments  to  General  Lafayette. 

It  will  probably  be  recollected  that  General  Lafayette,  after  being  imprisoned 
by  the  Prussians  at  Magdeburgh,  was  turned  over  to  the  imperialists  and 
confined  in  an  Austrian  dungeon.  As  soon  as  this  information  reached 
America  the  President  General  Washington  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Emperor  of 
Germany  (which  was  sent  to  the  American  Minister  in  London,  and  delivered 
to  the  Imperial  Ambassador  there,  who  forwarded  it  to  the  Emperor)  soliciting 
that  Lafayette  should  be  released  and  allowed  to  come  to  the  U.  S.  Toward 
the  autumn  of  J797  the  Imperial  Minister  at  Hamburg  by  order  of  his  Court, 
gave  notice  to  Mr.  Williams,  the  American  Consul  there,  that  Lafayette  would 
be  released,  that  he  would  be  escorted  to  Hamburg  and  delivered  over  to  the 
American  Consul,  on  condition  of  his  embarking  for  America  in  eight  days. 
Coming  out  of  prison  and  being  wholly  destitute  of  means  to  provide  for  him- 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  377 

After  examining  the  account,  the  Auditor  of  the  Treasury 
sent  a  communication  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Madi- 
son, specifying  certain  charges  made  by  Mr.  King,  and 
asking  whether  or  not  they  were  to  be  allowed.  The  Secre- 
tary, on  June  20th,  answered  the  inquiry,  saying  that  certain 
of  these  were  to  be  admitted  as  proper,  but  that  others 
could  not  be  admitted  to  his  credit.  Among  them  was  the 
payment  of  money  to  Genl.  Lafayette  beyond  the  appro- 
priation by  Congress,  one  to  Philip  Wilson  to  enable  him  to 
return  home,  and  certain  payments  for  contingencies,  post- 
ages, &c,  and  a  change  of  a  few  days  relating  to  the  term 
on  which  his  mission  expired.  The  letter  says  : 
self  and  family  a  passage  to  America,  the  General  ordered  his  aide-de-camp 
Cardignan  to  apprize  me  of  his  situation,  and  to  ask  for  money  to  enable  him 
to  convey  himself  and  family  to  the  United  States. 

Considering  the  General's  connexion  with  the  U.S.,  the  application  of  the 
President  to  the  Emperor  for  his  release,  and  his  discharge  and  delivery  to 
the  American  Consul  on  condition  of  his  proceeding  to  America,  I  did  not 
hesitate  in  consenting  to  give  orders  to  the  Bankers  of  the  U.S.,  to  advance 
the  sum  requisite  for  this  purpose.  When  General  Lafayette  arrived  at  Ham- 
burg, the  season  was  so  far  advanced  that  he  concluded  to  remain  with  his 
family  during  the  winter  in  Holstein,  and  Cardignan  in  his  behalf  applied  to 
me  that  the  proposed  advance  to  enable  Lafayette  to  proceed  to  America 
should  be  made  and  applied  for  his  subsistence  in  Holstein  during  the  winter. 
This  was  agreed  to  with  an  intimation  that  the  whole  sum  to  be  advanced  would 
not  exceed  a  thousand  or  twelve  hundred  pounds  sterling. 

Lest  I  might  act  under  an  erroneous  impression  in  respect  to  the  proper  limits 
of  discretion  on  this  occasion,  my  dispatch  no.  47  dated  Sep.  5,  1797,  nearly 
four  months  before  the  first  advance  was  made  to  Lafayette,  I  acquainted  the 
Secretary  of  State  with  my  intention  and  after  it  was  decided  that  the  General 
and  family  would  pass  the  winter  in  Holstein,  I  wrote  a  private  letter  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract : 

1 4  There  remains  only  about  ,£200,  of  the  fund  destined  for  the  use  of  La- 
fayette :  this  is  already  called  for,  and  the  necessities  of  this  unfortunate  char- 
acter will  require  advances  (to  what  extent  I  cannot  ascertain)  for  the  subsistence 
of  himself  and  family  during  the  winter.  I  have  before  mentioned  to  you  that 
I  should,  if  required,  make  such  advances  as  may  be  requisite  for  this  purpose, 
as  well  as  to  enable  him  to  remove  to  America ;  and  I  think  I  am  not  mistaken 
in  my  belief  that  the  President  will  approve  this  exercise  of  discretion." 

Receiving  no  instructions  upon  the  subject  between  Christmas  1797  and  the 
middle  of  May  1798,  several  advances  were  made  by  the  bankers  to  General 
Lafayette,  amounting  to  about  .£1200.  sterling.  The  paper  marked  D.  is  a 
Voucher  for  these  advances — General  Lafayette's  receipt. — See  R.  King's  Life, 
ii.,  223  et  seq. 


378  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

"  From  the  above  it  follows  that  some  of  the  charges  under  the 
head  of  contingencies  are  inadmissible  and  it  will  therefore  be 
necessary  to  specify  the  latter  so  as  to  exclude  the  inadmissible 
charges.  Mr.  King  may  also  be  requested  to  specify  them  with 
as  much  more  minuteness  as  he  finds  it  in  his  power  to  do."     .    . 


R.  Harrison  to  R.  King. 

Treasury  Department,  Auditor's  Office, 
June  22,  1804. 

Sir: 

In  order  that  you  may  be  fully  informed  of  the  present  situa- 
tion of  your  accounts  which  were  returned  to  me  yesterday,  I 
have  now  the  honor  to  enclose  three  papers  marked  A,  B,  &  C. 
The  first  contains  a  statement  of  the  points  it  was  judged  proper 
to  refer  to  the  Secretary  of  State.  The  second  his  decision  on 
these  points,  and  by  the  last  you  will  perceive  that,  before  a 
settlement  can  be  effected,  it  has  become  necessary  that  you 
furnish  another  account  of  your  contingent  expenses  with  all  the 
minuteness  your  materials  will  permit,  and,  more  especially,  so  as 
to  exhibit  distinctly  the  amount  of  each  payment  for  Stationery, 
Presentation  fees  and  Christmas  presents  ;  or  so  as  to  exclude,  in 
a  word,  everything  except  Postage,  Newspapers,  Pamphlets  and 
the  printing  of  necessary  papers  ;  these  being  the  only  charges 
which  can  be  allowed  consistently  with  the  regulations  long  since 
established. 

With  respect  to  the  overpayment  to  General  La  fayette,  it  is 
totally  unconnected  with  the  accounts  now  under  consideration  ; 
and  I  presume  it  must  stand  as  it  does  until  relief  shall  be  af- 
forded by  an  Act  of  Congress. 

Expecting  to  hear  from  you  as  soon  as  your  convenience  will 
permit,  I  have  the  honor  to  remain  with  sentiments  of  high  con- 
sideration &c.  &c.  R.  Harrison. 


R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

New  York,  June  27,  1804. 
Sir: 

The  auditor  of  the  Treasury  has  sent  me  a  copy  of  your  opinion 
concerning  several  questions,  which  it  seems  have  arisen  in  the 
examination  of  my  account  with  the  United  States,  and  I  take 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  379 

the  liberty  of  enclosing  to  you  my  answer  to  the  auditor  with  a 
request  that  you  will  be  so  obliging  as  to  send  it  to  him  after  you 
have  read  it.  I  must  and  do  feel  real  concern  in  dissenting  from 
your  sentiments  on  this  occasion,  especially  as  my  own  may  be 
thought  liable  to  the  influence  of  personal  interest.  But  as  we 
form  as  well  as  act  upon  our  opinions  respecting  our  own  affairs, 
equally  as  concerning  those  of  others,  and  as  it  is  within  the 
President's  competence  to  allow  the  charge,  I  flatter  myself  that 
I  may  rely  upon  his  and  your  impartiality  to  give  to  the  following 
observations  respecting  the  presents  made  to  the  under  Officers 
and  Servants  of  the  Court  the  weight  to  which  they  may  be  en- 
titled. 

It  is  the  custom  at  the  Court  of  London,  on  the  first  presenta- 
tion of  a  foreign  Minister,  as  well  as  at  every  Christmas  during 
his  residence,  to  make  presents  in  money  to  the  amount  of  about 
^30  sterling  on  each  occasion  to  the  under  Officers  and  Servants 
of  the  Court.  This  contribution  no  foreign  Minister  declines 
giving ;  and  it  is  not  a  personal,  but  official  tribute,  on  the  pay- 
ment whereof  there  is  no  option  as  in  the  case  of  ordinary  ex- 
penses ;  I  may  safely  add  my  conviction  that  there  is  not  a  single 
foreign  Minister  to  whom  this  extra  charge  is  not  allowed  by  his 
Government.  I  enclose  a  list  *  of  these  Pensioners  of  the  Corps 
diplomatique  in  London  and  submit  it  to  the  President's  equity 
to  determine,  whether  I  shall  be  required  to  reimburse  to  the 
Public  the  payments  which  I  made  to  them. 

Whether  these  charges  were  made  by  my  Predecessor  is  more 

*  List  of  persons  lo  whom  the  present  against  their  respective  names  is  given 
by  all  foreign  Ministers  on  their  first  presentation  at  St.  James. 

The  King's  Valets  de  chambre,  in  the  Levee  rooms,  4  Guineas.  The  King's 
footman,  2  do. — The  Sergeant  porter  of  the  Court.  1.  do. — The  7  Gentlemen 
porters-i.  do — The  six  Marshalmen,  1  do — The  underporters  at  St.  James,  1. 
do— The  yeomen  of  the  Guards  2.  do.— The  Queens  porter  and  underporter. 
1^  do. — The  Queen's  footman  2.  do. — The  Prince  of  Wales  porter  and  footman 
i\  do. — The  Grooms  of  the  King's  bedchamber,  who  give  notice  of  Court 
mournings,  1.  do — The  chamberkeepers  at  the  Secretary's  office  2.  do — The 
porter  at  do.  1  do — The  servants  of  the  Master  of  Ceremonies  1.  do — The  ser- 
vants of  the  assistant  Master  1.  do — in  all,  ^26.5. 

The  same  persons  receive  Christmas  presents  in  one  or  two  instances  less 
than  those  named  on  the  presentation,  but  Christmas  presents  are  given  to  the 
servants  of  the  Prime  Minister,  and  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  so  that  the 
Christmas  present  exceeds  by  2  or  3  Guineas  the  present  on  presentation. 


380  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

than  I  know,  but  admitting  they  were  not,  his  omission  should  not 
prejudice  his  Successors.  It  may  be  recollected  Mr.  Pinckney 
was  absent  on  a  mission  to  Spain,  during  which  his  expenses  were 
paid  and  his  regular  appointments  as  Minister  at  London  con- 
tinued. Besides  the  expenses  of  the  Mission  during  my  time 
were  increased  at  least  by  a  quarter  beyond  what  they  were  in  the 
time  of  my  Predecessor.  These  reflexions  are  made  not  solely 
for  my  own  sake,  but  for  the  sake  of  any  gentlemen,  who  with  the 
present  salary  may  be  my  Successor,  and  their  object  is  to  estab- 
lish the  just  distinction  that  exists  between  official  and  personal 
expenses,  and  to  prevail  upon  the  President  to  free  me  and  my 
Successors  from  the  former. 

With  perfect  Consideration  &  Respect  &c,  &c, 

Rufus  King. 


R.  King  to  R.  Harrison,  Auditor. 

New  York,  June  27,  1804. 
Sir  : 

I  have  had  the  honour  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  22nd  in- 
stant, together  with  the  opinion  of  the  Secretary  of  State  concern- 
ing the  several  points  which  were  referred  to  his  consideration. 
As  I  am  to  infer  from  the  tenour  of  your  letters  that  your  Depart- 
ment possesses  no  discretionary  power  in  respect  to  these  points, 
I  ought  not  to  waste  your  time  by  any  observations  concerning 
them.  I  may  however  be  permitted  to  observe  that  the  diplomatic 
account,  which  always  included  my  contingent  account,  was  every 
year,  according  to  my  instructions,  transmitted  by  the  Bankers  to 
the  Secretary  of  State,  and  for  the  purpose,  as  I  always  supposed, 
of  being  annually  examined  and  settled.  No  observation  was 
ever  made  to  me  concerning  the  items  of,  or  manner  of  stating 
this  account,  and  I  therefore  concluded,  especially  as  every  item 
is  within  the  President's  competence  to  allow,  that  from  year  to 
year  it  had  received  the  approbation  of  those  whose  province  it 
was  to  judge  of  it. 

Had  the  slightest  intimation  been  given  to  me  that  the  particu- 
lars now  asked  for  would  be  expected,  I  should  have  endeavoured, 
however  inconvenient,  to  obtain  and  preserve  as  far  as  practicable 
the  means  of  enabling  myself  to  comply  with  the  demand.     As  I 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  38 1 

have  before  stated  to  you  this  account  was  faithfully  made  out  and 
examined  by  me  once  in  every  year,  but  as  no  care  was  taken  to 
preserve  the  memoranda  from  which  the  same  was  drawn  up,  it  is 
not  now  in  my  power  to  specify  the  amount  of  each  particular 
article,  or  to  furnish  a  separate  statement  of  my  yearly  expense 
for  copy-books,  paper,  pens,  wax,  wafers  &c  included  under  the 
name  of  stationery. 

The  charges  for  presentation  and  Christmas  presents  to  the  un- 
der officers  and  servants  of  the  Court,  which  are  official  expenses, 
that  no  foreign  minister  can  with  credit  decline,  are  already  sepa- 
rately stated  in  the  account  transmitted  to  you.  If  it  be  deemed 
fit  that  I  should  put  my  hand  into  my  own  pocket  to  reimburse  to 
the  public  money  that  without  advantage  to  me  has  gone  into  the 
pockets  of  others,  there  will  be  no  difficulty  in  ascertaining  the 
amount.  As  the  money  advanced  for  poor  Wilson's  passage  has 
no  relation  to  my  private  account,  I  will  only  add  that  since  the 
allowance  of  Wilson's  expenses  from  Lisbon  to  Norfolk,  for  he 
was  obliged  to  put  into  Lisbon  on  his  passage,  it  may  seem  that 
this  change  should  be  disallowed. 

Very  faithfully  and  with  great  Respect  &c 

Rufus  King. 


To  finish  this  subject  the  following  letters,  though  some- 
what out  of  sequence  as  to  date,  will  show  that  a  settlement 
of  Mr.  King's  accounts  was  reached  without  any  material 
change. 

J.  Madison  to  R.  King. 

Department  of  State,  July  13,  1804. 
Sir  : 

I  have  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  29th  ult., 
enclosing  one  to  the  Auditor  which  was  handed  to  him.  The 
President  having  directed  that  your  charges  for  presentation  and 
Christmas  presents  and  for  stationery  be  admitted  to  your  credit 
in  the  books  of  the  Treasury,  the  letter  of  which  a  copy  is  en- 
closed was  transmitted  to  the  Auditor  as  his  guide.  The  enclosed 
extract  from  the  accounts  of  Messrs.  Bulkleys,  late  Bankers  at 
Lisbon,  will  evince  that  no  charge  for  the  relief  afforded  to  Philip 


382  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

Wilson  and  his  family  was  admitted  to  their  credit,  for  the  same 
reason  which  operates  against  that  claimed  by  you.* 
I  have  the  honor  to  be  &c  &c 

James  Madison. 

As  stated  in  the  letter,  the  auditor  was  directed  to  allow 
these  claims.  The  Secretary's  letter  was  answered  by  Mr. 
King  as  below. 

R.  King  to  Secretary  of  State. 

Waltham  near  Boston,  July  24,  1804. 
Sir: 

Owing  to  my  absence  from  New  York,  I  had  not  the  honour 
of  receiving  your  letter  of  the  13th  before  yesterday.  Although 
the  suspended  items  in  my  account  are  in  my  judgment  equitable 
charges,  yet  as  they  seem  not  to  be  included  within  the  contingent 
expenses  heretofore  allowed,  I  feel  myself  duly  sensible  of  the 
President's  liberality  in  the  direction  which  he  has  authorized  to 
be  sent  to  the  Treasury  Department  on  this  subject,  and  beg  the 
favour  of  you,  Sir,  to  present  to  him  my  respectful  acknowledge- 
ments. In  regard  to  the  allowance  that  I  supposed  to  have  been 
made  at  the  Treasury  on  account  of  Ph.  Wilson's  expenses,  I  have 
probably  misapplied  the  information  given  to  me  by  the  late  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury,  Mr.  W.  who,  on  my  speaking  to  him  re- 
specting the  advance  made  for  Wilson  in  London,  told  me  that 
there  was  a  precedent  for  its  payment,  as  he  well  remembered  that 
on  Wilson's  arrival  at  Norfolk,  certain  expenses  attending  his  pas- 
sage were  allowed  and  paid.  Whether  this  payment  was  to  the 
Master  of  the  ship,  or  to  enable  Wilson  to  get  on  from  Norfolk  to 
Philadelphia,  or  on  some  other  account,  I  am  ignorant.  Knowing 
of  the  Lisbon  expenses,  I  concluded  it  was  to  them  Mr.  Wolcott 
referred. 

But  I  have  already  given  you  too  much  trouble  on  this  unim- 

*  "  That  there  is  no  existing  provision  in  America  by  which  our  advances 
can  be  reimbursed."  This  claim  for  ^52.  was  based  upon  a  subscription  to  a 
fund  to  enable  Philip  Wilson  &  family,  who  had  been  impoverished  in  unsuc- 
cessfully prosecuting  a  claim  in  London,  to  return  home.  The  minister,  as 
such,  subscribed  the  above  amount  for  that  purpose.  His  vessel  was  driven 
into  Lisbon. 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  383 

portant  point.  I  will  only  add  that  should  this  small  disbursement, 
as  well  as  the  more  considerable  one  to  General  Lafayette  appear 
to  the  President  to  have  been  made  from  motives  that  merit  his 
approbation,  I  should  hope  that  he  will  not  think  it  inexpedient  to 
recommend  to  Congress  to  cover  the  same  by  a  suitable  appro- 
priation. 

In  cases  of  private  persons,  it  behoves  them  to  petition  Con- 
gress for  relief  ;  but  officers  of  the  United  States  and  accountable 
to  and  removable  by  the  President  naturally  look  to  him  for  pro- 
tection in  all  cases  of  expense,  when  without  authority  they  may, 
nevertheless,  have  exercised  a  sound  discretion. 

Yours  &c 

Rufus  King. 


Thos.  T.  Tucker,  Treasurer  United  States,  to  R.  King. 

Treasury  of  the  United  States,  Washington,  October  6,  1804. 
Sir  : 

Enclosed  you  will  find  my  Draft  No.  7138,  on  Jonathan  Burrall 
Esq  for  339.-^  Dollars,  being  the  amount  of  Warrant  No.  32, 
Issued  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  on  receipt  of  which  be 
pleased  to  favor  me  with  an  acknowledgment. 

I  am  with  great  respect  Sir,  your  Obedt.  Servt. 

Th.  T.  Tucker,  Treasurer  Un.  States. 
Rufus  King  Esq. 


Boston,  Oct.  17,  1804. 
Sir  : 

I  have  duly  received  your  Letter  of  Octr.  6  enclosing  your 
Draft  No.  7138  on  Jonathan  Burrall  Esq  for  339tW  Dollars 
payable  to  my  order,  stated  to  be  the  amount  of  Warrant  No.  32, 
issued  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  being  I  presume  a 
Balance  due  to  me  upon  the  settlement  of  my  accounts  in  the 
Department  of  the  Treasury. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  great  Respt. 
Sir,  your  ob.  Servt. 

Rufus  King. 
Th.  T.  Tucker,  Treasurer  U.  S. 


384  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

On  the  original  account  sent  to  the  Auditor  of  the  Treas- 
ury, there  is  the  following  in  R.  King's  handwriting  : 

Nov.  7,  1804 — Allowed  balance        .  $339.51 

Suppd.  deduction  P.  Wilson      .         .  233.32 
Salary  from  23d  inst  of  20th  May  to 

18th  ins  of  20th  say  5  days  a  24.65  123.25       696.08 

Unknown  disallowances    .         .         .  160.72 

The  amount  sent  to  him  by  draft  is  thus  accounted  for. 
It  is  therefore  probable  that  the  disbursement  to  Lafayette 
was  allowed  by  the  President. 

The  three  letters  which  follow,  though  somewhat  out  of  their 
order  as  to  dates,  are  in  several  ways  interesting  and  are  here 
inserted  : 


F.  Baring  to  R.  King. 

London,  i  March,  1804. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

I  cannot  suffer  our  friend  Mr.  Gore  to  leave  the  country  with- 
out conversing  with  you  by  the  only  means  in  my  power  ;  indeed 
I  have  long  felt  a  propensity  to  begin  a  correspondence  which 
was  in  a  great  measure  superfluous  whilst  Mr.  Gore  remained.  I 
am  just  returned  from  Bath  &  from  paying  my  last  respects  & 
duty  to  our  friend  Bingham  ;  a  melancholy  task  &  still  more 
melancholy  reflexion  that  such  a  man  should  be  cut  off  in  the 
prime  of  life.  I  never  saw  a  more  firm  manly  mind,  nor  (if  I  may 
use  the  word)  more  stern  integrity  ;  solely  occupied  with  the  con- 
sideration of  what  was  correctly  right,  without  suffering  the 
slightest  bias  or  partiality  to  operate  upon  his  mind.  And  though 
my  sons  do  not  enjoy  some  advantages  which  the  Customs  both 
of  America  &  of  England  sanction,  yet  I  can  say  most  sincerely 
that  they  as  well  as  myself  are  perfectly  satisfied  and  that  we  shall 
ever  hold  his  memory  in  the  highest  respect  &  reverence.  He 
was  surrounded  by  the  families  of  his  two  daughters  &  Lord 
Lansdowne,  whose  attentions  to  him  were  incessant ;  indeed  noth- 
ing was  omitted  that  could  have  been  supplied. 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  385 

I  am  returned  to  a  most  busy,  anxious,  I  may  say  a  most 
gloomy  scene  both  at  home  &  abroad — both  indeed  are  so  bad 
that  it  is  with  reluctance  I  touch  upon  either.  You  know  per- 
fectly well  the  carte  du  pays  of  things  as  they  are,  or  rather  were. 
Some,  who  were  tired  of  the  system  of  divide  et  impera,  formed  a 
coalition  upon  general  principles  of  opposition  to  the  Minister, 
but  of  equal  reserve  as  to  the  consequences.  Windham  &  Gren- 
ville,  who  are  for  war,  unite  with  Fox  &  Grey,  who  are  for  peace. 
Windham,  whatever  we  may  think  of  his  head,  has  character.  But 
we  now  find  the  stern,  austere  Grenville  will  bend  to  anything  for 
the  sake  of  peace.  Every  man  must  lament  that  Fox  with  the 
best  talents  should  yield  so  easily  to  a  connexion  which  can  neither 
be  satisfactory  nor  reputable  to  himself.  Grey  embarks  from 
friendship  for  Fox,  for  every  great  pugilist  must  have  his  bottle- 
holder.  Sheridan  is  at  sea  &  I  fear  his  necessities,  more  than 
anything  else,  have  governed  his  conduct.  The  Prince  has  given 
him  a  place  which  is  about  a  single  drop  of  water,  in  the  ocean. 
I  have  no  confidence  in  this  union  ;  it  will  neither  do  for  the 
Court  or  people,  and  cannot  stand  alone. 

In  what  manner  this  junto  will  try  their  strength  remains  to 
be  ascertained,  as  existing  circumstances  will  shut  many  mouths 
most  probably  will  prevent  any  distinct  plan  from  being  formed. 
Pitt  keeps  aloof  of  connection,  but  is  always  on  the  ground  and  is 
much  beyond  the  other  competitors  in  sagacity.  Since  the  King's 
illness  the  prince  has  only  consulted  with  Thurlow,  whose  rough 
outside  may  easily  be  mistaken  for  what  it  is  not  :  he  will  make 
no  such  mistakes  as  Roslyn  did  on  a  former  occasion,  which  is  so 
far  safe.  L.  Moira  commands  in  Scotland  where  he  has  distin- 
guished himself  by  talents  both  civil  and  military  ;  he  will  no 
doubt  act  a  conspicuous  part  under  a  new  head.  L.  Lansdowne 
is  on  his  road  from  Bath,  but  will  not  arrive  till  the  end  of  the 
week  ;  of  course  he  has  not  made  up  his  mind.  In  2  or  3  days 
the  whole  must  develop  itself,  but  I  must  write  en  avance  or  I 
shall  lose  the  opportunity. 

With  regard  to  Invasion,  I  cannot  think  it  will  pass  away  &  un- 
der such  tremendous  preparation  guided  by  such  a  Man  ;  it  is 
folly  to  be  presumptuous.  It  is  true  the  french  will  have  great, 
very  great  obstacles  to  encounter  ;  but  it  is  too  much  to  say  these 
obstacles  will  not  be  forced  ;  it  is  equally  so  to  say  they  may  not  be 


386  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

evaded  under  a  combination  of  favorable  winds  &  circumstances. 
If  you  think  I  am  nervous,  I  will  freely  confess  to  you  that  I  wish 
the  attempt  should  be  made  ;  for  if  it  shall  not  be  made,  the  military 
force  assembled  is  so  enormous  that  the  whole  of  the  North  of 
Europe  is  in  danger,  &  I  think  it  essential  for  the  safety  of  the 
World,  that  Europe  should  enjoy  more  repose  &  have  longer 
time  to  recruit  before  the  flame  burst  out  on  the  Continent,  & 
which  it  must  do  ere  long.  When  I  urged  the  safety  of  the  world 
to  Bingham,  he  never  would  admit  that  America  under  any  cir- 
cumstances could  possibly  be  in  danger  ;  my  opinion  is,  as  it  al- 
ways has  been,  that  Britain  was  the  bulwark  to  America,  &  that 
the  downfall  of  one  would  be  followed  by  the  destruction  of  the 
other.  Indeed  I  cannot  discover  in  what  manner  Universal  Em- 
pire is  to  be  prevented,  if  the  power  of  France,  say  the  unity  of 
that  power,  remains  intact,  for  its  impulse  is  irresistible. 

You  will  perceive  what  interesting  events  are  on  the  point  of 
developing  themselves  at  the  moment  I  write. — The  internal 
government  of  this  Country — Invasion  or  no  Invasion — &  on  the 
latter  circumstance  depends  continental  war.  In  every  event  I 
hope  we  shall  remain  at  peace  with  America.  I  shudder  as  much 
at  a  war  with  Scotland  or  Ireland,  as  with  America.  I  only  fear 
too  much  influence  on  the  part  of  the  people,  whose  passions  con- 
stantly absorb  &  make  them  forget  their  interest,  or  even  common 
sense.  I  am  thoroughly  confident  in  the  pacific  disposition  of  the 
rulers  on  your  side,  but  in  America,  as  well  as  in  England,  our 
Sovereign  Lords  &  Masters,  the  Mob,  must  be  obeyed.  I  could 
travel  over  much  more  ground  with  you,  but  I  think  to  have 
stated  the  multum  in  parvo  in  times  so  pregnant  with  events,  & 
yet  at  the  moment  so  completely  uncertain  in  every  description 
or  point  of  view  whatever,  I  therefore  shall  conclude  with  the 
assurance  of  my  being  with  great  regard 

My  dear  Sir,  your  most  truly  faithful  humble  Servant, 

F.  Baring. 

C.  Gore  to  *R.  King. 

Boston,  April  17,  1804. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

L'd.  H.,  I  mentioned  to  you  before  had  invited  me  to  a  con- 
ference previous  to  my  departure,  proposed  by  a  note  to  me  to 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  387 

call  at  his  office  one  day.  As  he  said  nothing  further  of  Merry's 
rank  &c,  I  was  of  course  silent.  It  is  their  determination  to  keep 
things  on  the  same  footing  with  us,  as  the  Treaty  placed  them, 
unless  any  commercial  regulations  of  ours  should  render  a  different 
account  necessary  on  their  part,  which  I  think  they  apprehend 
more  than  they  have  reason  for.  As  to  the  war,  he  seemed  to 
think  it  was  impossible  for  Bonaparte  to  avoid  making  an  attempt 
to  invade  England  after  the  immense  means  he  had  collected, 
and  the  enormous  expence  he  had  incurr'd,  although  he  believed 
that  his  only  hopes  of  success  were  in  Ireland,  and  to  that  end 
probably  were  intended  his  preparations  ag't.  England.  It  is 
thought  (said  by  him  to  be  known)  that  no  powers  on  the  conti- 
nent would  engage  in  the  contest,  unless  France  should  make  an 
attempt  on  the  Morea,  or  on  Egypt,  in  which  case  Russia  had 
declared  she  would  resist  with  all  her  force — and  in  this  declara- 
tion &  a  conduct  conformable  thereto  G.  B.  confided.  I  passed 
an  hour  &  a  half  with  him,  and  at  the  latter  part  of  the  time,  the 
L'd.  Chancellor  entered,  who  assisted  at  the  conversation.  By 
them  I  was  treated  with  great  kindness  and  apparent  confidence. 
The  latter  gentleman  visited  me  before  I  quitted.  They  both 
desired  their  Regards  &  Respects  to  you.  A  coalition  has  been 
formed  between  Mr.  Fox,  L'd.  Grenville,  Windham,  &c,  which, 
however,  does  not  embrace  Mr.  Pitt.  The  only  object  of  this  coali- 
tion, as  I  was  told  by  Mr.  Coke,  was  to  oppose  the  present 
administration  &  to  endeavour  to  attain  their  dismissal  from 
office.     .     .     . 


J.  Madison  to  R.  King. 

Department  of  State,  Washington,  24  May,  1804. 
Sir: 

An  occasion  has  occurred,  in  relation  to  a  demand  set  up  by 
the  proctors,  who  have  conducted  the  American  suits,  in  London, 
on  account  of  captures,  to  request  the  favour  of  your  stating  how 
far  they  are  supported  in  it  by  any  promise  made  by  you.  It  seems 
that  suitors  in  the  Prize  court  have  a  right  to  cause  their  proctor's 
bill  to  be  taxed,  which  produces  a  deduction,  supposed  to  average 
about  fifteen  per  cent ;  but  they  allege  that  by  way  of  encourage- 


388  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

ment  to  their  attentions,  you  promised  them  that  they  should  be 
paid  the  full  amount  of  their  bills  in  the  American  causes,  in 
which  the  Government  of  the  U.  States  are  responsible  to  pay 
them,  without  resorting  to  taxation.  Mr.  Ewing  being  about  to 
make  a  final  settlement  with  them  has  referred  the  determination 
of  this  part  of  their  claims  to  instructions  from  the  Department 
of  State.  Requesting  an  answer  as  soon  as  your  convenience 
will  admit.  I  have  the  honor  to  remain  Sir  your  most  obed't 
Serv't, 

James  Madison. 


R.  King  to  J.  Madison. 

New  York,  May  29,  1804. 
Sir: 

In  answer  to  your  letter  of  the  24inst,  I  have  the  honour  to 
state  that  no  engagement  was  ever  made  by  me  that  the  long  bills 
of  the  Proctors'  should  be  paid.  In  consequence  of  an  instruc- 
tion that  I  gave  to  the  agent  Mr.  Bayard  to  require  that  the  Proc- 
tors' bills  should  be  regularly  taxed,  several  of  them  came  to  me 
to  represent  what  they  called  the  usage  on  this  subject,  and  to  urge 
me  to  authorize  or  promise  them  payment  on  their  long  or  un- 
taxed bills.  My  answer  was  explicit  that  I  could  make  no  en- 
gagement to  this  effect,  but  that  the  demand  must  be  referred  to 
the  Govt,  of  the  U.  States,  whose  decision  would  perhaps  be 
influenced  by  the  satisfactory  or  unsatisfactory  adjustment  of 
the  American  Claims. 

With  great  Respect  &c. 

Rufus  King. 

P.  S.  The  payments  from  time  to  time  made  to  the  Proctors 
were  on  account,  leaving  the  question  concerning  their  long  bills 
open  for  the  President's  decision.  I  do  not  recollect  whether  the 
taxed  or  long  bills  were  admitted  by  the  Commissioners.  My 
impression  is  that  the  taxed  bills  only  were  received.  Mr  Gore  or 
Mr.  Cabot  can  ascertain  this  point. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

Burr  disappointed — Sought  Revenge  by  Death  of  Hamilton — King's  Connect- 
ion with  the  Duel  between  them — Charges  against  him  of  Coldness  of 
Heart  and  of  not  endeavoring  to  prevent  the  Duel  examined  and  disproved 
— King  to  C.  King,  denying  a  Statement  by  Dr.  Mason — C.  King  to  R. 
King— Interview  with  Dr.  Mason — Report  Incorrect — W.  Wallace  to  King 
— Result  of  the  Duel — Pendleton  to  King — Hamilton  mortally  wounded — 
Correspondence  with  Gen.  Clarkson  relative  to  the  Duel — Pitcairn  to  King 
— Deplores  the  Death  of  Hamilton. 

Aaron  Burr,  who  had  been  the  recipient  of  his  party's 
favors,  and  had  nearly  reached  the  office  of  President,  found 
himself  deserted,  as  has  been  seen,  by  his  former  friends,  and 
moved  by  his  ruling  passion,  .  ambition,  sought  to  obtain 
through  the  agency  of  a  large  portion  of  the  federalists,  who 
believed  themselves  outraged  by  the  acts  of  the  President  and 
his  friends,  a  return  to  that  power  from  which  he  hoped 
much  in  the  future.  It  was  very  evident  to  him,  when 
again  defeated,  that  the  leading  opponent  he  had  was  Alex- 
ander Hamilton.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  felt  that 
he  could  not  overcome  or  destroy  his  influence  and  that  he 
stood  in  the  way  of  any  political  advancement.  There  was 
but  one  way  in  which  he  could  get  rid  of  this  obstacle  to  his 
success  and  that  was  to  remove  it  by  a  duel,  which  would  put 
an  end  to  one  or  the  other,  and  as  history  records  he  took 
means  to  insure  the  death  of  his  adversary  by  careful 
practice. 

Mr.  Jabez  Hammond  in  his  History  of  Political  Parties  in 
New  York{\.,  210),  presents  very  clearly  the  effect  upon  Mr. 
Burr  of  the  result  in  the  election  of  Governor  in  that  State.* 

*  "  The  result  of  the  New  York  election  [that  of  Mr.  Lewis  by  a  very  large 
majority]  had  entirely  prostrated  the  political  prospects  of  Col.  Burr.     He  was 

389 


390  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

It  is  not  proposed  to  present  a  full  and  particular  account 
of  the  circumstances  and  correspondence  relative  to  the 
duel  which  removed  the  leading  statesman  of  the  day  from 
the  sphere  of  usefulness  in  which  his  energy  and  consum- 
mate ability  had  so  long  benefited  his  country,  and  which 
brought  upon  his  adversary  the  universal  scorn  of  all  parties 
and  a  bitter  retribution  which  he  little  looked  for.  As  the 
name  of  Rufus  King,  the  warm  and  trusted  friend  of 
Hamilton,  has  been  connected  with  history  of  this  event, 
and  at  times  with  a  criticism  which  he  did  not  deserve,  it 
is  due  to  him  that  a  true  statement  of  his  position  should 
be  given. 

irrevocably  cast  off  from  the  republican  party  in  the  nation  ;  and  the  event  of 
the  contest  in  this  State  had  proved  that  his  friends  were  not  sufficiently  numer- 
ous when  connected  with  the  federalists,  or  so  many  of  them  as  would  join  his 
standard,  to  sustain  him  here.  Should  the  federalists  as  a  party  ever  gain  the 
ascendency,  the  prospect  of  which  was  extremely  unpromising,  he  knew  by 
what  had  recently  occurred,  that  he  would  have  no  hopes  of  promotion  from  that 
party.  His  political  fortunes  therefore  seemed  totally  wrecked  and  irretrievably 
ruined.  In  reflecting  upon  the  cause  of  that  ruin,  he  undoubtedly  regarded 
Gen.  Hamilton  as  the  principal  agent.  If  at  any  time  he  had  expected  the 
aid  of  the  federal  members  of  congress  to  elect  him  president  in  preference  to 
Mr.  Jefferson,  he  had  there  met  the  opposition  of  Mr.  Hamilton  ;  for  on  that 
occasion  Mr.  Bayard  of  Delaware  and  Mr.  Morris  of  Vermont,  two  of  Mr. 
H's  friends,  had  given  the  election  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  In  the  late  contest 
when  his  political  life  was  at  stake,  the  same  opponent  had  there  stood  in  his 
way  ;  and  to  his  denunciation  and  great  and  commanding  influence,  Mr.  Burr 
charged  the  defection  and  desertion  of  so  large  a  portion  of  federalists  from 
their  party.  These  considerations  must  have  produced  in  the  gloomy  and 
despairing  mind  of  Mr.  Burr  a  settled  determination  that  he  would  have 
revenge — a  revenge  that  nothing  short  of  the  life  of  Hamilton  would  satiate. 
It  is  impossible  for  me  to  account  for  the  duel  which  took  place  after  this 
election,  between  Burr  and  Hamilton,  upon  any  other  principle.  It  is  true, 
that  had  the  answer  of  Gen.  Hamilton  to  the  first  communication  of  Burr  been 
more  guarded  and  more  conciliatory  in  its  tone  and  manner,  it  might  have  put 
Burr  more  clearly  in  the  wrong,  and  furnished  positive  and  decisive  evidence 
that  from  the  commencement  he  premeditated  and  determined  on  a  mortal 
contest.  But  he  knew  that  Gen.  Hamilton  from  youth  had  been  a  military 
man,  and  that  he  was  sensitively  alive  to  his  honor  as  a  soldier  ;  and  a  careful 
review  of  the  correspondence  as  it  was  actually  conducted  will  convince  all 
candid  men  that  Burr,  when  he  wrote  the  first  note,  was  resolved  that  the  issue 
should  be  nothing  less  than  the  death  of  one  of  the  parties." 


1804]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  39 1 

In  the  Life  of  jfosiah  Quincy  by  his  son  Edmund  Quincy, 
published  in  1868,  p.  84,  there  is  given  an  extract  from  a 
Journal  of  Mr.  J.  Quincy  while  in  New  York  in  November, 
1805,  on  his  way  to  Washington  to  take  his  seat  in  Congress. 
He  mentions  the  hospitable  entertainment  he  received 
there  and  speaks  of  a  number  of  eminent  men  he  met. 
Among  them  was  Mr.  Pendleton,  who  was  General  Hamil- 
ton's second  in  the  duel,  and  whom  he  questioned  about  it: 

"  I  asked  Mr.  Pendleton  *  whether  in  the  opinion  of  Mr. 
Hamilton's  friends  Mr.  King  had  conducted  with  propriety  in 
leaving  New  York,  previous  to  the  duel,  after  having  been  par- 
ticularly consulted  by  Hamilton  on  the  subject.  Mr.  Pendleton 
answered  that  the  facts  were  that  Hamilton  did  consult  King 
and  that  early.  He  was  that  'judicious  friend,'  of  whom  Ham- 
ilton speaks  in  one  of  his  letters.  After  having  thus  been  con- 
sulted some  time  previously  to  the  time  fixed  for  the  duel,  King 
commenced  a  journey.  I  know  that  this  conduct  of  King 
has  been  considered  as  indicating  great  coldness  of  heart  in  King. 
It  certainly  does  nothing  else.  A  man  who  had  felt  deeply  the 
public  and  private  stake  which  was  put  at  risk,  could  not,  it  has 
been  said,  have  left  the  vicinity  until  the  final  decision,  particu- 
larly after  the  marks  of  confidence  he  had  received  from  Ham- 
ilton. On  the  contrary,  Mr.  King  says  he  could  have  done 
nothing  by  staying— that  the  duel  was  inevitable.  From  politi- 
cal considerations,  he  might  wish  to  be  at  a  distance  from  the 
scene." 

In  this  statement,  published  sixty-three  years  after  it  was 
recorded,  it  would  seem  as  if  the  family  of  General  Hamil- 
ton censured  Mr.  King  for  taking  his  journey,  arranged  for 
sometime  before  the  duel,  and  that  Mr.  Pendleton  remarked 
that  it  "  has  been  considered  as  indicating  great  coldness 
of  heart.  It  certainly  does  nothing  else,"  because  he  left 
the   vicinity  while   the   affair   was  still  pending.     It   does 

*  "  I  was  led  to  this  inquiry  because  a  brother-in-law  of  mine,  Washington 
Morton,  a  young  man  of  strong  passions,  who  had  married  Miss  Schuyler 
(sister  of  Mrs.  Hamilton)  had  spoken  very  indignantly  of  the  conduct  of  King, 
giving  the  impression  that  such  was  the  feeling  of  his  wife's  family." 


392  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

not  appear  that  the  feelings  of  the  family  upon  the  matter 
were  indicated  by  anything  but  the  opinion  of  his  brother- 
in-law,  who  had  married  Mrs.  Hamilton's  sister,  "  a  young 
man  of  strong  passions,  who  had  spoken  very  indignantly 
of  the  conduct  of  King."  It  may  have  been  true,  and  yet 
what  constitutes  "  coldness  of  heart  "  is  a  matter  of  opinion  ; 
and  the  fact  might  have  been  that  Mr.  King,  finding  his 
remonstrances  could  have  no  effect,  preferred  not  being 
present — but  not,  as  Mr.  Pendleton  suggested,  that  he  might 
"  from  political  considerations,  wish  to  be  at  a  distance 
from  the  scene"  Mr.  King  never  showed  an  unwillingness 
to  meet  any  responsibility,  and  no  personal  or  political  con- 
siderations as  to  the  future  would  have  been  entertained 
for  a  moment. 

The  facts  are  that  Mr.  King,  who  had  not  visited  his 
friends  and  family  in  Massachusetts  since  his  return  from 
Europe,  had  decided  to  do  so  in  the  summer  of  that  year, 
and  to  follow  out  a  suggestion  made  to  him  on  April  22d 
by  Mr.  Gore. 

"  We  sincerely  regret  your  suffering  under  the  ague  and  fever, 
and  most  truly  hope  it  has  now  left  you.  We  shall  anxiously 
await  your  coming  hither,  which  we  pray  you  not  to  delay  longer 
than  the  season  renders  necessary.  June  and  July  are  pleasant 
months  here.  In  August  you  can  visit  your  family  and  friends 
at  the  Eastward  and  return  to  us  in  September  and  to  New  York 
in  November." 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  his  arrangements,  when 
travelling  was  not  so  expeditious  or  comfortable  as  in  these 
days,  had  been  somewhat  in  accordance  with  this  plan, 
which  he  carried  out.  In  the  meantime  the  trouble  arose 
in  which  he  was  consulted  by  General  Hamilton.  The  deci- 
sion to  accept  a  challenge  was  made  by  the  latter,  and 
when  it  was  given  on  the  27th  June  and  accepted  on  the 
28th  the  time  for  the  duel  was  not  fixed.  In  the  Re- 
marks, which  were  offered  by  Mr.  Pendleton  to  Mr.  Van 
Ness  as  from  General  Hamilton,  but  not  accepted  by  him, 
the  closing  paragraph  is  in  the  following  words  : 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  393 

"  If  the  alternative  alluded  to  in  the  close  of  the  letter  (of  the 
27th)  is  definitely  tendered,  it  must  be  accepted  ;  the  time,  place 
and  manner,  to  be  afterwards  regulated  :  I  should  not  think  it 
right  in  the  midst  of  a  Circuit  Court  to  withdraw  my  services  from 
those  who  may  have  confided  important  interests  to  me,  and  ex- 
pose them  to  the  embarrassment  of  seeking  other  counsel,  who 
may  not  have  time  to  be  sufficiently  instructed  in  their  cases.  I 
shall  also  want  a  little  time  to  make  some  arrangements  respecting 
my  own  affairs."  * 

There  was,  therefore,  as  this  condition  was  explained  by 
Mr.  Pendleton  and  accepted,  no  certainty  when  the  duel 
would  take  place.  In  fact  it  did  not  occur  until  the  nth  of 
July.  With  this  uncertainty  before  him,  having  it  is  pre- 
sumed arranged  his  journey,  and  with  the  feeling  that  noth- 
ing more  could  be  done  to  avert  what  he  deprecated,  it  is 
not  necessary  to  believe  that  there  was  no  anxiety  on  the 
part  of  Mr.  King,  or  unconcern  as  to  the  result  that  would 
warrant  the  accusation  of  "great  coldness  of  heart."  It 
cannot  be  supposed  that  there  was  not  entire  sympathy  and 
understanding  between  the  two  men,  for  Hamilton  in  his 
last  letter  to  Sedgwick  speaks  of  King  as  on  his  way  to  Boston. 

But  whatever  some  may  think  about  his  absence  from 
New  York  at  the  time  of  the  duel,  there  is  another  charge 
against  Mr.  King,  "  that  he  was  blamed  for  not  endeavoring 
to  prevent  this  fatal  duel,"  made  in  the  Autobiography  of 
Charles  Biddle,  published  in  1883.+  ft  mav  De  sa^  tnat 
Mr.  Biddle  held  Aaron  Burr  in  high  regard,  as  this  record 
shows,  while  on  the  other  hand  he  had  few  kind  words  to 
say  of  his  political  opponent,  Alexander  Hamilton,  except 
as  to  his  great  abilities.     He  says,  p.  309  : 

"  If  General  Hamilton  had  not  opposed  Colonel  Burr,  I  have 
very  little  doubt  he  would  have  been  elected  Governor  of  New 
York,  and  if  he  had  it  would  have  been  a  fortunate  circumstance 
for  the  country,  as  well  as  for  themselves  and  their  families. 

*  Life  of  Hamilton,  vii.,  815. 

f  An  examination  of  this  charge  and  refutation  of  it  were  made  and  published 
by  the  Editor  of  the  present  Life,  in  the  Magazine  of  American  History,  vol. 
xi.,  p.  212.     This  account  will  be  freely  used  here. — Ed. 


394  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

"  In  this  unfortunate  affair,  Mr.  Rufus  King  was  blamed,  I 
think  deservedly,  for  not  endeavoring  to  prevent  this  fatal  duel. 
He  is  the  moderate  judicious  friend  General  Hamilton  alludes  to 
in  the  paper  enclosed  in  his  will." 

This  was  not  written  at  the  time  of  the  duel,  "  but  some 
years  after,  when  time  had  softened  bitter  feelings,"  mani- 
festing that  there  were  even  then  some  who  still  entertained 
the  opinion  that  Mr.  King  might  have  prevented  the  duel, 
that  he  did  not  exert  his  influence  with  General  Hamilton, 
and  that  he  suffered  in  the  minds  of  honorable  men  in 
consequence. 

As  this  was  the  first  publication,  in  a  work  of  acknowl- 
edged character,  of  the  charge,  it  is  due  to  Mr.  King  that  it 
should  be  corrected  and  refuted.  He  certainly  was  the 
warm  and  faithful  friend  of  General  Hamilton,  a  friendship 
dating  from  before  the  days  when  they  sat  together  in  the 
Convention  for  the  formation  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  and,  apart  from  personal  esteem  and  friend- 
ship, he  too  well  knew  and  prized  the  valuable  services  and 
the  ability  of  that  distinguished  man  to  leave  unused  any 
influence  he  might  have  to  avert  the  calamity,  which  he 
must  have  anticipated  as  the  result  of  a  hostile  meeting  ; 
and  it  is  known  that  he  had  been  consulted.  General 
Hamilton  has  stated  this  fact  in  the  paper  left  by  him. 

Happily  Mr.  King  has,  in  a  paper  which  will  be  found 
below,  made  a  statement,  in  his  own  handwriting  and  signed 
by  him,  which  gives  an  account  of  his  agency  in  the  matter 
and  shows  how  shocked  he  was,  at  the  time  it  was  written  in 
1819,  that  the  charge  above  referred  to  was  made  — a  charge 
he  appears  never  before  to  have  heard. 


R.  King  to  Charles  King.* 

Jamaica,  L.  I.,  Ap.  2,  1819. 
Dear  Sir: 

To  my  surprise  and  regret,   I  have  been  informed  that  Dr. 
Mason  in  a  late  conversation  at  a  dinner  table  stated  in  reference 

*  His  son. 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  395 

to  the  duel  between  Genl.  Hamilton  and  Colonel  Burr,  in  which 
the  former  was  mortally  wounded,  that  it  was  in  my  power  to  have 
prevented  the  duel,  and  that  evidence  of  this  fact  could  be  pro- 
duced ;  a  statement  which  had  the  effect  of  creating  the  belief 
that  I  approved  of  and  promoted  the  duel. 

I  request  that  you  will  take  an  early  opportunity  of  calling  on 
Doctor  Mason  and  in  my  behalf  assuring  him  that  the  reverse  of 
the  alleged  fact  is  the  truth,  and  that  so  far  from  approving  and 
promoting  the  duel,  I  disapproved  of  it  and  endeavoured  to  pre- 
vail on  Genl.  Hamilton  not  to  meet  Col.  Burr. 

Ask  Doctor  Mason  to  furnish  you  with  the  evidence  to  which 
he  referred  and  upon  which  he  thought  himself  justified  in  mak- 
ing the  foregoing  statement.  Say  to  him,  moreover,  on  my  part, 
that  I  willingly  believe,  after  receiving  this  communication,  that 
he  will  take  greater  pleasure  in  correcting  than  he  could  have  ex- 
perienced in  stating  a  charge  that  is  wholly  unfounded. 
With  affectionate  Regards,  I  am  faithfully  yrs. 

Rufus  King. 

On  the  margin  of  a  copy  of  the  letter  given  above  is  writ- 
ten by  Mr.  King : 

"  Remark.  Mr.  Bogert  gave  me  this  information,  which  he 
received  from  a  gentleman  present  at  this  dinner,  who  was  im- 
pressed by  Dr.  M.'s  statement  that  I  encouraged  the  duel.  Mr. 
Bogert  more  than  once  conferred  with  this  person,  in  order  accu- 
rately to  understand  the  tenor  of  Dr.  M.'s  charge,  and  the  im- 
pression of  it  upon  the  person  in  question.  Mr.  Bogert  has  seen 
and  approves  of  this  letter  as  correct  in  its  recital  of  what  was 
communicated  to  him.  R.  K." 

On  the  reverse  of  the  original  letter  appears  the  fol- 
lowing : 

C.  King  to  R.  King. 

Wednesday  Ev'g,  April  7,  1819. 

I  received  this  letter  on  the  5th  of  April  and  in  the  course  of 
that  day  called  at  Dr.  Mason's  house  and  was  informed  by  Mrs. 


396  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

Mason  that  the  Dr.  was  in  the  country,  arranging  his  library. 
Being  engaged  on  the  6th,  I  deferred  repeating  the  call  'till  this 
afternoon  (the  7th)  when  I  saw  Dr.  Mason,  and  informing  him 
that  I  called  on  the  part  of  my  father,  who  had  heard  a  report 
which  was  very  unpleasant  to  him,  presented  him  with  this  letter, 
as  the  best  mode  of  explaining  the  object  of  my  visit.  He 
read  it  attentively  and  returned  it  to  me  with  the  observation, 
"  that  there  was  no  truth  at  all  in  the  report  to  which  it  referred." 
He  then  went  on  to  explain  "  that  at  the  dinner  table  of  Mr. 
Richards,  Mr.  H.  W.  Warner  alluding  to  the  duel  of  Genl.  Ham- 
ilton and  Col.  Burr  mentioned  Mr.  Pendleton  as  the  calm  and 
judicious  friend,  to  whom  Genl.  Hamilton  referred,  as  having 
taken  his  advice  previous  to  the  duel.  Dr.  Mason  remarked  here- 
upon that  he  understood  that  friend  to  be  Mr.  King — but  that 
this  remark  was  unaccompanied  with  any  other,  or  any  comment 
— that  Mr.  Warner  had  within  a  day  or  two  called  upon  him  in 
much  agitation,  that  they  had  talked  over  the  subject,  and  Mr. 
Warner  had  left  him  prepared  to  give  Mr.  Bogert  such  an  expla- 
nation of  what  really  passed  at  the  dinner  already  alluded  to,  as 
would  do  away  the  unjust  inferences  that  appeared  to  have  been 
drawn  from  it.  I  expressed  the  pleasure  I  felt  at  this  statement 
and  entered  into  a  detail  of  what  really  took  place  between  my 
father  and  Genl.  Hamilton  at  their  interview  on  the  subject  of  this 
unfortunate  duel,  specifying  particularly  that  the  only  point,  upon 
which  Genl.  Hamilton  asked  my  father's  opinion  was  whether  he, 
Genl.  Hamilton,  was  bound  to  give  a  definite  answer  to  Burr's 
enquiry,  as  to  whether  he,  Hamilton,  had  at  any  time  or  in  any 
place  expressed  opinions  unfavourable  or  derogatory  to  Col. 
Burr  ;  to  which  my  father  answered  decidedly,  No  ;  that  if  Mr. 
Burr  would  specify  any  particular  fact,  then  and  then  only,  it 
would  be  proper  for  Genl.  Hamilton  to  deny  or  affirm  it — that 
such  should  be  the  tenor  of  Genl.  Hamilton's  reply  to  Burr. 
That  preparatory  to  and  during  the  discussion  of  this  question, 
the  main  one,  of  whether  Genl.  Hamilton  should  under  any  cir- 
cumstances accept  a  challenge  from  Mr.  Burr  arose,  and  that  my 
father  decidedly  advised  that  he  should  not ;  but  that  Genl.  Hamilton 
having  stated  that  his  mind  was  made  up  on  this  subject,  as  also 
to  throw  away  his  fire,  if  they  should  meet,  my  father  then  en- 
deavoured to  prove  to  him,  that  if  he,  Mr.  H.,  would  persist  in 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  397 

fighting,  he  owed  to  his  family  and  the  rights  of  self-defence  to 
fire  at  his  antagonist. 

Dr.  Mason  replied  that  these  circumstances  were  new  to  him, 
but  that  the  letter  I  had  shewn  to  him,  communicated  what  he 
did  not  know,  but  what  he  was  rejoiced  to  find,  that  my  father 
dissuaded  Genl.  Hamilton  from  fighting — as  his  letter  stated  he 
did.  I  hereupon  rose,  to  take  my  leave,  expressing  the  pleasure 
I  felt  that  a  report  which  could  not  but  be  disagreeable  to  my 
father  and  unjust  to  Dr.  Mason,  had  been  so  satisfactorily  ex- 
plained— to  which  Dr.  Mason  rejoined  that  he  was  also  well 
pleased  at  it  ;  and  that  no  man  in  the  country  would  rejoice 
more  than  himself  to  see  my  father  occupying  that  station  in  the 
country  which  was  justly  due  to  him. 

I  immediately  returned  home  (about  half  past  six  o'clk  P.M.) 
and  committed  the  result  of  this  interview  to  writing. 

Chas.  King. 

On  the  back  of  the  rough  copy  of  a  letter  to  General  Clark- 
son,  p.  399,  is  the  following,  either  sent  or  proposed  to  be  sent, 
to  some  intimate  friend  and  in  R.  King's  handwriting  : 

"  You  cannot  my  Dr.  Sir,  hold  in  greater  abhorrence  than  I  do 
the  Practice  of  Duelling.  Our  lamented  friend  was  not  unac- 
quainted with  my  opinion  on  the  subject,  but  with  a  mind  the 
most  capacious  and  discriminating  that  I  ever  knew,  he  had  laid 
down  for  the  gov.  of  himself  certain  rules  upon  the  subj.  of 
Duels,  the  fallacy  of  which  wd.  not  fail  to  be  seen  by  any  man 
of  ordinary  understanding  ;  with  these  Guides,  it  is  my  delib- 
erate opinion,  that  he  could  not  have  avoided  a  meeting  with  Col. 
Burr,  had  he  even  declined  the  first  Challenge." 

On  the  same  page  also  in  R.  King's  handwriting  is  the 
following : 

I  regard  it  as  a  violation  of  our  civil,  our  moral  and  our  relig- 
ious Duty.  I  go  farther  and  do  not  consider  it  as  even  proof  of 
Courage. 

It  cannot  be  necessary  to  search  for  other  proof  of  the 
falseness  of  the  charge,  to  which  allusion  has  above  been 
made,  of  indifference  to  the  welfare  of  his  friend,  and  that 


398  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

at  the  solemn  moment  of  deciding  what  course  should  be 
pursued,  Mr.  King,  when  friendship  could  speak  with  such 
commanding  voice,  was  wanting  in  the  counsel  he  should 
give. 

There  are  several  other  letters,  bearing  upon  the  subject 
of  the  duel,  which  will  present  some  interesting  features 
and  are  given  below. 


Wm.  Wallace,  New  York,  to  R.  King,  Hartford,  Conn. 

July  11,  5  p.  m.,  1804. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

This  morng.  we  were  all  alarmed  at  a  report  of  Col.  Hamilton's 
being  killed  in  a  duel  with  Col.  Burr.  Knowing  that  such  a  re- 
port would  interest  you,  I  seize  the  present  opportunity  to  say 
"  a  meeting  took  place  between  those  gentlemen  this  morng.,  the 
cause  said  to  be  political,  the  consequence  a  wound  (supposed 
mortal)  on  Col.  Hamilton.  He  received  the  shot  of  his  antago- 
nist, it  is  said  with  the  determination  of  not  returning  the  first 
fire.  He  was  brought  to  Mr.  Bayard's  at  Greenwich,  where  Mr. 
Low  and  I  were  at  12  o'clock.  He  was  still  alive  but  I  conceive 
there  is  nothing  further  than  a  possibility  of  his  recovery.  We 
have  not  heard  from  him  since  that  time.  A  general  sense  of 
regret  prevails.     We  have  nothing  else  since  your  departure. 

Yours  &c  &c, 

Wm.  Wallace. 


Nath.  Pendleton  to  R.  King,  Boston. 

N.  Y.,  Thursday,  July— 1804. 

My  dear  Sir  : 

Before  you  receive  this  our  dear  and  excellent  friend  Hamilton 
will  be  no  more.  He  &  Col.  B.  met  yesterday  morning  at  seven 
o'clock  on  the  Jersey  shore.  Genl.  H.  persisted  in  the  resolution 
he  had  taken  before  you  left  us  to  receive  &  not  return  the  first 
shot.  Unhappily  Mr.  B's  first  shot  was  fatal.  It  passed  between 
the  two  lower  ribs  of  the  right  side,  and  lodged  near  the  spine, 


1804]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  399 

and  in  its  passage,  the  surgeons  say,  it  must  have  passed  through 
the  lungs  or  the  liver.  He  was  brought  over  to  Mr.  Bayard's 
where  he  continues.  I  have  just  left  him,  and  the  Doctors  say 
he  cannot  outlive  the  day. 

I  have  not  time  now  to  communicate  any  of  the  reflections 
that  crowd  upon  my  mind  on  this  most  extensive  public  and  pri- 
vate calamity.  It  has  occasioned  a  strong  public  sensation  which 
will  be  much  increased  when  he  is  dead. 

I  am  my  dear  Sir  with  esteem 

your  obedient  servant, 

Nath.  Pendleton. 


Gen.  M.  Clarkson  to  R.  King. 

New  York,  August  20,  1804. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

Since  the  late  melancholy  event  which  has  deprived  us  of  our 
friend  Hamilton,  a  report  has  reached  me,  that  yourself  in  con- 
junction with  Mr.  Pendleton  and  myself  had  given  it  as  an  opin- 
ion that  a  duel  was  unavoidable  ;  a  report  of  this  nature  (as  I 
abhor  the  practice)  has  occasioned  me  great  uneasiness,  and  as  I 
was  only  a  hearer  of  what  you  related  to  me  and  had  no  other 
agency  in  the  business,  you  will  much  oblige  me  by  a  line  to  this 
effect.  I  promise  you  that  no  other  use  shall  be  made  of  the  let- 
ter but  only  to  show  it  to  two  persons  from  whom  I  received  the 
information — who  I  am  very  solicitous  should  be  rightly  informed 
on  the  subject.  Previous  to  the  fatal  event  the  silence  you  im- 
posed on  me  was  most  scrupulously  attended  to ;  but  which  agi- 
tated my  mind  exceedingly  ;  immediately  upon  my  hearing  of  its 
having  taken  place,  I  directly  went  to  our  friend,  who  I  found 
had  already  requested  that  I  should  be  sent  for.  The  scene 
which  I  witnessed  has  almost  been  too  much  for  me,  and  the  idea 
now  suggested  has  not  contributed  to  my  repose.  Let  me  re- 
quest, my  dear  Sir,  to  hear  from  you  as  soon  as  possible. 
Your  sincere  friend  &  obedt.  Servt., 

M.  Clarkson. 

P.  S.  We  are  endeavoring  to  obtain  by  subscription  some 
property  for  the  children  of  our  friend  ;  is  anything  of  a  similar 
nature  likely  to  be  done  in  Boston  ? 


400  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

R.  King  to  Gen.  Clarkson. 

Waltham  near  Boston,  Aug.  24,  1804. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

I  lose  no  time  in  replying  to  yr.  letter  of  the  20th  which  I 
received  last  Evening — considering  the  reserve  that  I  have  ob- 
served on  this  subject  of  national  affliction,  I  was  truly  surprized 
that  any  such  Rumour  as  that  you  mention  should  have  got  into 
circulation  upon  my  authority.  No  persons  can  be  justified  by 
any  observation  that  you  ever  made  to  me,  or  that  I  ever  made 
to  another,  in  reporting  that  you  had  given  an  opinion  that  a 
Duel  between  our  lamented  friend  and  Col.  Burr  was  unavoidable. 

It  was  not  until  the  challenge  had  been  given  and  accepted, 
that  I  mentioned  the  affair  to  you  and  that  under  an  injunction 
of  secrecy.  Knowing  our  friend's  determination  to  be  passive, 
my  mind  was  agitated  with  strong  forebodings  of  what  has  hap- 
pened, and  tho'  the  Correspondence  was  closed  by  an  agreement 
of  the  Parties  to  meet  each  other,  I  nevertheless  mentioned  the 
subject  to  you,  and  asked  if  you  could  perceive  any  mode  of 
interference.  Your  answer,  expressive  of  much  sorrow,  was  in 
the  negative.  I  did  not  however,  infer  from  this  answer  that  in 
yr.  opinion  our  friend  might  not  have  declined  a  meeting  with 
Col.  Burr,  but  merely  by  the  acceptance  of  his  adversary's  chal- 
lenge, that  the  interference  of  third  persons  was  precluded. 
With  sentiments  of  Resp.  &  Esteem  &c. 

(Signed)      R.  King. 

P.  S.  You  are  at  liberty  to  make  any  use  of  the  above  that  you 
may  deem  proper. 

2nd  P.  S.  There  exists  in  this  quarter  a  difficulty  that  may  disap- 
point our  hopes  of  pecuniary  succour  for  the  family  of  our  lamented 
friend.  I  allude  to  the  misunderstanding  that  existed  between  him 
and  Mr.  Adams.  Should  we  fail  in  procuring  money,  I  understood 
that  certain  persons  who  purchased  a  tract  of  land  in  Pennsyl- 
vania of  Col.  Pickering  and  for  which  they  paid  him  $25,000, 
will  be  disposed  to  convey  the  lands  to  the  family  of  the  de- 
ceased. This  would  be  a  valuable  property  at  a  distant  day,  but 
cash  only  will  pay  debts. 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  401 

This  letter,  of  which  only  a  copy  is  preserved,  was  prob- 
ably written  to  Genl.  Clarkson,  as  it  refers  to  Mr.  King's 
letter  to  him  of  Aug.  24. 

Dear  Sir  : 

Mrs.  Hamilton  having  written  to  Mr.  Cabot  to  endeavour  to 
procure  for  Alexander  a  situation  in  a  respectable  commercial 
house,  Mr.  Higginson  has  readily  consented  to  take  him  ;  and 
until  a  suitable  family  can  be  found  to  take  Alexander  as  a 
boarder,  Mr.  Higginson  will  receive  him  into  his  own  family. 
This  will  give  to  the  young  man  an  opportunity  of  becoming  ac- 
quainted with  the  respectable  persons  of  the  town,  and  with  such 
young  men  as  are  of  the  best  reputation. 

In  my  answer  to  your  letter  of  the  20th,  I  omitted  to  say  any- 
thing concerning  either  Mr.  Pendleton  or  myself  in  respect  to  the 
report  to  which  your  letter  alludes.  I  have  no  recollection  that 
Mr.  Pendleton  ever  expressed  to  me  any  opinion  whether  General 
H.  could,  or  ought  to,  decline  a  meeting  with  Col.  Burr.  I  very 
well  remember  that  he  entirely  agreed  with  me  of  the  inconsistency 
of  the  General's  determination  to  receive  the  fire  of  his  adversary 
and  to  throw  away  his  own. 

No  person  can  view  with  deeper  abhorrence  than  I  do  the  prac- 
tice of  duelling,  and  our  lamented  friend  was  not  unacquainted 
with  my  opinion  upon  this  subject. 

With  sincere  Regards  yr.  ob.  &  faithful  Servt. 

(Signed)      Rufus  King. 


J.  Pitcairn*  to  R.  King. 

Hamburg,  Sept.  25,  1804. 
We  hear  from  America,  that  Genl.  Armstrong  succeeds  Mr. 
Livingston,  so  that  in  pleasing  the  Virginians,  the  family  may  be 
preserved  to  the  party.  All  men  acquainted  with  America 
learned  with  sorrow  &  indignation  the  death  of  General  Hamil- 
ton— few  in  any  age  had  richer  gifts  from  nature,  and  none  ever 
made  a  more  diligent  &  effectual  use  of  them  for  the  benefit 
of  his  Country.  Times  were  favourable  ;  they  showed  his  manly 
integrity,  his  disinterested  character,  and  various  Genius,  in  fair 

*  Mr.  Pitcairn  had  been  for  many  years  U.  S.  Consul  at  Hamburg. 

VOL.   IV-26. 


402  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

views,  and  considering  him  as  an  important  labourer  in  rearing 
the  new  Constitution  and  in  founding  public  credit,  he  takes  high 
rank  among  the  ornaments  and  benefactors  of  mankind.  His 
murderer  must  be  wretched  ;  no  civilized  land  is  to  him  an 
asylum  ;  should  the  laws  hunt  him  from  America,  he  would  find 
abhorrence  &  Contempt   meet  him  on  every  European  shore. 

Your  very  obedient  Servant 

Jos.  Pitcairn. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Embarrassment  of  General  Hamilton's  pecuniary  Affairs — G.  Morris's  State- 
ment— King  to  Friends  in  Boston — They  proposed  giving  Lands  bought  of 
T.  Pickering  to  the  Heirs  of  General  Hamilton — Deed  for  them  to  be 
given  by  the  Purchasers— King  to  Cabot— Statement  of  the  Debts  and 
Subscription  in  New  York — Gore  to  King — Deeds  made  out — J.  A.  Ham- 
ilton's Account — Letter  to  Major  Popham — King  to  Gore — Plan  to  pur- 
chase Hamilton's  Estate— Gift  of  Land  by  Gen.  Schuyler  to  his  Daughter 
— Share  of  her  Father's  Estate — Charge  against  King  in  the  Alexandria 
Expositor — King's  Letter  to  Editor — Copy  of  the  Article — J.  Crowe, 
England,  to  King — Denies  the  truth  of  the  Article — Dinsmore,  Editor,  to 
King — Will  publish  a  Refutation — King  to  Dinsmore — Wishes  no  Apology, 
but  the  Truth  published. 

The  last  years  of  the  life  of  General  Hamilton  had  been 
devoted  to  the  more  diligent  pursuit  of  his  profession,  in 
order  that  he  might  be  able  to  make  provision  for  his  family. 
And  yet  when  an  examination  into  his  affairs  was  made  after 
his  death,  it  was  found  that  his  estate  was  seriously  embar- 
rassed. In  the  Diary  and  Letters  of  Gouverneur  Morris, 
vol.  ii.,  pp.  458-9,  he  writes,  July  14,  1804: 

"  Mr.  Hammond,  who  dined  with  us,  desired  me  to  think  of 
some  means  to  provide  for  poor  Hamilton's  family.  Mr.  Gracie 
and  Mr.  Wolcott  called  for  the  same  purpose.  I  had  already 
mentioned  the  matter  to  Mr.  Low,  who  seems  to  think  a  subscrip- 
tion will  not  go  down  well,  because  the  children  have  a  rich 
grandfather.     .     .     ." 

Together  with  others  of  General  Hamilton's  friends,  Mor- 
ris spent  much  time  endeavoring  to  arrange  his  affairs,  which 
were  in  sad  disorder  : 

"  Our  friend  Hamilton  [he  wrote  to  Robert  Morris]  has  been 
suddenly  cut  off  in  the  midst  of  embarrassments  which  would 

403 


404  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

have  required  years  of  professional  industry  to  set  straight  :  a 
debt  of  between  fifty  thousand  and  sixty  thousand  dollars  hang- 
ing over  him,  a  property  which  in  time  may  sell  for  seventy  thou- 
sand or  eighty  thousand,  but  which,  if  brought  to  the  hammer, 
would  not,  in  all  probability,  fetch  forty  ;  a  family  of  seven 
young  children.  We  have  opened  a  subscription  to  provide  for 
these  orphans,  and  his  warm-hearted  friends,  judging  of  others 
by  themselves,  expect  more  from  it  than  I  do." 

M.  Clarkson  to  R.  King. 

"  New  York,  Aug.  20,  1804. 
"  .    .    .    P.  S.  We  are  endeavoring  to  obtain  by  subscription 
some  property  for  the  children  of  our  friend.     Is  any  thing  of  a 
similar  nature  likely  to  be  done  at  Boston  ?  " 

Whether  or  not  this  intimation  was  the  first  that  Mr. 
King  received  of  the  purpose  of  General  Hamilton's  friends, 
he  writes  as  follows  to  some  friend  in  New  York  asking  him 
to  act  for  him  : 


R.  King  to 


(Copy  of  a  Letter.) 

"  Waltham  near  Boston,  July  23,  1804. 
"My  dear  Sir  : 

"  Being  detained  on  the  road,  we  did  not  reach  this  place  till 
yesterday.  The  same  cause  that  retarded  our  journey  prevents 
my  proceeding  at  present  on  a  visit  to  Boston  ;  having  been 
severely  attacked  by  an  intermittent,  I  am  compelled  to  give  an 
exact  attention  to  the  restoration  of  my  health.  I  hope  however 
in  three  or  four  days  that  I  shall  be  able  to  venture  into  town. 
In  the  mean  time  I  have  delivered  your  letter  to  me  to  my  friend 
Mr.  Gore,  who  has  gone  this  morning  to  town  with  Judge  Ben- 
son. They  will  confer  with  Cabot,  Higginson  and  Otis  upon  the 
subject.  At  present  I  can  give  no  opinion  concerning  the  be- 
nevolent object  that  is  aimed  at.  It  is,  however,  on  every  account 
fit  that  I  should  authorize  you,  as  I  now  do,  to  do  in  my  behalf 
at  New  York  as  you  may  think  suitable  and  to  this  I  give  you 
carte  blanche.  " 

It  is  altogether  probable  that  when  he  was  able  to  go  to 
Boston  and  during  the  month  or  more  he  remained  there, 


1804]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  405 

Mr.  King  took  occasion  to  speak  of,  and  urge  a  co-operation 
of  the  Boston  friends  of  General  Hamilton  in,  raising  money 
for  the  benefit  of  the  children  of  one  whom  they  all  loved. 
There  is  in  the  postscript  of  the  letter  to  General  Clarkson, 
of  the  24th  August,  an  evidence  of  this,  and  of  the  generous 
gift  of  lands  by  Mr.  Cabot  and  other  citizens  of  Boston, 
should  it  be  impossible  to  raise  money. 

" .  .  .  2d  P.  S.  There  exists  in  this  quarter  a  difficulty  that 
may  disappoint  our  hopes  of  pecuniary  succours  for  the  family  of 
our  lamented  friend.  I  allude  to  the  misunderstanding  that 
existed  between  him  and  Mr.  Adams.  Should  we  fail  in  procur- 
ing money,  I  understand  that  certain  persons  who  purchased  a 
tract  of  land  in  Pennsylvania  of  Col.  Pickering,  and  for  which 
they  paid  him  $25,000,  will  be  disposed  to  convey  the  lands  to 
the  family  of  the  deceased.  This  would  be  a  valuable  property 
at  a  distant  day,  but  cash  only  will  pay  debts." 

Not  long  after  this  Mr.  King  left  Boston  for  a  visit  to  his 
family  in  Maine,  and  during  the  time  he  passed  with  them 
the  suggestion  of  the  gift  of  lands  was  acted  upon.  The 
history  of  this  gift  is  connected  with  a  previous  act  of  esteem 
for  a  political  as  well  as  personal  friend.  Mr.  Timothy  Pick- 
ering had  become  interested  in  certain  lands  in  Pennsylvania, 
and  not  very  long  before,  in  1801,  had  determined  to  go  and 
live  upon  them,  having  little  or  no  other  means  of  support. 
Gratitude  for  the  work  he  had  done  in  connection  with  the 
early  years  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  the 
desire  to  enable  him  to  continue  his  services,  instead  of 
burying  himself  in  the  wild  lands,  and  personal  regard  and 
esteem  led  a  number  of  his  friends  in  Boston  to  buy  his 
lands  for  a  fair  price  and  thus  enable  him  to  live  where  he 
could  still  exert  his  influence.  The  consequence  was  that  a 
subscription  was  opened  and  funds  in  shares  of  $100  each 
were  taken  by  some  thirty  or  more  persons  to  the  amount 
of  $25,000,  for  which  the  lands  were  to  be  conveyed  to  them. 
The  deeds  for  these  lands  had  not  been  made  out ;  and  all 
those  who  had  contributed  the  money 


406  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

. j. 

u  engaged  to  pay  into  the  hands  of  the  Honorable  George  Cabot, 
Thomas  Davis  and  Theodore  Lyman,  Esqrs.,  the  sums  of  money 
set  against  our  respective  names  to  be  by  them  applied  to  the 
benefit  of  the  children  or  family  of  General  Hamilton  in  any 
manner  they  shall  judge  proper  .  .  .  and  authorize  the  said 
Timothy  Pickering  Esq.  to  convey  by  a  quit-claim  deed  to  such 
person  or  persons  as  shall  be  named  to  him  for  that  purpose,  by 
the  aforementioned  gentlemen." 

This  was  stated  to  be  done  "  in  remembrance  of  the  exalted 
worth  and  pre-eminent  services  of  the  late  General  Hamilton — 
his  extraordinary  and  truly  patriotic  exertions,  which  contributed 
so  much  to  save  our  country  from  the  greatest  impending  calam- 
ities ;  his  able,  disinterested  and  successful  efforts  to  inculcate 
the  wisdom,  justice  and  advantage  of  all  those  maxims  of  juris- 
prudence, which  render  sacred  the  rights  of  property  and  which 
are  inseparable  from  true  liberty,  and  especially  recollecting  that 
the  devotion  of  his  time  and  talents  to  these  public  interests  has 
operated  to  deprive  his  family  of  a  common  share  of  those  pe- 
cuniary advantages,  which  his  labors,  if  applied  to  them,  would 
have  easily  made  abundant  ;  we,  therefore,  whose  names  are  sub- 
scribed, do  testify  in  some  degree  our  sense  of  departed  excel- 
lence and  our  gratitude  for  benefits  conferred  on  our  country." 

Mr.  King  evidently  received  particular  information  in 
reference  to  the  action  of  gentlemen  in  New  York,  for  on 
his  return  to  Waltham  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Cabot : 

R.  King  to  George  Cabot. 

"  Oct.  10th,  1804. 
"According  to  the  schedule  of  General  Hamilton's  estate, 
drawn  up  by  himself  a  few  days  before  his  death,  it  appears  that 
his  property  consists  altogether  of  new  lands,  situate  in  the  west- 
ern part  of  New  York,  and  of  a  house,  nine  miles  from  the  city. 
The  new  lands  cost  fifty-five  thousand  dollars  and  the  country 
house  and  grounds  about  twenty-five  thousand.  The  General's 
debts  amount  to  fifty-five  thousand  dollars  ;  and  as  the  estate  is 
unproductive,  and  the  debts  bear  interest,  it  is  the  opinion  of 
judicious  persons  that,  with  the  most  prudent  management,  the 
estate  will  be  barely  sufficient  to  pay  the  debts.  Mrs.  Hamilton 
is  a  daughter  of  General  Schuyler,  who  has  a  family  of  eight  or 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  407 

nine  children.  The  General  is  supposed  to  have  a  good  real 
estate,  but  not  much  personal  property  :  so  that  little  expectation 
can  be  entertained  of  any  considerable  succor  from  this  quarter, 
either  for  the  maintenance  of  General  Hamilton's  family  or  for 
the  education  and  advancement  of  his  children.  To  the  sorrow- 
that  every  virtuous  mind  has  felt  for  this  distinguished  patriot,  it 
is  painful  to  add  the  reflection  that  his  young  and  helpless  family 
must  depend  for  their  support,  not  upon  the  earnings  of  their 
father — for  he  served  the  public — but  upon  the  contributions  of 
a  few  individuals  who  admired  his  unequalled  worth.  The  sub- 
scription for  this  purpose  at  New  York  amounted  to  upwards  of 
sixteen  thousand  dollars  when  I  last  heard  from  thence  (which 
was  before  my  journey  to  the  eastward)  and  it  was  expected  that 
a  considerable  addition  would  be  made  to  this  fund."* 

*  Mr.  James  A.  Hamilton  in  his  Reminiscences,  published  in  1869,  makes 
the  following  statement  on  p.  78  : 

"  At  a  dinner  party  in  New  York,  shortly  after  the  close  of  the  Revolution- 
ary War,  at  which  were  present  Messrs.  G.  Morris,  John  Jay,  R.  Harrison, 
John  Delafield,  Robert  Lenox,  Nicholas  Low,  I.  O.  Hoffman,  and  Alexander 
Hamilton,  the  question  was  discussed  whether  the  purchase  of  wild  lands  or  of 
lots  in  the  suburbs  of  the  city  would  be  the  more  profitable  investment.  John  Jay 
was  in  favor  of  New  York,  and  made  purchases  there,  and  as  his  means  enabled 
him  to  hold  his  lots,  his  speculation  made  him  rich.  Hoffman  also  bought  land 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  city.  Some  of  the  others,  including  my  father,  took  the 
opposite  view,  and  invested  in  the  lands  in  the  northern  counties  of  the  State. 
The  wild  lands  were  purchased  at  a  few  cents  the  acre,  but  they  were  not  settled 
very  rapidly.  After  the  death  of  Hamilton,  it  was  found,  as  I  have  already 
said,  his  means  were  not  equal  to  the  payment  of  his  debts,  and  several  of  his 
friends  advanced  money  for  that  purpose,  taking  those  lands  in  payment. 

"  Having  learned  that  Major  William  Popham,  one  of  the  gentlemen  who 
had  shown  that  kindness  to  my  father,  was  at  an  advanced  period  of  life  in  poor 
circumstances,  I  addressed  him  the  following  letter  :  " 

New  York,  October  14,  1824. 
My  Dear  Sir, 

I  was  this  day  for  the  first  time  informed  by  a  person,  who  became  acquainted 
with  the  circumstance  at  the  time  it  occurred,  that  you  advanced  one  hundred 
dollars  to  pay  my  father's  debts.  The  gratitude  that  is  due  to  you  from  every 
member  of  his  family  for  this  generous  act  can  never  be  effaced.  You  must, 
therefore,  believe  that  I  do  not  send  you  the  enclosed  cheque  for  the  same  sum 
in  the  hope  of  cancelling  what  is  due  to  you,  but  in  obedience  to  the  sacred  in- 
junction of  my  father,  and  because  under  present  circumstances  it  may  promote 
your  convenience. 

I  requested  Mr.  Pendleton,  one  of  my  father's  executors,  to  inform  me  of  the 


UN 


>JTY 


*^U  FOR  Nibs 


408  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

On  the  10th  of  November  a  letter  was  addressed  to 
Colonel  Pickering,  by  the  trustees  appointed  above,  stating 
that 

"  the  design  which  was  formed  to  transfer  to  the  heirs  of  General 
Hamilton  the  lands  purchased  of  you  in  1801  is  now  accom- 
plished, so  far  as  depended  on  the  acts  of  those  purchasers," 

and  that  it  only  remained  to  make  out  the  conveyances  to 
the  executors  of  General  Hamilton's  will  or  to  other  persons, 
as  might  be  agreed  on. 

C.  Gore  to  R.  King,  New  York. 

"  Boston,  November  25th,  1804. 
"The  papers  that  respect  the  transfer  of  property  to  poor 
Hamilton's  heirs  went  on  yesterday.  After  this  land  was  con- 
veyed, Lyman  and  Davis  thought  proper  to  propose  to  some 
others  to  subscribe  Cash  ;  I  mean  those  who  were  not  interested 
in  the  land.  Our  friend  Cabot  objected  because  he  thought  it 
would  be  unavailing :  but  the  former  gentlemen,  thinking  it  right 

arrangements  made  to  pay  my  father's  debts,  for  at  that  time  I  was  young  [he 
was  16  years  old].  He  informed  me  with  reluctance  that  my  father's  lands  in 
Scriba's  Patent  had  been  taken  by  certain  gentlemen  in  this  city,  whose  names 
he  would  not  mention,  at  prices  wThich,  he  said,  were  perhaps  more  than  they 
were  worth  at  the  time.  These  gentlemen  hoped  with  the  amount  thus  raised 
and  the  sums  due  my  father,  to  pay  his  debts  and  leave  the  Grange  clear 
to  his  family. 

I  mention  this  to  show  you  that  I  have  not  been  indifferent  to  this  very  delicate 
matter,  and  that  if  in  my  course  through  life,  I  should  come  in  collision  with 
any  of  these  persons  (with  you,  I  am  happy  to  say,  I  am  sure  I  have  not)  to 
whom  I  am  indebted  for  these  or  similar  acts  of  generous  devotion  to  my 
father's  memory,  it  has  been  in  ignorance,  and  must  always  be  to  me  a  subject 
of  deep  and  mortifying  regret. 

With  great  regard,  your  friend  and  obedient  servant, 

James  A.  Hamilton. 

It  cannot  be  that  this  is  an  account  of  the  same  transaction  which  has  been 
recorded  ;  there  is  not  even  a  suggestion  in  it  of  any  security  or  equivalent  for 
the  money  subscribed  to  pay  the  debts  :  it  was  a  free  gift  so  far  as  can  be  ascer- 
tained. That  there  may  also  have  been  a  transfer  to  others  of  the  Scriba 
patent  lands,  which  cost  General  Hamilton  "fifty-five  thousand  dollars,"  is 
possible,  but  no  account  of  it  appears — unless  in  the  public  records,  where  the 
names  of  the  parties  to  whom  the  lands  were  transferred,  could  have  been  found. 


1804]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  409 

that  these  should  be  applied  to  made  their  address  to and 

,  both  of   whom  refused  to   give   a  farthing.     Lloyd  who 

offered  the  subscription  paper  says  he  is  sure  that  he  made  such 
remarks  to  M.,  as  will  render  his  journey  to  rather  un- 
pleasant ; agreed  to  the  merits  of  the  deceased  Statesman 

and  his  claims  on  the  public,  but  observed  his  children  needed 
his  money  as  much." 

The  Trustees  on  November  26,  1804,  addressed  a  letter  to 
the  executors  of  the  last  will  and  testament  of  General 
Hamilton  in  which  they  state  the  circumstances  under 
which  the  conveyance  of  lands  at  their  disposal  was  to 
be  made,  and  say, 

"  As  we  are  entrusted  with  the  nomination  of  the  persons  to 
whom  the  property  shall  be  conveyed,  we  cannot  hesitate  to 
name  the  Executors  of  General  Hamilton's  will,  leaving  it  with 
them  to  name  others,  if  they  thing  it  expedient,  and  also  to  ar- 
range with  Col.  Pickering  the  time  and  circumstances  of  making 
the  conveyance." 

The  communication  closed  with  an  expression  of  their 
"  poignant  sorrow  "  for  the  death  of  General  Hamilton,  and 
their  "  strong  sympathy  for  those  who  were  by  nature 
attached  to  him." 

The  Executors  answered  in  a  letter  dated  November  29, 
1804,  accepting  the  trust  committed  to  them,  with  expres- 
sions of  their  high  appreciation  of  "  their  act  of  muni- 
ficence."* 

As  a  result,  the  lands  were  secured  to  the  children  of 
General  Hamilton,  and  as  Mr.  Charles  W.  Upham  in  his 
Life  of  Timothy  Pickering  says  in  closing  the  account  of 
this  transaction,  "  the  act  itself  and  all  the  parties  to  it, 
deserve  to  be  kept  in  perpetual  remembrance." 

The  following  portion  of  a  letter,  though  a  little  out  of 
date,  speaks  of  the  purchase  of  the  Estate  of  General  Hamil- 
ton in  the  City  of  New  York. 

*  Vol.  iv.,  pp.  36  to  41.—  Life  and  Letters  of  George  Cabot,  by  Henry  Cabot 
Lodge,  pp.  304-310. 


4IO  AUFUS  KING.  [1804 

R.  King  to  C.  Gore. 

New  York,  Jany  10,  1808. 

.  .  .  I  believe  that  I  some  time  since  mentioned  to  you  the 
plan  we  had  set  on  foot  to  purchase  at  its  cost  Genl.  Hamilton's 
estate.  As  we  have  been  solicitous  to  confine  the  purchase  to 
this  City,  the  time  that  has  elapsed  without  completing  it,  has 
been  longer  than  we  expected.  It  is,  however,  nearly  completed 
and  so  far  as  to  be  beyond  the  chance  of  failure.  By  this  meas- 
ure his  family  will  secure  abt.  20.000  Dol.,  that  would  have  been 
lost  without  it.  The  Estate  from  Genl.  Schuyler  is  less  than  the 
public  expected.  From  what  I  hear  Mrs.  H's  share  will  not  in 
its  present  state  yield  her  an  annuity  of  more  than  750  Dols  ; 
whether  it  can  be  converted  into  a  more  productive  fund  is  mat- 
ter for  enquiry.  After  Hamilton's  death,  Gen.  Schuyler  (having 
before  made  his  will)  executed  a  Deed  of  gift,  which  purports  to 
have  been  signed,  sealed  and  delivered  before  the  subscribing  wit- 
nesses of  about  7  acres  of  his  homestead  to  Mrs.  Hamilton.  The 
Deed  was  not  given  to  Mrs.  Hamilton,  but  remained  in  the 
Genl.'s  possession,  and  was  found  among  his  papers.  The 
Exec'rs  have  examined  the  witnesses,  who  say  they  were  re- 
quested to  be  witnesses  of  the  execution  of  the  Deed  in  question, 
that  they  were  so,  but  that  they  were  not  informed  of  the  purport 
of  the  Deed,  and  did  not  see  it  delivered. — Upon  this  evidence 
one  or  two  lawyers  at  Albany  have  given  an  opinion  that  the  in- 
strument is  a  nullity.  The  property  is  worth  18  or  20  thousand 
Dollars.  The  Eldest  son  has  informed  Mrs.  H.  that  he  will 
release  any  claim  on  his  part  to  the  7  acres,  Mr.  Rensselaer  will 
do  the  same  in  behalf  of  his  son.  What  the  other  heirs  will  do  is 
unknown. 

That  the  delivery  of  a  Deed  is  essential  to  its  validity,  will  not 
be  contradicted,  but  what  amounts  to  a  delivery  is  the  question. 
Without  much  confidence  in  my  own  opinion,  I  am  inclined  to 
think  that  a  deed  executed  as  this  has  been,  is  well  executed  and 
that  it  will  pass  the  Estate  ;  its  remaining  in  the  possession  of  the 
Grantor  is  immaterial,  provided  it  was  duly  executed  by  him. 
Farewell  &  always  affectionately,  Rufus  King. 

An  article  appeared  in  the  Alexandria  Expositor  on  19th 
March,  1804,  making  a  statement   from  an   English  corre- 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  411 

spondent  of  certain  opinions  expressed  by  Mr.  King  shortly 
before  his  return  home  from  England.  The  letters  which 
follow  will  show  how  utterly  unfounded  it  was. 

R.  King  to  Editor  of  "Alexandria  Expositor." 

Waltham  near  Boston,  Aug.  22,  1804. 
Sir: 

By  turning  to  your  paper  of  the  19th  of  March  past,  you  will 
find  the  publication  to  my  disadvantage,  which  was  the  occasion 
of  a  letter  which  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Crowe,  and  to  which  I  have 
lately  received  the  enclosed  answer.  Being  absent  from  home, 
it  is  not  in  my  power  to  send  you  a  copy  of  my  letter,  which 
however  merely  covered  the  Editorial  Article  of  your  paper  of 
Mar.  19,  and  claimed  of  Mr.  Crowe's  justice  an  explicit  denial 
of  the  Comn.  I  am  represented  to  have  made  to  him.  It  cannot 
be  my  desire  to  draw  Mr.  Crowe's  or  any  other  Gentleman's  name 
before  the  public,  nor  to  give  to  this  affair  an  air  of  importance 
that  does  not  on  any  acct.  belong  to  it,  but  as  men  of  exact 
notions  may  have  thought  unfavorably  of  me,  in  consequence  of 
this  publication,  I  am  persuaded  that  you  will  not  hesitate,  as  far 
as  may  be  in  your  power,  to  correct  the  misrepresentation. 

With  sentiments  of  respect,  I  am,  Sir,  yr.  obedt.  Servt. 

Rufus  King. 

P.S.  Mr.  King  leaves  it  altogether  to  the  choice  of  the  Editor 
of  the  Expositor,  to  make  the  correction  by  an  Editorial  Article, 
or  the  publication  of  this  and  Mr.  Crowe's  letter. 


The  letter  from  Mr.  King  was  dated  March  29th,  1804. 

R.  King  to  James  Crowe — near  Norwich,  England. 

Sir: 

I  take  the  liberty  to  send  you  inclosed  the  Extract  of  a  letter 
said  to  have  been  received  in  this  country  from  a  person  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Norwich,  and  which  has  been  recently  pub- 
lished in  the  Expositor,  a  newspaper  printed  at  Alexandria, 
Virginia. 

The  object  of  this  publication,  so  far  as  regards  me  will  not  be 


412  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

misunderstood  by  men  of  correct  sentiments,  and  I  owe  it  equally 
to  them  and  to  myself,  to  remove  the  impression  to  my  disadvan- 
tage it  is  calculated  to  produce. 

As  the  observation,  said  to  have  been  made  to  you,  was  never 
made  by  me  to  you,  or  to  any  other  person,  I  am  confident  that 
you  will  take  pleasure  in  doing  me  the  justice  to  declare  that  I 
never  made  to  you  the  observation  ascribed  to  me  in  this  publi- 
cation, nor  any  other  of  like  import.  To  guard  against  accident 
I  send  you  this  letter  in  duplicate  ;  and  request  the  favour  of 
you,  for  the  same  reason,  to  return  me  duplicates  of  your  answer, 
addressed  to  Mr.  Samuel  Williams,  13  Finsbury  Square,  London, 
who  will  without  delay  forward  the  same  to  me. 

With  sentiments  of  Esteem  and  Respect,  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


Copy  of  the  editorial  article  of  the  newspaper  called  the 
"  AlexandriaExpositor  (for  the  Country)  March  19,  1804." 

"  While  the  United  States,  under  the  fostering  influence  of  a  dem- 
ocratic Administration,  are  hastily  progressing  to  a  state  of  Pros- 
perity and  happiness  the  world  never  before  witnessed,  G.Britain 
is  feeling  the  greatest  distress.  It  would  seem  almost  impossible 
for  a  native  citizen  of  this  country  to  form  a  correct  idea  of  the 
wretchedness  of  her  state,  or  the  manifold  evils  arising  from  the 
profligate  frame  of  her  Government.  It  is  the  nature  of  evil  to 
increase  itself  until  the  mass  overcomes  human  forbearance  ;  the 
violent  passions  are  let  loose,  and  all  the  ties  of  civil  society  are 
for  a  period  dissolved.  Happy  will  it  be  for  Great  Britain,  if  she 
profits  by  the  examples  afforded  by  the  last  thirty  years,  now 
that  so  large  a  proportion  of  her  subjects  are  in  arms.  She  cer- 
tainly may  be  free  the  moment  she  wills  it ;  and  it  is  not  impos- 
sible but  the  ebullitions  of  a  moment  may  annihilate  her  kings 
and  her  Nobles,  her  unfrocked  and  her  ermined  oppressors,  and 
elevate  her  people  into  men,  who  having  rights,  "  know,  and 
knowing,  dare  maintain  them."  Anxiously  we  wish  for  so  great, 
so  glorious  an  event.  This  wish  seldom  absent,  is  now  more 
deeply  impressed,  in  consequence  of  letters  we  received  by  the 
Princess  Augusta  Packet  ;  they  are  dated  the  latter  end  of  No- 
vember, some  extracts  from  which  we  shall  lay  before  our  read- 


804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  413 


ers  ;  they  will  pretty  plainly  exhibit  the  state  of  the  public  mind 
in  England.  It  will  also  be  seen  that  Mr.  King  was  a  little  san- 
guine in  his  expectations  when  there.  We  imagine  he  is  not 
quite  so  much  so  now.  Mr.  Crowe,  the  gentleman  to  whom  he 
expressed  them,  is  a  man  of  large  fortune,  who  resides  within  two 
miles  of  the  City  of  Norwich,  and  of  a  family  intimately  connected 
with  that  of  the  Editor  of  the  Expositor  s. 

First  Extract. 

(After  mentioning  the  price  of  corn,  the  situation  of  the  volun- 
teers, and  other  particulars  relating  to  England,  the  extract 
finishes  in  these  words.) 

"  In  such  calamitous  times,  I  have  thought  it  best  to  have  all 
my  children  around  me,  that  they  may  want  no  protection  I  can 
give  them.  The  scarcity  of  money  is  another  evil.  In  taking  a 
hundred  pounds  a  man  does  not  receive  a  single  guinea,  and  to 
crown  the  whole,  the  wheat  crops  were  much  injured  by  the 
mildew.  I  hope  Mr.  Jefferson  continues  to  possess  the  con- 
fidence he  so  justly  merits  in  your  nation,  though  I  was  a  little 
alarmed  at  hearing  that  Mr.  King,  your  late  Ambassador  here, 
told  Mr.  James  Crowe  that  he  was  going  back  to  America  in 
hopes  of  being  elected  President.  I  understood  he  spoke  as  if 
he  was  sure  of  his  election.  I  hope,  however,  he  will  be 
disappointed." 

Part  of  2.  Extract  to  designate  the  writer. 

"  No  place  is  more  inconvenient  than  Norwich  by  the  present 
state  of  things.  The  volunteers  seem  to  feel  themselves  the 
tools  of  their  officers,  who  expect  by  their  excessive  zeal  to  earn 
some  of  the  good  things  which  Government  has  to  bestow  :  nor 
do  they  like  to  be  paraded  about  for  the  amusement  of  the 
Ladies,  or  to  gratify  the  vanity  of  their  new  made  Colonels,  who 
never  shot  anything  but  Partridges  ;  and  at  London  I  assure  you 
they  do  not  like  to  be  marched  about  at  6  o'clock  in  a  morning 
and  late  at  night.  Some  time  since  they  refused  the  services  of 
many  they  would  now  accept.  I  had  that  honor  when  at  Nor- 
wich, for  declining  which  I  heartily  thanked  them  many  times 
since,  and  I  assure  them  that  I  never  will  be  so  foolish  again  as 
to  offer  my  services." 


414  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

Jas.  Crowe  to  R.  King. 

Lakenham  near  Norwich  9th  May  1804. 
Sir: 

I  have  the  honor  of  your  letter  of  29th  March  last  enclosing 
an  Extract  of  a  letter  published  at  Alexandria  in  the  newspaper 
called  the  Expositor  of  19th  same  month.  I  have  had  them  some 
days  by  me,  wishing  before  I  should  send  you  an  answer,  to 
ascertain,  if  possible,  the  means  by  which  the  Editor  made  so 
strange  a  mistake,  and  as  the  printed  letter  pointed  at  the  person 
from  whom  it  appeared  to  be  derived,  I  went  to  him  yesterday 
and  he  readly  acknowledged  sending  occasionally  to  the  Editor, 
intelligence  from  which  sometimes  articles  had  been  inserted  in 
his  paper  ;  but  that  he  thinks  he  could  not  have  insinuated  any- 
thing which  could  have  conveyed  the  Idea  u  that  I  had  heard  you 
say,  you  were  going  to  America  in  hopes  of  being  elected 
President "  nor  did  he  understand  from  me  I  ever  had  any  con- 
versation with  you  on  the  subject. 

About  the  time,  Sir,  you  were  leaving  England,  it  was  reported, 
that  on  your  return  from  your  Embassy,  you  would  probably  be 
appointed  to  a  high  situation  in  your  own  Country,  and  I  re- 
member observing  to  the  person  above  alluded  to — that  I  was 
glad  to  hear  it,  for  I  thought  you  worthy  even  of  being  elected 
President  of  the  United  States,  or  words  to  that  effect.  Nothing 
else  passed  and  certainly  I  never  said  to  him,  nor  to  any  other 
person,  that  you  told  me  you  had  any  hopes  of  being  President  ; 
and  I  do  solemnly  and  in  the  most  unequivocal  manner  declare, 
that  so  far  from  your  having  told  me  you  had  any  expectations 
of  being  chosen  President,  I  don't  recollect  ever  having  heard 
you  say  one  word  respecting  American  affairs  ;  either  as  they 
concerned  yourself,  or  any  other  individual,  or  any  party  in  that 
State,  or  anything  relative  to  the  Government  or  political  views 
of  that  Country. 

I  beg,  Sir,  you  will  make  any  use  you  think  proper  of  this 
letter  and  believe  me  to  be  with  the  highest  respect  and  regard 
Your  most  obedient  humble  Servt. 

Jas.  Crowe. 


1804]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  415 

R.  Dinmore   to   R.    King. 

Alexandria,  31  Aug.  1804. 
Sir: 

Your  communication  enclosing  Mr.  Crowe's  letter  of  9th  May 
last,  I  had  the  honor  of  receiving  this  morning.  The  justice  you 
require  shall  be  immediately  rendered  and  the  Correspondence 
published  in  an  early  Expositor,  of  which  I  will  send  you  a 
Copy. 

I  sincerely  wish,  Sir,  you  had  either  written  me  previous  to 
your  letter  to  Mr.  Crowe,  or  sent  that  Gentleman  the  entire 
Expositor  of  the  19th  March  last.  It  would  have  prevented  an 
application  I  see  Mr.  Crowe  made  to  my  father,  under  the  im- 
pression that  I  received  the  information  from  him  ;  for  Mr.  C. 
says  "  as  the  printed  letter  pointed  at  the  Person  from  whom  it 
appeared  to  be  derived,  /  went  to  him  yesterday."  The  letter,  Sir, 
from  which  the  extract  was  given,  was  not  from  my  father  but 
from  a  relation  who  lives  21  miles  from  Mr.  Crowe.  Consequently 
no  information  relative  to  the  report  could  be  procured  by  Mr.  C.'s 
enquiry. 

Had  you,  Sir,  first  honored  me  with  a  line  on  the  subject,  I 
would  at  once  have  given  up  my  authority  which  would  have 
directed  Mr.  Crowe's  enquiry,  had  you  then  thought  it  necessary 
to  write  to  him  ;  and  as  the  report  was  published  here  during  the 
Session  of  Congress,  I  would  have  laid  the  letter  itself  before 
any  of  your  friends  then  in  this  Neighbourhood.  This  I  shall 
always  be  willing  to  do,  as  I  have  the  letter  now  by  me  from 
which  the  Extract  was  made. 

Had  Mr.  C.  received  the  whole  article,  he  would  have  seen  that 
it  contained  Extracts  from  letters  from  three  different  Correspon- 
dents, &  I  think  from  the  internal  evidence,  would  have  known 
the  quarter  from  whence  it  was  derived  ;  as  he  only  received  the 
Editorial  Article,  his  application  was  misapplied. 

I  am  satisfied,  Sir,  you  will  expect  no  apology  from  me,  for  the 
insertion  into  the  Expositor,  of  the  Extract  alluded  to.  I  con- 
ceived my  information  correct,  tho'  I  have  now  no  doubt  of  its 
originating  in  mistake  ;  I  therefore  published  it,  nor  believing,  as 
I  do,  that  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  the  Citizens  of  the  U.S. 
are   essentially  dependent   on  the  re-election  of   Mr.  Jefferson, 


41 6  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

should  I  have  felt  justified  in  concealing  Intelligence  I  deemed 
so  important. 

I  remain,  Sir,  with  sentiments  of  respect  &c,  &c. 

R.  Dinmore. 

P.  S.  As  it  is  my  intention  to  publish  the  above  with  your  & 
Mr.  Crowe's  letters,  I  have  not  identified  my  authority,  which  I 
shall  now  do.  The  letter  was  written  by  my  Brother,  at  whose 
house  Mr.  C.  generally  resides,  when  he  visits  his  Taham  Estate. 
As  it  might  injure  my  Brother  in  England,  was  I  to  publish 
him  as  my  Authority,  I  prefer  doing  it  in  a  part  of  my  address 
to  you,  which  I  shall  not  insert  in  the  Expositor  ;  but  I  conceive 
you  will  admit  that  I  had  some  grounds  for  supposing  my  infor- 
mation Correct. 

Should  not  the  above  letter  prove  satisfactory,  I  will  readily  give 
you  any  other  which  you  may  think  more  so. 


R.  King  to  R.  Dinmore,  Alexandria. 

Portland,  District  of  Maine,  Sep.  16,  1804. 
Sir: 

I  have  duly  received  your  letter  of  the  31st  past.  My  sole  aim 
has  been  to  effect  the  refutation  of  the  publication  to  my  preju- 
dice contained  in  your  paper  of  the  19th  March,  and  as  this  will 
be  done  by  the  publication  of  Mr.  Crowe's  letter  to  me,  I  can 
have  no  motive  to  expect  an  apology  from  you  or  the  publication 
of  anything  that  might  prove  injurious  to  any  other  person. 

It  is  however  proper  that  I  should  correct  the  error  into  which 
you  have  fallen  in  supposing  that  only  the  Editorial  remarks  of 
your  paper  of  March  19th  were  sent  to  Mr.  Crowe  ;  the  fact 
being  that  the  entire  article,  including  the  whole  of  the  extracts 
of  your  correspondent's  letter,  was  transmitted  ;  and  the  para- 
graph of  Mr.  Crowe's  letter  that  you  have  cited  shows  that  these 
extracts  were  before  him. 

As  the  observation,  ascribed  to  me,  is  stated  by  your  corre- 
spondent to  have  been  made  to  Mr.  Crowe,  it  seemed  to  me  that 
it  was  to  him,  and  to  him  only,  that  I  could  with  fitness  apply 
for  the  disavowal  that  he  has  so  fully  supplied. 

I  am,  Sir,  with  Respect,  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

King's  Journey  to  Boston  and  District  of  Maine — Dinners  at  Salem  and  New- 
buryport  and  Portland— Return  to  Boston— Public  Dinner  there— Elections 
•  of  Presidential  Electors  and  for  a  Senator  of  the  United  States  from  New 
York— King  defeated  in  Both— W.  L.  Smith  to  King— Friendly  Wishes- 
Livingston  to  King  relative  to  French  Negotiations — Lafayette  to  King — 
Introducing  General  Moreau — Miranda's  Project. 

Allusion  has  been  made  to  a  journey  by  Mr.  King  to  New 
England  in  the  summer  of  1 804.  After  many  years  of  absence 
in  England,  he  desired  to  renew  his  former  relations  with 
his  friends,  especially  in  Boston,  and  to  visit  his  family,  all 
of  whom  lived  in  the  District  of  Maine.  He  had  given  an 
intimation  of  his  intention  to  Mr.  Gore,  who  had  recently 
returned  from  England,  and  whom  he  looked  upon,  justly,  as 
his  warmest  and  most  confidential  friend,  as  the  correspond- 
ence with  that  gentleman  so  clearly  shows.  Mr.  Gore  had 
suggested  to  him  at  what  season  such  a  visit  could  be  made 
most  agreeably : 

"  June  &  July  are  pleasant  months  here  (in  Boston)  ;  in  August 
you  can  visit  your  family  and  friends  at  the  Eastward,  and  return 
to  us  in  September,  and  to  New  York  in  November." 

Following  these  suggestions,  he  appears  to  have  made  his 
arrangements  to  start  on  his  journey,  with  his  friend  Judge 
Egbert  Benson,  early  in  July.  He  passed  some  days  in 
Hartford,  Connecticut,  where  the  members  of  the  Alsop 
family,  his  wife's  relations,  lived,  and  he  also  had  many 
political  and  personal  friends.  No  record  of  his  visit  there 
is  found ;  nor  of  his  arrival  in  Massachusetts,  until  we  learn 

VOL.  IV.— 27  4X7 


41 8  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

through  a  letter,  July  23d,  from  Waltham,  Mr.  Gore's  home, 
to  a  friend  in  New  York,  that, 

"  being  detained  on  the  road,  we  did  not  reach  this  place  till  yes- 
terday. The  same  cause  that  retarded  our  journey  prevents  my 
proceeding  at  present  on  a  visit  to  Boston  ;  having  been  severely 
attacked  by  an  intermittent,  I  am  compelled  to  give  an  exact  at- 
tention to  the  restoration  of  my  health." 

He  is  announced  in  the  Columbian  Centinel  as  having 
arrived  in  Boston  on  July  25th,  with  Judge  Benson  ;  and  by 
a  correspondent  of  the  Gazette  of  the  United  States,  from 
Boston,  on  July  27th,  as  having  been,  with  Judge  Benson, 
present  at  the  demonstration  of  respect  to  Alexander  Ham- 
ilton, when  Harrison  Gray  Otis  delivered  a  memorial  ad- 
dress.    Again,  on  August  18th,  the  Centinel  says: 

"  The  School  Committee  visited  the  Public  Schools  of  Boston, 
accompanied  by  Hon.  Mr.  King,  Mr.  Gore  and  a  number  of  offi- 
cial characters  ;  all  of  whom  were  gratified  with  the  exercises. 
Afterwards  they  were  refreshed  at  an  elegant  dinner  at  Fanueil 
Hall." 

These  are  the  only  facts  connected  with  this  first  visit  to 
Boston  which  are  recorded,  though  there  were  many  sub- 
jects to  be  talked  about  of  the  deepest  interest.  An  account 
to  interested  friends  of  his  life  and  mission  abroad,  the  very 
serious  questions  which  had  been  started  by  former  asso- 
ciates relative  to  the  outrageous  acts  of  Jefferson's  adminis- 
tration, with  the  threat  that  these  could  be  counteracted  in 
their  influence  only  by  a  separation  of  the  Northern  and 
Southern  States  for  self-preservation ;  the  steps  to  be  taken 
to  relieve  the  children  of  their  acknowledged  leader,  General 
Hamilton,  from  the  pecuniary  embarrassment  consequent 
upon  his  death  in  the  midst  of  his  active  professional 
career, — these  and  other  topics  would  occupy  many  days  of 
earnest  conversation,  and  enable  those  with  whom  he  was 
brought  in  contact  to  feel  the  influence  of  his  calm  judgment 


1804]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  419 

and  clear  foresight.  It  was  well  known  that  General  Ham- 
ilton and  he  were  both  earnestly  opposed  to  even  the 
thought  of  a  disruption  of  the  Union  as  a  remedy  for  the 
evil  effects  of  a  rampant  democracy,  but  with  many  warm 
and  able  federalists  deprecated  a  resort  to  such  an  extreme 
measure ;  and  when  it  is  remembered  that  a  large  portion  of 
the  federalists  were  for  other  reasons  alienated  from  the 
extreme  men  by  personal  hostility,  the  task  of  counteracting 
a  decided  though  ill-considered  plan  was  at  the  same  time 
one  which  required  firmness  and  prudence,  which  Mr.  King 
would  exercise  the  more  positively,  as  he  had  been  put  for- 
ward as  the  head  of  the  party  by  his  nomination  as  their 
candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency, — an  office  for  which  at 
that  time  leading  men  were  named. 

Besides,  he  was  passing  his  time  at  Waltham,  the  home 
of  those  to  whom  he  was  sincerely  attached,  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
C.  Gore ;  an  attachment  to  the  former  dating  from  the 
beginning  of  his  professional  career,  and  which  had  been 
strengthened  as  they  grew  older  by  constant  and  confiden- 
tial intercourse,  recognizing,  as  both  did,  in  each  other,  the 
purity  of  character,  the  correct  lives,  the  perfect  harmony  in 
their  political  views,  the  love  of  the  country  they  both  rep- 
resented at  home  and  abroad,  an  instinctive  unity  of  high 
motives  in  the  conduct  of  their  public  and  private  affairs, 
and  the  love  of  a  domestic  and  quiet  and  family  life,  where 
affection  ruled,  and  where  example  influenced.  Both,  too, 
had  loving  assistants  in  their  wives  to  brighten  their  homes, 
to  welcome  their  friends,  and,  in  Mr.  King's  case,  to  help 
him  to  bring  up  their  children  in  obedient  and  willing  recog- 
nition of  a  parent's  love  and  guardianship.  To  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Gore  there  had  not  been  granted  the  blessing  of  chil- 
dren ;  but  their  warm  hearts  adopted  those  of  their  lifelong 
friends,  and  whenever  the  opportunity  occurred,  to  the  end 
of  their  lives,  they  never  failed  to  show  to  these  children, 
even  when  grown  to  manhood,  the  same  tender  care,  earnest 
sympathy,  and  warm  attachment,  that  they  began  to  exer- 
cise in  their  childhood. 


420  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

Much,  therefore,  these  friends  had  in  common  to  enable 
them  to  enjoy  the  recalling  of  the  persons  they  had  met,  and 
of  the  events  which  occurred  during  their  residence  in  Lon- 
don, both  in  important  official  positions,  often  embarrassed 
by  circumstances  which  they  could  not  control,  but  with  the 
consciousness  that  they  had  both  contributed  to  sustain  the 
dignity  of  their  country  and  raise  it  to  a  higher  plane  by  a 
conscientious  and  faithful  and  able  performance  of  the  duties 
laid  upon  them.  They  had  with  them  also  a  friend  in  Judge 
Benson,  into  whose  willing  ears  and  appreciative  mind  they 
could  pour  out  the  reminiscences  and  suggestions  of  bright 
and  accurate  observers. 

Leaving  the  hospitable  home  of  Mr.  Gore,  Mr.  King  ap- 
pears to  have  made  a  visit  to  Salem,  for  on  September  3d, 

"the  Hon.  Mr.  King,  late  Minister  to  the  Court  of  St.  James 
.  .  .  dined  at  General  Derby's  in  company  with  a  number  of 
respectable  public  and  private  characters."  * 

On  August  29th,  the  following  letter  had  been  addressed 
to  Mr.  King: 

Newbury  port,  Aug.  29,  1804. 
Dear  Sir 

The  citizens  of  Newburyport  learn  with  great  satisfaction  that 
you  are  now  on  a  visit  to  this  your  native  State,  while  they  have 
a  lively  conviction  of  your  eminent  public  services,  they  cherish 
the  most  affectionate  remembrance  of  you  as  their  Fellow  Towns- 
man. Having  learned  that  you  are  about  passing  to  the  East- 
ward, they  solicit  the  honour  of  your  company  at  a  publick 
Dinner  and  ask  you  to  name  a  day  for  that  purpose  which  shall 
be  most  accommodated  to  your  convenience.  In  their  behalf, 
Dear  Sir,  your  faithful  &  affectionate  servants, 

Moses  Brown, 
Dudley  A.  Tyng, 
Edward  Rand, 
Ebenezer  Stocker,, 
William  Faris. 

*  Columbian  Centinel,  September  4,  1804. 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  42 1 

It  cannot  be  doubted  that  Mr.  King,  touched  by  the  tone 
of  tender  remembrance,  gladly  accepted  this  invitation  to 
meet  the  old  friends,  among  whom  his  professional  studies 
were  made  under  Theophilus  Parsons,  his  first  causes  were 
tried,  and  by  whom  he  had  been  sent,  his  first  political  em- 
ployment, to  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts.  It  was 
the  city  which,  when  undecided  as  to  his  removal  from  the 
State  to  New  York,  he  said  he  loved  better  than  any  spot 
on  the  earth. 

The  dinner  took  place  on  Tuesday,  September  5th,  1804, 
and  is  thus  noticed  in  the  Newburyport  Herald  of  Septem- 
ber 7th. 

"  On  Tuesday  last  arrived  in  town,  the  Hon.  Rufus  King,  Esq., 
on  a  journey  to  the  eastward,  and  on  Wednesday  the  gentlemen 
of  the  town  provided  for  him  an  elegant  entertainment  at  Wash- 
ington Hall,  where  sociality  and  good  humor  attended,  and 
where  a  number  of  patriotic  toasts  and  enlivening  songs  crowned 
the  repast  with  the  most  refined  and  unlimited  enjoyment.  Far 
is  it  from  us  to  delineate  the  virtues  of  the  man,  to  honor  whom 
this  entertainment  was  given ;  it  would  be  weakness  to  attempt 
it,  but  the  love  and  respect  which  his  presence  inspired  was  so 
great,  that  every  tongue  was  ready  to  exclaim,  as  Franklin  observed 
of  Washington, — If  my  country  bestowed  a  sceptre  he  is  worthy 
of  it." 

Though  evidently  on  his  way  to  Maine,  there  cannot  be 
found  any  facts  to  show  how  Mr.  King  passed  his  time 
among  his  friends  there,  until  he  returned  to  Boston,  a  period 
of  more  than  a  month,  except  the  following  account  of  a 
reception  at  Portland  :  * 

44  The  Hon.  Mr.  King  in  company  with  the  Hon.  Egbert  Ben- 
son, has  been  received  at  Portland,  in  his  native  district,  with  the 
most  expressive  marks  of  affection  and  esteem.  The  inhabitants 
on  Saturday  last  gave  an  entertainment  in  honor  of  these  eminent 
Statesmen." 

*  The  Centinel,  October  6,  1804. 


422  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

On  his  arrival  at  Boston,  his  friends  welcomed  him  with 
what  the  papers  announce  as  a  "  Tribute  of  Respect,"  a 
public  dinner. 

TRIBUTE   OF    RESPECT.* 

We  are  happy  to  learn,  that  the  gentlemen  of  this  town  intend 
giving  a  Public  Dinner  to  the  Hon.  RUFUS  KING,  Esq.,  late 
American  Minister  at  the  Court  of  London,  in  testimony  of  their 
esteem  for  his  exalted  talents,  and  public  and  private  worth.  It 
has  been  inquired  why  this  step  was  not  taken  previous  to  his 
visit  to  the  District  of  Maine  ?  We  can  answer,  there  was  no 
place,  either  suitable  or  convenient  for  such  a  purpose — The 
capacious  Rooms  at  Concert  Hall,  where  Entertainments  of  the 
kind,  can  alone  be  given,  were  in  a  state  of  repair  at  that  time, 
and  are  now  but  just  compleated. 

The  Dinner,  we  understand,  will  be  given  tomorrow. 


A  detailed  account  of  this  dinner  is  given  in  The  Repertory \ 
from  which  the  following  is  copied.     The  toasts,  f  which  are 

*  New  England  Palladium,  Tuesday,  October  16,  1804. 

f  1.   Our  Public k  Ministers.     In  future  as  formerly,  may  our  first  interests  be 
confided  to  our  first  characters. 

2.  The  Administration  of  WASHINGTON  and  ADAMS.     The  Morning 
and  Evening  Stars  of  our  national  glory. 

{After  his  Excellency  had  retired.) 

3.  Governour  STRONG.     May  the  excellence  of  his  character  silence  the 
malice  which  it  cannot  appease. 

4.  The  State  of  New  York.     Too  respectable  to  be  the  Dupe  of  Virginia, 
may  she  again  associate  with  those  who  are  faithful  to  the  publick  liberty. 

5.  The  CLERGY.     Devoted  to  the  best  interests  of  humanity — may  they 
ever  feel  the  calumnies  of  the  impious  to  be  their  proudest  eulogy. 

6.  Our  Navy.     May  its  strength  protect  our  Commerce  and  its  glory  con- 
found its  enemies  at  Washington  and  Tripoli. 

7.  Our  little  Army.     May  it  never  have  to  bear  reproach  from  the  brave,  nor 
always  to  take  it  from  the  base. 

8.  HAMILTON.     May  our  Country  find  indemnity  for  his  loss,  in  the  value 
of  his  Counsels. 

9.  Union  among  honest  Men.     If  it  cannot  displace  Knaves,  may  it  disarm 
them. 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  423 


here  presented  in  the  note,  clearly  show  the  tone  of  opinion 
upon  the  current  events,  among  a  large  proportion  of  the 
old  Federalists. 

TRIBUTE   OF   RESPECT. 

On  Wednesday  last  a  sumptuous  and  elegant  publick  dinner 
was  given  at  Concert  Hall  to  the  honourable  Rufus  King,  our  late 
minister  to  the  Court  of  Great  Britain — This  welcome  to  a  distin- 
guished citizen  was  manifested  in  a  style  of  unusual  cordiality 
and  splendour. 

The  company  consisted  of  about  two  hundred.  Among  the 
guests  were  his  Excellency  the  Governor  (who  arrived  in  town 

10.  The  Country  of  our  Fathers.  May  its  Spirit  keep  it  safe  and  its  justice 
keep  it  free. 

11.  The  Press.     May  it  always  correct  publick  opinion,  never  corrupt  it. 

12.  Publick  Opinion.  May  it  be  sufficient  shield  for  Honest  men  and  a 
scourge  for  knaves. 

13.  May  those  Yankees  who  cannot  endure  Federal  sunshine,  go  to  Louisi- 
ana for  MOONSHINE. 

14.  May  Slaves  cease  to  be  represented  by  freeman  and  may  the  Representa- 
tives of  freemen  never  act  the  part  of  Slaves. 

15.  The  liberty  that  men  seek  when  they  are  wise,  and  respect  when  they  are 
honest. 

16.  Gun  Boat  No.  1.  If  our  gun  boats  are  of  no  use  upon  the  water,  may 
they  at  least  be  the  best  upon  earth. 

17.  May  we  cultivate  and  defend  the  soil  we  already  possess,  without  paying 
or  fighting  for  what  we  can  neither  cultivate  nor  defend. 

VOLUNTEERS. 

By  the  Hon.  Mr.  KING.  The  town  of  Boston,  first  to  assert,  may  it  be  the 
last  to  surrender  the  rights  of  freemen. 

By  Judge  BENSON.  The  approbation  of  the  worthy,  the  testimonial  of 
worth. 

(After  Mr.  KING  had  retired.) 

The  Hon.  RUFUS  KING— whose  eminent  services  have  contributed  to  pre- 
serve peace  and  amity  between  Countries  naturally  allied  by  sentiment  and 
interest. 

(After  Judge  BENSON  had  retired.) 

The  Hon.  Judge  BENSON— once  the  ornament  of  the  bench  and  always  the 
delight  of  his  friends. 

The  Louisiana  Jubilee.  May  it  not  prove  to  be  the  celebration  of  all  foots 
day. 


424  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

that  morning,)  his  Honour  the  Lieut.  Governour  and  other  publick 
characters.  Judge  Benson  and  other  strangers  of  distinction  and 
the  reverend  Clergy — The  hon.  Stephenson  Higginson  Esq.  was 
president,  and  the  hon.  J.  C.  Jones,  Samuel  Parkman  and  J. 
Lyman  Vice  Presidents — The  Hall  which  has  been  enlarged  and 
repaired  was  furnished  with  the  most  brilliant  decorations,  and 
the  whole  entertainment  was  conducted  with  a  sympathy  of  sen- 
timent and  "  flow  of  soul "  worthy  "  of  men  "  who  are  conscious 
that  the  object  of  their  politicks  and  principles  has  ever  been 
"  When  leagu'd  together,  to  maintain  the  cause 
Of  true  religion,  liberty  and  laws." 

The  bitterness  of  party  feeling  was  shown  in  the  opposi- 
tion papers  in  Boston,  and  especially  in  the  Independent 
Chronicle,  which  on  October  22d  contained  the  following : 

"  As  the  Junto  cry  out  '  Washington  and  Adams,'  how  comes  it 
about  that  neither  Mr.  Adams  nor  his  son  dined  at  Mr.  King's 
entertainments  ?  The  fact  is  the  old  gentleman  begins  to  find 
out  how  far  he  has  been  duped  by  the  Junto."  * 

The  Yankee  section  of  the  Union.  May  those  who  began  the  battle  guard 
against  being  cheated  out  of  the  fruits  of  the  Victory. 

British  Influence.  May  those  who  seek  that  secret  find  it,  where  it  alone 
exists — In  the  Ancient  Dominion. 

Mountains  of  Salt — to  pickle  Mammoths,  and  catch  gulls  in  our  new  Em- 
pire. 

The  remedy  of  impeachment,  for  obstinate  Judges  who  will  neither  "  die  nor 
resign."     May  the  Inventors  be  obliged  to  swallow  their  own  Medicine. 

JAMES  A.  BAYARD.  When  men  in  power  declare  that  such  worth  and 
talents  shalt  not  have  place,  may  the  people  indignantly  respond  THEY 
SHALL !  ! 

Our  Farmers,  on  the  Sea  Coast,  may  their  Cornfields  be  defended  against 
Gun  boat  No.  3. 

May  the  grass,  on  WASHINGTON'S  grave  never  again  be  blighted  with 
hypocritick  tears. 

Our  brave  tars  suffering  in  Tripoli— Alas  !  we  fear  that  in  the  honey  moon  of 
our  connection  with  Louisiana,  our  Captive  brethren  are  forgotten. 

BONAPARTE.  May  he  learn  justice  from  the  British  Government,  and 
meekness  from  ours.1 

*  Schouler,  in  his  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  p.  60,  says,  "  King 
on  his  return  from  Europe  was  honored  in  Boston  by  a  banquet  decidedly  Anti- 
administration  in  character,  from  which  the  Adamses  took  care  to  absent 
themselves." 

1  The  Repertory,  Boston,  Friday,  October  19,  1804. 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  4^5 

Mr.  Adams  felt  himself  called  upon  to  deny  that  his  ab- 
sence was  intentional,  and  the  answer  he  had  given  to  the 
Committee  who  had  invited  him  to  be  present  was  pub- 
lished in  the  Columbian  Centinel. 

"  J.  Adams  presents  his  compliments  to  the  Committee  of  ar- 
rangements— Friendship  for  Mr.  King  and  respect  for  the  Com- 
pany would  have  been  more  than  sufficient  to  have  induced  him 
to  have  accepted  with  pleasure  the  obliging  invitation  to  the  din- 
ner in  honor  of  a  gentleman  whose  wisdom,  independence  and 
integrity  have  done  so  much  honor  and  real  service  to  his  Coun- 
try ;  but  the  present  ill  state  of  his  health  constrains  him  to  deny 
himself  and  to  entreat  the  gentlemen  to  accept  of  his  apology." 

With  respect  to  John  Quincy  Adams  he  set  out  for  Wash- 
ington on  the  evening  previous  to  the  dinner,  for  the  meet- 
ing of  Congress  early  in  November. 

A  Kingly  FESTIVAL. 

It  is  a  singular  apology,  that  in  the  whole  town  of  Boston  there  was  no  room 
elegant  enough  to  entertain  Mr.  KING,  and  that  the  federalists  had  to  wait  3 
or  4  months  after  his  arrival  before  they  could  give  him  a  dinner.  The  truth 
is,  when  Mr.  King  visited  the  place  of  his  nativity ;  a  few  federalists  thought 
fit  to  honor  him  with  a  social  festival,  and  this  little  domestic  circle  was  noticed 
in  the  papers,  as  a  reprimand,  to  the  "Junto"  for  suffering  him  to  remain  so 
long  in  Boston  without  public  notice.  The  Junto  felt  the  "  rap  over  the 
knuckles,"  and  on  his  return  had  no  other  way  to  get  off,  than  depreciating  the 
town  of  Boston,  by  declaring  to  the  world,  there  was  no  hall  elegant  enough  to 
entertain  him.  Now  be  it  known,  that  in  the  town  of  Boston,  there  is  a  large 
and  commodious  Hall,  well  known  by  the  name  of  "  FANEUIL  HALL  " — A 
hall  sacred  to  liberty  !  The  hall  in  which  the  constituted  authorities  of  the 
town  give  their  annual  entertainment — The  hall  in  which  the  Governor,  Coun- 
cil, and  House  of  Representatives  formerly  dined  on  an  election  day — The  hall 
in  which  WASHINGTON  was  entertained  when  he  visited  Boston.  But  it 
seems,  the  Essex-Junto,  (who  stile  themselves  Washington  federalists^)  thought 
that  Faneuil  Hall  was  not  elegant  enough  to  introduce  a  man  whose  appellation 
had  any  analogy  to  the  title  of  KING  ;  a  Hall  whose  walls  had  often  resounded 
in  detestation  of  monarchy,  was  degrading  to  the  character  they  were  entertain- 
ing. Or  rather  the  Junto  were  sensible,  that  their  toasts  were  so  different  from 
the  sentiments  inculcated  by  John  Hancock  and  Samuel  Adams,  they  were 
afraid  the  very  stones  and  bricks  of  the  building  would  rise  up  in  judgment 
against  them.  They  were  conscious  of  their  apostacy,  from  first  principles, 
and  dreaded  lest  the  portrait  of  FANEUIL  should  resume  a  bodily  vigor,  and 
with  a  patriotic  ire  drive  from  the  sanctuary  of  liberty,  the  revilers  of  those  sen- 


426  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

timents  which  added  to  the  REVERENCE  of  the  EDIFICE; It  is  with 

regret  we  observe,  that  Mr.  King  and  Mr.  Gore  have  been,  through  the  subtlety 
of  the  Junto,  the  vehicles  to  abuse  the  present  administration.  These  gentle- 
men it  might  be  supposed,  would  have  seen  through  the  design  of  this  insidious 
party.  * 

A  public  dinner  was  given  at  Faneuil  Hall  in  honor  of 
Mr.  John  Adams  on  October  31st,  his  seventieth  birthday, 
and  Mr.  King  was  one  of  the  invited  guests.  Among  the 
volunteer  toasts  offered  was  the  following : 

"  The  Hon.  Rufus  King,  whose  talents  and  prudence  have  pre- 
served the  best  interests  of  his  country.  May  he  receive  ample 
reward  in  the  confidence  of  its  best  citizens." 

Such  are  the  only  accessible  memoranda  of  the  visit  to 
the  eastward,  from  which  he  soon  after  returned  to  New 
York.  The  Legislature  of  that  State  met  early  in  November, 
for  the  purpose  of  choosing  electors  for  the  Presidential 
election,  and  a  Senator  of  the  United  States  to  fill  a  vacancy 
caused  by  the  appointment  of  General  Armstrong  as  Minister 
to  France.  The  electors  chosen  were  persons  representing 
the  friends  of  Messrs.  Jefferson  and  Clinton ;  and  the  votes 
for  Senator  were  given  to  Mr.  Samuel  L.  Mitchell,  the  Fed- 
eralists supporting  Mr.  King  as  the  opposing  but  unsuccess- 
ful candidate.  Thus  in  the  same  year  he  was  suggested  as 
the  best  and  most  available  candidate  of  the  Federal  party 
for  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  for  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States,  and  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  The  addi- 
tional fact  that  his  long  absence  from  the  country  had  kept 
him  aloof  from  personal  engagement  in  the  factional  strifes 
of  the  time,  and  his  known  moderate  and  conservative 
views,  rendered  him  more  likely  to  be  a  successful  candidate 
for  those  high  offices  than  any  other  Federalist  who  could 
be  named ;  but  they  had  lost  their  power,  and  other  men 
and  other  measures  prevailed. 

*  The  Independent  Chronicle,  Boston,  October  22,  1804. 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  427 

Wm.  Loughton  Smith  to  R.  King. 

Philad.,  Oct.  18,  1804. 
Dear  Sir 

.  .  .  (Referring  to  his  brother,  J.  A.  Smith,  then  abroad  in 
Europe)  He  will  be  much  disappointed  in  learning  the  real  state 
of  our  politics,  and  the  little  prospect  of  an  early  change  ;  still, 
little  congenial  as  I  am  on  this  head,  I  am  not  without  hopes  of 
one  day  witnessing  the  event  he  so  fondly  anticipated,  &  the 
realizing  of  which  will  not  only  afford  the  greatest  joy  to  my 
brother  &  myself,  but  to  every  true  and  unprejudiced  American. 

In  the  mean  time,  we  must  continue  to  cherish  and  inculcate 
good  principles,  &,  while  we  endeavour  to  tolerate  the  present 
things,  say  meliora  spero.  The  loss  of  Washington,  Hamilton, 
and,  I  must  add,  my  respected  friend,  Mr.  Izard,  endears  to  me 
still  more  the  few  real  worthies,  who  remain.  You  cannot  be 
ignorant  that  all  the  respectable  men  throughout  the  Continent 
look  to  you  &  Genl.  Pinckney  as  their  political  saviours,  and  that 
all  their  measures  are  predicated  on  a  wish  of,  and  directed  to, 
the  attainment  of  your  future  elevation  to  the  Chief  Magistr. 
Great  public  considerations  are  thus  superadded  to  those  of  per- 
sonal regard  which  have  bound  me  to  you  ever  since  I  had  an 
opportunity  of  knowing  you,  and  impel  me  to  request  you  to  take 
good  care  of  yourself  and  keep  out  of  all  those  scrapes  which 
may  endanger  a  life  so  precious  to  us.  I  am  glad  to  find  that 
our  friend  Pinckney  is  at  the  head  of  the  Anti-Ludling  Memorial- 
ists, and  I  trust  that  your  sentimts  are  equally  pacific.  It  was  my 
intention  to  have  progressed  further  north  this  summer,  at  least 
as  far  as  New  York,  but  Hamilton's  death  &  your  absence,  with 
other  causes,  contributed  to  change  my  design. 

With  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  King  and  renewal  of  my  warmest 
wishes  for  your  happiness,     .     .     . 

Your  affectionate  frd. 

Wm.  Loughton  Smith. 


R.  R.  Livingston  to  R.  King,  N.  Y. 

Paris.  22  Oct.  1804 
Dear  Sir 

.     .     .     When  I  come  out,  which  will  not   be  till   the   next 

Spring  as  I  propose  to  spend  the  winter  in  Italy  and  shall  leave 


428  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

this  as  soon  as  I  can  resign  our  business  to  Genl.  Armstrong,  who 
has  arrived  at  Nantz  but  is  not  come  up  to  Paris,  ...  I  hope 
to  close  my  mission  with  an  important  concession  on  the  part  of 
this  government,  which  has  always  hitherto  been  refused,  that  of 
having  consuls  in  their  Islands.  Mr.  Talleyrand  &  two  other  of 
the  ministers  have  promised  me  to  use  their  influence  that  it  be 
granted  by  the  Emperor,  and  I  doubt  not  that  it  will  be  done. 
This  will  be  a  great  check  upon  their  West  India  pirates. 

Mr.  Monroe  was  in  Holland,  &  I  expect  him  here  today  on  his 
way  to  Spain,  where  I  believe  our  affairs  do  not  stand  so  well  as 
might  be  wished,  but  as  they  will  not  quarrel  with  us  I  think  that 
by  a  little  firmness  &  address  they  may  be  re-established.  There 
will  probably  be  a  change  in  the  Batavian  Republick  :  my  friend 
Shimelpenninck  will  be  placed  at  the  head  of  it.  The  prepara- 
tions for  the  coronation  are  immense  ;  it  will,  perhaps  be  the 
most  superb  festival  that  Europe  has  ever  seen.  The  Pope  sets 
out  on  the  3d.  Nov.  to  perform  the  ceremony.     .     .     . 

Your  most  obd.  hum.  servt. 

R.  R.  Livingston. 


Gen.  Lafayette  to  R.  King. 

La  Grange  26  November  1804 
My  dear  Sir 

While  on  your  European  Embassy  you  were  admiring  the 
prodigies  of  General  Moreau,  or  feeling  for  His  Virtues,  you 
could  neither  fear  for  France  the  Misfortune,  nor  expect  for  the 
United  States  the  Honor  of  his  present  Situation.  My  Senti- 
ments on  the  Occasion  with  Respect  to  Both  Countries  and  to 
Him,  I  leave  you  to  judge,  and  I  know  you  will  consider  these 
few  lines  By  Him  as  a  welcome  Expression  of  the  grateful  Affec- 
tionate Regard  of 

Your  Sincere  Friend 

Lafayette. 

The  probable  breaking-out  of  war  between  England  and 
Spain  suggested  to  Miranda,  who  was  ever  hopeful  of  ac- 
complishing the  freedom  of  the  American  Colonies  from  the 
Spanish  yoke,  that  an  opportunity  was  now  presented  for 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  429 

him  to  engage  the  assistance  of  Great  Britain  in  his  work. 
That  country  was  always  ready  to  use  any  method  of  crip- 
pling an  enemy,  but,  as  the  letter  from  Miranda  shows,  was 
not  inclined  to  take  many  risks  in  doing  so.  Mr.  King  had 
evidently  been  to  a  certain  extent  cognizant  of  Miranda's 
plans,  as  the  following  letter  will  show  : 

R.  King  to  C.  Gore. 

Jany  4,  1804 

"  Genl.  M  (iranda)  has  I  conclude  left  England  before  this 
date.  If  the  question  is  at  length  settled  with  Spain,  as  it  shd 
have  been  months  ago,  he  may  yet  see  his  wishes  accomplished. 
He  &  you  know  my  sentiments  on  this  subject,  which  nothing 
can  alter.  I  do  not  write  to  the  General,  because  I  am  expecting 
to  hear  of  him  in  another  quarter.  Should  he  make  a  beginning, 
the  news  wd.  electrify  this  country,  which  contains  an  immense 
number  of  individuals,  who  would  be  ready  to  take  up  their  bed 
and  walk." 

Mr.  Gore  writes  to  Mr.  King  from  London,  February  10, 
1 804  : 

"  Gen1.  M.  is  still  here  waiting  the  decision  of  this  government 
in  relation  to  Spain — Possibly  an  original  error  in  not  considering 
it  as  a  party  to  the  war  is  the  cause  of  the  present  delay  and  of  all 
the  subsequent  errors." 

Miranda  to  R.  King.* 

Tres  reserve. 

Londres  jo  (sic)  Febr.  1804 
MON  DIGNE  ET  CHER  AMI 

C'est  avec  un  plaisir  infini  que  je  reeois  votre  Paragraphe  dans 
la  Lettre  de  Mr.  Gore  date  a  New  York  le  4  Janvr.  dernier.  Ma 
Lettre  du  21.  Sept.  passe  est  la  derniere  que  je  vous  ai  £crit  ;  et 
comme  ni  la  rupture  avec  l'Espagne  a  eu  lieu  encore,  ni  j'avois 

Very  Confidential. 
*  MY  WORTHY  AND  DEAR  FRIEND 

It  has  given  me  infinite  pleasure  to  receive  your  paragraph  in  the  letter  from 
Mr.  Gore,  dated  the  4th  of  January  last.  My  letter  of  2 rst  of  Sept.  past,  is  the 
last  that  I  have  written  to  you  ;  and  as  neither  the  rupture  with  Spain  has  yet 


430  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

recu  aucune  nouvelle  de  votre  part,  Je  n'ai  pas  cru  apropos  de 
faire  mon  mouvement  encore.  Je  n'ai  pas  besoin  de  vous  dire  les 
sotises  que  Mr.  A. — a  fait  depuis  cette  epoque,  vous  en  aurez 
juge  mieux  que  personne. — Venons  a  ce  qui  nous  regarde  plus  de 
pres. 

Voici  l'arrangement  que  nous  avons  conclu  ce  matin  avec  Mr. 
Vansittart.  Vargas  (qui  est  ici)  doit  partir  sous  15  jours  pour  la 
Trinidad  afin  de  preparer  les  choses  &c  et  je  dois  le  suivre  un  mois 
apres,  dans  un  Batiment  arm£,  portant  en  meme  terns  les  muni- 
tions, armes  et  habillemens  qui  seront  necessaires  pour  cora- 
mencer  par  nous-memes  ;  ce  pays-ci  se  reservant  de  venir  a  notre 
secours  apres.  C'est  tout  ce  qu'on  peut  faire  avec  des  pareilles 
gens,  et  a  moins  que  nous  ne  soyons  pas  boulevers^s  dans  l'inter- 
mede,  par  l'invasion  dont  nous  sommes  menaces. 

Je  compte  en  tout  cas  avec  vos  secours  ;  et  dans  cette  supposi- 
tion J'ai  dressi  la  notejointe,  afin  que  Mr.  Gore  a  Boston,  et  vous  a 
New  York  puissent  nos  envoyer  ce  qui  est  le  plus  essentiel  dans  le 
commencement,  et  selon  les  stipulations  qui  nous  paraitront  plus 
raisonables.  La  Maison  de  Brown  et  Cie  a  Trinidad,  m'a  £crit 
se  chargeant  de  tout  volontier,  enfin  selon  les  choses  progressent 
vous  aurez  de  mes  nouvelles.  L'ami  G —  vous  remettra  deux 
Livres  de  ma  part,  qui  ont  paru,  depuis  votre  depart  ;  Tun  par 
Volney  concernant  les  E.  U  d'  Amerique  2.  v.  8  vo.,  l'autre  avec 
de  tres  belles  vues  de  Paris,  qui  amuseront  peutetre  Mad.  King, 
2  v.  4to  par  Holcroft. 

Vale, 

M . 

taken  place,  nor  have  I  received  any  news  from  you,  I  have  not  deemed  it  fit- 
ting to  make  as  yet  my  movement.     I  need  not  speak  to  you  of  the  sottises 

that  Mr.  A has  made  since  that  period  ;  you  can  understand  them  better 

than  any  one  else.     Let  us  consider  what  concerns  us  more  immediately. 

The  following  arrangement  was  concluded  this  morning  with  Mr.  Vansittart. 
Vargas,  who  is  here,  is  to  leave  in  15  days  for  Trinidad  in  order  to  prepare 
things  &c,  and  I  am  to  follow  him  a  month  afterwards  in  an  armed  vessel,  car- 
rying at  the  same  time  the  munitions,  arms  and  equipments  which  will  be 
necessary  to  commence  by  ourselves  ;  this  country  reserving  to  itself  to  come  to 
our  assistance  afterwards.  This  is  all  we  can  do  with  such  people,  and  pro- 
vided we  should  not  be  overwhelmed  by  the  invasion  with  which  we  are  now 
threatened. 

I  count  in  all  events  upon  your  help,  and  in  this  expectation  I  have  written 
the  joint  note,  in  order  that  Mr.  Gore  at  Boston  and  you  in  New  York  may  send 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  43 1 

Mr.  Gore  wrote  on  April  17,  1804: 

"  Boston. 

"  As  to  Miranda's  affair,  I  shall  not  mention  a  word  of  it  until 
I  learn  that  his  friend  is  gone  out,  for  I  think  it  would  be  prema- 
ture, and  I  will  thank  you  not  to  say  anything  unless,  or  before, 
you  hear  from  me  again.  He  ought  to  have  sent  another  letter 
to  me  in  the  Downs,  and  from  his  not  doing  it,  I  fear  some  new 
difficulty  occurred  with  the  Brit.  Gov*.  From  what  I  wrote  you 
last  autumn  *  you  will  see  how  he  was  deceived  ;  but  as  I  never 
told  him,  it  could  not  be  reasoned  upon." 

Again  on  April  20th  Mr.  Gore  encloses  in  a  letter  to  Mr. 
King  one  from  M.  Vargas,  in  which,  after  wishing  Mr. 
Gore  a  pleasant  voyage  home,  he  requests  him  to  send  a 
letter  which  he  encloses  to  a  M.  Bonaventure  Sire,  a  mer- 

us  whatever  may  be  most  essential  in  the  beginning,  and  according  to  such 
stipulations  as  may  appear  to  us  most  reasonable.  The  house  of  Brown  and  Co. 
at  Trinidad  has  written  to  me  as  willing  to  take  charge  of  every  thing.  Finally 
as  matters  progress  you  shall  hear  from  me.  L'ami  G.  will  deliver  to  you  two 
books  from  me,  which  have  appeared  since  you  left ;  one  by  Volney  concerning 
the  U.  S.  of  America  2.  v.  8vo  ;  the  other  with  very  beautiful  views  of  Paris, 
which  will  perhaps  amuse  Mrs.  King,  par  Holcroft. 

Vale,  M 

The  articles  wanted  are  the  following — 20,000  good  Muskets  with  Bayonets  ; 
gun  powder  and  ammunition  for  ditto  in  superabundance — Cast  iron  Artillery 
&  ammunition  for  ditto,  Bar  Iron  and  Sheet  Lead  and  a  proportion  of  steel  side 
arms.  For  which  articles  payment  will  be  given  when  landed  on  the  Coast  at 
the  rate  of  one  hundred  or  one  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent  over  and  above  prime 
cost,  of  those  articles  in  the  United  States  of  America. 

Advantages  offered  to  the  Trade — Every  Vessel  bringing  in  the  proportion 
of  one  thousand  muskets,  (or  other  of  the  above  articles  in  lieu  thereof)  for  every 
hundred  Tons  burthen,  shall  be  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  paying  only  one  half 
the  customary  duties  on  the  cargoes  they  may  bring  for  sale  into  the  country — 
with  the  advantage  also  of  a  deduction  of  one  half  the  usual  exportation  duties, 
upon  all  the  articles,  the  produce  of  the  country,  which  they  may  choose  to 
carry  away. 

All  descriptions  of  Goods  to  be  equally  admissible  into  the  country. 

M A. 

London  12  March  1804. 

N.  B.  The  Vessels  to  be  directed  to  call  upon  the  House  of  Mess  Wm. 
Brown  &°  Co.,  at  Puerto  cTEspagne,  on  the  Island  of  Trinidad  for  instruction. 

*  R.  King's  Life,  iv.,  pp.  298,  299,  305,  314,  319,  321. 


432  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

chant  in  New  York,  who  was  also  to  receive  certain  letters, 
books,  and  linen  articles,  and  deliver  them  to  Mr.  Gore, 
who  is  requested  by  M.  Vargas  to  send  them  a  l'lsle  de  la 
Trinity,  addressed  to  Mr.  Vargas,  to  the  care  of  Colonel 
Rutherford,  Surveyor-General  of  that  island. 

Mr.  Vargas  also  says  that  he  had  passed  in  New  York, 
where  he  had  been,  under  the  name  of  Fermin  Sarmiento, 
by  which  name  he  is  to  be  spoken  of  there,  especially  in 
case  that  it  may  be  necessary  to  ascertain  the  address  of  M. 
Sire  through  the  Spanish  Consul,  who  is  under  no  circum- 
stances to  be  informed  of  the  place  of  residence  of  M. 
Vargas,  but  to  be  led  to  believe  he  is  still  in  London. 

In  his  letter  Mr.  Gore  says : 

"Vargas  said  they  (the  papers)  were  very  interesting  docu- 
ments relating  to  S.  America.  Should  any  be  procured,  pray 
forward  them  as  desired." 

C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

Boston  May  3,  1804 
My  dear  Sir 

The  particular  object  of  this  Letter  is  to  enquire,  if  you  have 
chosen  to  say,  or  propose  to  any  person,  to  do  anything  relative 
to  the  Business  on  which  M.  wrote  you.  My  reason  for  enquir- 
ing is  that  I  have  a  prospect  of  doing  somewhat  here  and  possibly 
advantageous  to  myself.  And  the  Manner  or  Extent,  at  least, 
will  depend  on  knowing  whether  any  thing,  or  what  may  be 
undertaken  from  another  Quarter.  Pray  have  the  goodness  to 
answer  me  by  return  of  Post,  and  believe  me  truly  &  ever  yours 

C.  Gore. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

Boston  May  15,  1804 
My  dear  Sir 

The  most  that  has  passed  here,  relative  to  the  subject  of  my 
last  letter,  has  been  like  what  you  state  to  have  taken  place  in 
New  York.  Mr.  S.  H.  is  disposed  to  enter  upon  the  Business,  so 
soon  as  anything  shall  have  been  done  to  render  it  certain  that 
they,  who  have  so  long  fed  our  Friend  with  Hopes,  intend  to 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  433 

promote  his  Wishes  by  a  Conduct  suitable  to  their  own  Interest, 
&  promising  an  Attainment  of  the  Object.  The  sailing  of  V. 
with  the  promised  Supplies  would,  in  my  mind  be  strong,  if  not 
conclusive  Evidence  of  this  Intention  ;  but  I  do  not  know,  that 
this  would  be  satisfactory  to  S.  H.  ;  yet  my  opinion  would  prob- 
ably have  weight  with  him.  I  have  an  intention,  in  some  degree, 
to  be  interested  in  the  adventure,  though  without  incurring  much 
Risque.  I  will,  however,  come  to  no  conclusion,  on  any  part  of 
the  subject,  without  consulting  with  you. 

Williams  has  sent  me  Duplicate  of  some  Letters,  originals 
whereof  he  has  forwarded,  under  cover  to  you,  by  the  Juliana. 
When  received,  you  will  please  to  open  them  &  retain  for  your- 
self all  that  relate  to  this  Concern.     .     .     . 

With  affectionate  Regards  &c. 

C.  Gore. 

There  is  an  intermission  of  correspondence  on  this  matter 
until  the  autumn  of  1804,  when  Mr.  Gore  writes: 

C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  Nov.  25,  1804. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .  I  was  rejoiced  to  read  the  account  of  the  Spanish  war, 
and  immediately  renewed  my  conversation  with  those  Friends  I 
had  before  spoken  to  on  the  business,  and  as  formerly,  they  were 
disposed  to  undertake  it  with  Spirit,  and  were  willing  to  pay  to 
me  25  or  20  per  cent  of  the  net  Profits,  if  any  should  be  made  on 
the  adventure  :  and  I  had  contemplated  making  a  journey  to 
N.  Y.,  if  you  thought  it  adviseable,  with  the  view  of  attempting  a 
similar  arrangement  there.  If  I  could  assure  myself,  free  from 
all  hazard,  enough  to  build  me  two  Houses,  say  50,000  Dollars  I 
would  go  there  with  the  Cargoes,  should  that  be  deemed  neces- 
sary ;  but  this  I  would  not  attempt,  except  on  the  condition  that 
such  a  sum  was  secured  to  me  before  my  Departure.  However 
all  this  for  the  present,  at  least,  is  passed  by.  A  Letter  which 
was  in  our  paper  yesterday  and  dated  in  London,  says  that  a 
Merchant  told — the  Letter  writer — that  Lord  Hawkesbury  recom- 
mended to  him  a  Caution  in  trading  to  Spain,  as  the  future  rela- 
tions between  G.  B.  &  S.  were  very  uncertain.  The  writer  of  this 
letter  was  S.  Williams.     .     .     . 

Ever,  C.  G. 

VOL.    IV.— 28 


434  RUFUS  KING.  [1804 

In  a  letter  of  January  10,  1805,  Mr.  King  writes  this  post- 
script in  answer  to  Mr.  Gore's  letter  of  November  25,  1804, 
not  having  written  during  the  interval,  as  he  says : 

P.  S.  As  I  must  take  a  second  sheet  for  a  cover,  I  may  as  well 
say  a  word  or  two  on  a  subject  touched  upon  in  a  former  letter 
from  you.  I  refer  to  the  Spanish  war  and  the  measures  that  may 
grow  out  of  it.  You  have  seen  the  Eng.  accounts  of  the  capture 
of  the  Span.  Frigates  :  since  the  date  of  that  ace*,  we  have  no  news 
from  Engd.  Unless  Spain  be  advised  by  Bonaparte  to  subscribe 
to  her  own  disgrace,  which  would  not  surprize  me,  the  war  at  this 
moment  exists. 

I  will  suppose  it  so  ;  and  that  the  Expedition  has  actually 
sailed  for  Trinidad,  of  which  we  must  receive  the  earliest  accounts. 
Yet  I  do  not  foresee  an  immediate  state  of  things  that  promises  a 
golden  shower  to  those  who  become  adventurers.  If  war  has 
been  declared,  it  will  have  been  first  known  in  London,  where 
there  are  individuals  ready  to  accompany  and  who  will  be  en- 
gaged to  accompany  the  Expedition  with  a  supply  of  every  thing, 
except  perhaps  provisions,  that  will  be  wanted.  If  so  supplies  of 
the  same  sort  from  this  country  will  be  late,  and  in  competition 
with  those  from  England.  Besides  it  seems  to  me  that  something 
must  be  begun  before  any  steps  that  are  not  those  of  hazard,  that 
are  not  parts  of  the  enterprize,  can  be  undertaken.  As  to  arms, 
ammunition  and  military  stores,  if  the  Expedition  be  set  forward 
in  time  of  war,  as  seems  to  be  the  probable  case,  there  will  be  no 
motive  on  the  part  of  England  to  stint  supplies  of  this  sort,  any 
more  than  of  goods  of  an  innocent  character.  Any  supplies, 
therefore,  that  in  the  present  want  of  exact  information,  may  be 
sent  from  this  country,  will  be  sent  at  a  considerable  risque  of 
loss,  instead  of  gain.  From  this  little  sketch  you  will  discern 
the  state  of  my  opinions  respecting  this  subject  ;  but  admitting, 
as  I  am  ready  to  do,  that  I  see  the  business  not  in  its  true  light, 
and  that  great  advantages  will  be  gained  by  the  first  supplies  sent 
from  hence,  I  feel  too  clearly  convinced  of  the  justness  of  my 
decision  in  another  part  of  your  letter,  to  express  an  equal  defer- 
ence for  even  your  dissent  from  me.  I  allude  to  your  going  per- 
sonally, with  the  supplies  that  may  be  sent. 

On  no  consideration  that  could  be  promised,  should  you  con- 


1804]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  435 

sent  to  go.  But  I  am  satisfied  that  you  have,  even  before  now, 
discarded  the  thought,  if  it  has  occurred  since  it  first  presented 
itself  to  you.  If,  however,  you  should  seriously  think  of  it  again, 
before  you  decide  give  me  an  opportunity  of  being  more  full  in 
support  of  my  opinion. 

Adieu. 

Such,  up  to  the  above  date,  are  some  of  the  facts  concern- 
ing Miranda's  efforts,  which  indicate  Mr.  King's  interest  in 
this  plan  to  revolutionize  the  Spanish  colonies  in  South  and 
Central  America,  and  how  little  dependence  could  be  placed 
on  the  promises  of  Great  Britain  ;  the  Ministers  holding  out 
hopes  and  arranging  plans,  but  putting  off  their  execution. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Gore  to  King — About  Pinkney  of  Md. — King  to  Gore — Personal — I.  A.  Smith 
to  King — Mission  to  Russia — On  public  Affairs  in  U.  S. — C.  King  to 
King — Hard  Winter — Personal — Pickering  to  King — Trial  of  Judge  Chase 
— King  to  Pickering — Judge  Chase — Senate  Business — Pickering  to  King — 
Arguments  of  Chase's  Counsel — Randolph's  Speech  on  Georgia  Claims — 
St.  Domingo  Bill — Pickering  to  King — Acquittal  of  Judge  Chase — Picker- 
ing to  King — Nomination  of  Attorney  General — Burr's  retiring  Speech — 
King  to  W.  Hope — Desires  to  place  his  Second  Son  in  his  House — King 
to  Samuel  Chase — Congratulations  on  the  Result  of  his  Trial — Chase  to 
King — Thanking  him  and  stating  Points  in  the  case  and  the  Attack  on  the 
Judiciary — Gore  to  King — Federalism  will  soon  disappear — Livingston  to 
King — With  Letter  from  Talleyrand  relative  to  a  Collection  of  Works  of 
Art  to  be  placed  in  the  Museum  at  N.  Y. — King  to  Gore— Current  Events 
— Lord  Suffolk  to  King — British  Affairs — Gore  to  King — Commercial 
Ventures. 

C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  January  i,  1805. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

It  is  long  time  since  I  heard  from  you  by  letter,  though  we  learn 
through  Mr.  Wallace  that  you  &  yours  enjoy  good  health.  Mrs. 
Gore  is  as  well  as  I  have  known  her  for  many  years  ;  &  for  myself, 
I  am  more  like  to  die  of  a  plethora  than  any  other  disorder.  For 
this  is  quite  the  season  of  feasting,  and  a  man,  who  has  his  living 
to  obtain,  cannot  refuse  the  intended  kindnesses  of  his  friends, 
although  he  may  perish  in  the  acceptance.  As  for  exercise,  that 
is  for  the  present  out  of  the  question.  The  streets  and  roads  are 
covered  with  ice,  and  a  man  walks  at  the  hazard  of  his  limbs  and 
perhaps  of  never  walking  again. 

.     .     .     Pinkney*  sent  me  the  newspapers,  which  contain  the 

*  William  Pinkney  had  been  his  associate  on  the  Commission  for  the  settlement 
of  American  Claims  under  Jay's  Treaty,  and  afterwards  appointed  by  the  State 
of  Maryland  to  look  after  its  claims  for  the  Maryland  Bank  Stock,  which,  after 
many  efforts  for  a  settlement  made  by  Mr.  King,  still  remained  undecided 
when  he  left  England. 

436 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  437 

Compliments  of  Language  &  Substance,  wherewith  his  Country- 
men regaled  his  ears  &  purse.  It  is  impossible  to  avoid  observ- 
ing the  studied  silence  as  to  him,  who  really  obtained  the  Boon 
for  Maryland  and  as  to  everything  relative  to  our  Commission. 
The  latter,  if  brought  into  view,  might  have  reflected  honour  on 
the  last  Administration,  and  to  have  given  the  due  acknowledge- 
ment, to  the  Former,  might  have  rendered  justice  to  a  Character, 
whom  they  wished  to  keep  out  of  sight.     .     .     . 

Affectionately  yours, 

C.  Gore. 


R.  King  to  C.  Gore. 

New  York,  Jany.  10,  1805. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

Having  nothing  either  personal  or  public  to  say,  I  have  for 
several  weeks  omitted  to  write  to  you  ;  we  are  happy  to  know 
from  your  letter  that  Wallace  brought  us  that  Mrs.  Gore  enjoys 
such  excellent  health,  and  that  yours  also  is  better  than  while  you 
were  in  the  course  of  violent  exercise.  With  the  exception  of 
Frederick  (his  youngest  son)  and  myself  who  have  heavy  colds, 
we  are  all  well.  Mrs.  King  was  never  better,  notwithstanding  the 
inclemency  of  the  season  prevents  her  accustomed  exercise.  The 
Frost  has  prevented  me  from  riding,  and  I  begin,  or  fancy  I  do, 
to  feel  the  want  of  exercise.     ...  * 


I.  Allen  Smith  to  R.  King. 

Constantinople,  January  22d,  1805. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

I  have  just  been  favoured  with  your  letters  and  duplicates  of 
the  10th  and  2  2d  of  August  &  regret  that  I  was  so  unfortunate  as 
to  lose  that  of  April  to  which  you  allude.  The  President's  resolu- 
tion respecting  a  mission  to  Russia  is  what  I  always  expected  ; 
but  I  should  have  reproached  myself  had  I  neglected  in  writing 

*  The  concluding  portions  of  this  letter,  except  some  information  as  to  his 
views  relative  to  the  education  of  his  younger  sons,  will  be  found  on  p.  410  rel- 
ative to  the  Hamilton  affairs  and  p.  434  relative  to  Miranda. 


438  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

to  you  to  touch  on  a  subject,  which  appeared  to  me  of  importance 
to  my  country  or  to  have  satisfied,  within  myself,  a  sentiment  of 
gratitude  which  I  had  so  much  reason  to  feel.  Although  per- 
suaded that  the  Court  of  Russia  would  receive  with  pleasure  a 
minister  from  the  U.  States,  and  that  no  period  could  be  more 
favourable  for  such  a  mission  than  that  of  the  administration  of  the 
Chancellor  Vorontion,  I  studiously  avoided  ever  expressing  my- 
self on  this  subject  to  any  one,  until  my  arrival  at  Astracan, 
resolving  to  return  through  Russia,  I  took  the  liberty  of  mention- 
ing it  in  a  letter  to  you,  &  afterwards  to  my  Brother,  on  my  arrival 
at  Constantinople.  I  have  therefore  the  satisfaction  of  having 
done  nothing  more  than  what  appeared  to  me  to  be  my  duty  &  of 
having  been  ready  to  sacrifice  my  own  pursuits  and  pleasures  to 
the  service  of  my  Country.     .     .     . 

I  read  with  infinite  regret  the  report  you  give  me  of  the  condition 
of  our  public  affairs.  I  consoled  myself,  after  having  been  so  long 
a  witness  of  the  Evils  which  reign  in  Europe,  with  the  idea  that  I 
should  find  reason  and  moderation  in  America  ;  and  I  see  with 
great  disappointment  &  sorrow,  that  a  people  whom  I  thought  the 
most  capable  of  forming  accurate  notions  on  the  important  sub- 
ject of  liberty,  have  not  yet  been  convinced,  even  after  the  ex- 
perience of  the  French  Revolution,  that  the  shortest  and  beaten 
road  of  Tyranny,  is  that  which  leads  through  Democracy.  I  per- 
fectly agree  with  you,  that,  however  gloomy  the  prospect,  we 
ought  not  to  despair  ;  but  that  men  of  honesty  and  energy  of 
character  should  redouble  their  exertions  to  stem  the  current  of 
revolutionary  principles  in  a  country,  which  above  all  others  has 
enjoyed  most  the  blessings  of  Justice  &  of  equal  laws.  We  re- 
ceived them  by  inheritance  from  England,  the  only  country  in 
Europe  that  possessed  them,  we  had  the  courage  to  maintain 
them  and  it  would  be  folly,  wickedness,  and  absurdity  to  infringe 
them. 

I  cannot  too  earnestly  intreat  you,  my  dear  Sir,  to  continue  to 
me  the  advantage  &  pleasure  of  hearing  from  you,  for  I  have  lost 
nothing  of  that  interest  which  I  ought  to  feel  for  the  welfare  of 
our  Common  Country,  or  of  that  profound  respect  &  sincere  at- 
tachment with  which  I  have  the  honour  to  be 

Your  most  obliged  Humb1  Serv* 

I.  Allen  Smith. 


1805]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  439 

T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

Washington,  Feby.  15,  1805. 
Dear  Sir  : 

CX  think  I  lately  inclosed  to  you  Judge  Chase's  answer  to  the 
articles  of  impeachment.  In  that  he  referred,  as  you  will  have 
seen,  to  several  documents.  These  were  this  morning  laid  on  our 
tables.     In  this  and  one  other  packet,  I  enclose  a  copy. 

The  virulence  of  the  party  prosecuting  and  the  aggravated  evi- 
dence of  angry  irritated  opponents,  had  thrown  some  light  clouds 
over  the  Judge's  character  ;  but  in  the  course  of  the  trial,  I  am 
inclined  to  think  that  these  will  be  dissipated.  I  am  now  dis- 
posed to  believe  after  hearing  the  testimony  of  the  witnesses  for 
the  prosecution,  and  some  of  those  produced  by  the  Judge,  that 
they  will  not  find  23  senators  hardy  enough  to  condemn  him. 

I  think  John  Randolph's  opening  Speech,  as  given  in  the  Wash- 
ington Federalist,  is  substantially  correct.  But  the  words  con- 
cerning the  four  district  Judges  (Peters,  Bedford,  Winchester 
and  Griffin)  were  more  opprobrious  than  they  appear  in  that  paper. 
Those  Judges,  he  said,  were  "  men  of  weak  and  feeble  temper, 
and  of  intellects"  (making  a  considerable  pause)  "perhaps  as 
feeble."  And  that  by  pardoning  John  Fries,  Mr.  Adams  "had 
atoned  for  marry  failings  ;  for  mercy,  like  charity,  covered  a  mul- 
titude of  sins."    ; 

With  great  respect  &  esteem  I  am  yours 


T.  Pickering. 


Rufus  King,  Esq. 


Cyrus  King  to  R.  King. 

Pepperellville,  Feby.  17,  1805. 
My  dear  Brother  : 

* .  .  .  The  distresses  which  you  mention  of  the  Poor  from 
the  severity  of  the  winter  must  be  great  and  afflicting,  especially 
in  a  part  of  the  country  where  hard  winters  are  not  frequent.  In 
this  inhospitable  region  (as  to  Climate),  where  we  are  accustomed 

*  The  blank  refers  to  the  receipt  of  a  sum  of  money,  sent  by  Mr.  King  to  his 
brother  Richard.  C.  King  had  been  educated  by  his  brother  Rufus,  and  was 
his  first  secretary  during  the  latter's  mission  to  England. 


440  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

to  a  much  greater  severity  of  weather,  but  few  ever  experienced  so 
hard  a  winter  as  the  present ;  storms  of  snow  have  been  unusually 
frequent  and  the  frost  intense. 

I  am  happy  to  learn  from  you  the  health  and  welfare  of  your 
amiable  family  which  will  always  be  dear  to  me.  Our  friends  in 
this  part  of  the  country  are  in  general  well.     .     .     . 

In  gratitude  and  affection,  I  am  dear  Brother 

Cyrus  King. 


Rufus  King  to  T.  Pickering. 

N.  York,  Feby.  18,  1805. 
Dear  Sir  : 

FT  give  you  many  thanks  for  the  copy  of  Judge  Chase's  reply, 
which  you  were  good  enough  to  send  to  me.  I  have  read  it  with 
great  interest  and  attention  ;  and  I  may  add  with  equal  satisfac- 
tion. I  am  gratified  that  the  Judge  has  prepared  his  answer  in 
the  manner  he  has  done,  as  whatever  may  be  the  result  of  his 
trial,  impartial  men  both  now  and  hereafter  will  possess  the  authen- 
tic means  of  deciding  for  themselves.  We  have  heard  of  a  rude 
and  disorderly  debate  in  the  H.  of  R.  concerning  the  Georgia 
Claim  ;  &  some  persons  have  conjectured  that  a  serious  division 
would  arise  among  the  Democrats — nay,  that  it  already  exists,  and 
that  Judge  Chase's  best  hope  of  acquittal  proceeds  from  it.  Who 
is  to  be  the  Attorney  General  &  what  delays  his  appointment? 
does  this  indirectly  wait  for  the  conclusion  of  Chase's  trial  ?) 
What  has  been  the  fate  of  the  convention  concerning  boundaries 
made  with  England  ?  has  she  consented  to  our  proposed  omission, 
or  does  the  business  rest  in  the  same  state,  as  when  the  Senate 
dismissed  it?  What  is  likely  to  become  of  your  St.  Domingo 
Bill ;  concerning  which  trade  I  am  sorry  to  see  that  Mr.  Merry 
has  intimated  even  opinions,  that  the  laws  &  usages  of  nations  do 
not  in  my  belief  authorize.  England  seems  to  be  doing  for  you 
your  business  with  Spain  ;  as  in  case  of  a  war  between  those  two 
nations,  we  shall  have  little  trouble  to  adjust  our  demands  with 
the  latter. 

With  truth  &  attachment 

I  remain,  dear  Sir,  yr.  obed*.  Serv*. 

Rufus  King. 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  441 

T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

Washington,  Feby.  24,  1805. 
Dear  Sir  : 

(i  have  received  your  letter  of  the  18th.  The  trial  of  Judge 
Chase  has  progressed  so  far,  that  his  counsel  will  finish  his  defence 
tomorrow  ;  Mr.  Harper  closes.  Luther  Martin,  in  behalf  of  his 
"  honourable  friend  "  the  Judge,  occupied  the  whole  of  yesterday, 

5  J  hours  ;  and  then  told  the  court  he  was  too  much  exhausted  to 
conclude  his  argument ;  assuring  them,  if  the  indulgence  were 
granted,  he  would  take  up  but  little  of  their  time  on  Monday. 
The  Court  (Senate  I  ought  to  call  it ;  Mr.  Giles  having,  in  our 
preliminary  proceedings,  banished  the  word  Court)  the  Senate 
granted  Mr.  Martin's  request.  I  regretted  very  much  the  appar- 
ent necessity  of  this  indulgence  ;  fearing  he  would  occupy  so 
much  of  our  time  on  Monday  as  to  mar  the  defence  of  Mr.  Har- 
per, addressed  to  a  court  and  audience  (I  mention  the  Audience, 
because  a  numerous  body  of  respectable  people  may  have  an 
influence  on  judges,  some  of  whom,  tho'  they  have  not  the  fear  of 
God,  yet  have  the  fear  of  man  before  their  eyes)  half-exhausted. 
But  I  understand  that  Mr.  Martin  is  enjoined,  and  has  engaged, 
positively  to  conclude  by  noon.  Mr.  Harper,  I  am  told,  will 
speak  not  more  than  three  hours  ;  but  I  much  doubt  the  possi- 
bility of  his  compressing  within  that  space  all  he  will  deem  im- 
portant on  so  copious  a  theme.  The  two  last  Articles  of  the 
impeachment  are  reserved  for  him  (the  proceedings  at  Newcastle 

6  Baltimore)  and  he  will  notice  any  points  which  in  the  dis- 
courses of  the  other  counsel  on  the  six  first  articles  were  either 
omitted  or  too  lightly  touched. 

There  was  on  the  part  of  John  Randolph  uncommon  rudeness 
in  the  H.  of  R.,  in  the  debate  on  the  Georgia  claims  ;  but  that 
will  not  have  the  smallest  influence  on  the  impeachment.  The 
indecent  replication  of  the  H.  of  R.  to  Judge  Chase's  answer  was 
subsequent  to  the  abusive,  impudent  speech  of  Randolph  on  the 
Georgia  claim  ;  and  in  that  replication  the  whole  pack  united  as 
usual.  However,  I  am  persuaded  they  sincerely  wish  they  had 
not  meddled  with  Judge  Chase.  The  testimony  of  the  multitude 
of  witnesses  has  placed  the  Judge's  judicial  acts  in  a  fair  and  legal 
point  of  view.  The  managers,  with  a  better  cause,  would  contend 
but  feebly  with  such  able  counsel  as  appear  for  Judge  Chase,  and 


442  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

with  so  paltry  an  one,  you  may  rely  upon  it,  they  make  a  very 
shabby  figure.  For  the  points  of  law,  Rodney  is  their  Goliath. 
The  managers,  I  learn,  expect  to  make  all  their  speeches  in  one 
day — say  Tuesday  ;  or  at  farthest  to  finish  on  Wednesday  morn- 
ing. I  expect  the  decision  of  the  Senate  will  immediately  follow 
without  any  discussion. 

We  know  not  who  is  to  be  the  attorney  General,  nor  why  the 
appointment  is  delayed  ;  unless  it  be  the  difficulty  of  finding  one 
of  the  orthodox  sect  of  competent  abilities.  John  Thompson 
Mason  of  Georgetown  (brother  of  Stephens  Thompson  Mason) 
might  have  received  the  appointment,  I  have  heard  ;  but  an 
uncle,  without  a  child,  lately  deceased,  has  left  him  a  very  large 
estate  ;  and  not  enjoying  very  good  health,  he  declines  the  office.] 

The  British  Convention  is  where  the  Senate  were  last  year  told 
it  would  be,  if  they  persisted  in  their  idle  amendment.  Even  its 
name  has  not  been  lisped  during  the  whole  session,  either  by 
President  or  Senator. 

The  St.  Domingo  Bill — that  is  the  bill  for  clearing  armed  mer- 
chant vessels,  passed  the  Senate  last  Friday.  The  first  section 
is  all  that  resembles  the  original  bill,  which  came  up  from  the  H. 
of  R.,  and  that  is  ameliorated.  The  master  and  owner  are  to  give 
bonds  with  sureties,  in  double  the  value  of  the  vessel  and  her 
tackle,  that  her  arms  shall  not  be  used  in  any  unlawful  act,  but 
merely  in  self  defence  in  case  of  involuntary  hostility.  The  pe- 
nal section,  for  punishing  offences  committed  abroad,  as  if  com- 
mitted at  home,  is  struck  out ;  and  its  continuance  is  limited  to 
the  end  of  the  next  session  of  Congress.  Samuel  Smith  intro- 
duced a  section  requiring  bonds  of  the  master  and  owner,  that  a 
vessel  armed  &  cleared  for  any  other  port  than  the  West  Indies, 
should  not  proceed  thither  unless  from  stress  of  weather.  We 
endeavoured  to  get  this  expunged,  but  failed.  The  Bill  passed 
by  a  great  majority — 20  to  8 — .  I  remarked  to  S.  Smith  that  the 
bill  did  not  reach  the  complaint  of  the  French  Minister,  which 
went  to  a  total  discontinuance  of  the  trade  to  St.  Domingo.  The 
French  (he  answered)  do  not  now  desire  it ;  the  French  Minister 
has  told  me  so  ;  it  was  only  a  point  of  honour ! — 

Your  two  Senators  voted  for  the  bill.  I  also  was  very  sorry  to 
see  Mr.  Merry's  letter  on  this  subject ;  and  not  a  little  surprized 
at  its  apparent  imbecillity. 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  443 

Your  Senator  Smith  has  presented  a  bill  to  grant  to  Aaron  Burr 
the  privilege  of  franking  letters  for  the  rest  of  his  life.* 
With  very  great  regard,  &c. 

Timothy  Pickering. 

T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

^~  Washington,  March  1,  1805. 

\  Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  much  pleasure  in  announcing  to  you  the  acquittal  of 
Judge  Chase,  this  day.  The  Senators  were  called,  alphabetically, 
by  the  President,  on  which  each  rose,  when  the  President  pro- 
pounded the  question,  on  each  article  in  the  forms  following. 
"  How  say  you  ?  Is  Samuel  Chase  guilty  or  not  guilty  of  a  high 
crime  or  misdemeanour  as  charged  in  the  article  of  impeachment 
now  (or  last  read)  ?  "  The  Senator  answered  guilty  or  not  guilty,  f 

Your  two  Senators  uniformly  said  not  guilty\ 

In  great  haste  adieu 

T.  Pickering. 

T.  Pickering  to  R.  King,  N.  York. 

Washington,  March  2,  1805. 
Dear  Sir  : 

fin  your  late  letter,  I  think  you  asked  me  why  the  nomination 

of  an  Attorney  General  was  delayed  ?     I  could  not  then  tell ; 

now  it  seems  apparent.     Yesterday,  you  will  find  by  my  letter  of 

that  date,  Judge  Chase  was  acquitted,  and  at  the  moment  I  began 

this  letter,  Robert  Smith  was  nominated  to  be  attorney  general. 

Had  Judge  Chase  been  convicted  on  the  articles  of  impeachment, 

doubtless  Smith  was  to  have  been  placed  on  the  Bench.    Crownin- 

shield  of  Salem  was  at  the  same  time  nominated  to  be  Secretary 

of  the  Nav^Tj 

The  House  of  Representatives  made  short  work  with  the  Burr- 
postage-Bill — they  yesterday  postponed  it  to  the  first  day  of  De- 
cember next. 

The  Vice-President  just  now  took  leave  of  the  Senate,  in  a 
concise  &  apparently  extempore  speech,  marked   by  that  good 

*  This  was  granted  by  Congress,  after  some  hesitation  in  the  H.  of  Reps. 
f  The  detail  of  the  votes,  given  in  this  letter,  will  be  found  in  the  Annals  of 
Congress,  1804-5,  pp.  665-669. 


444  RUFUS  ICING.  [1805 

sense  which  you  know  he  possesses.  The  Senate  have  unani- 
mously passed  a  vote  of  thanks,  in  perfectly  appropriate  terms, 
testifying  the  impartiality,  dignity  and  ability  with  which  he  has 
presided  over  their  deliberations.  I  presume  the  Committee  who 
are  to  present  the  vote  of  thanks,  will  ask  for  his  address,  and 
that  both  will  be  published. 

Very  truly  yours, 

T.  Pickering. 


R.  King  to  Sam.  Chase. 

CoJ>y. 

N.  York,  March  6,  1805. 
Sir: 

We  have  this  morning  been  made  acquainted  with  the  issue  of 
the  prosecution  agt.  you  by  the  H.  of  R.,  and  I  cannot  suffer  a 
mail  to  be  despatched  witht.  offerg.  you  my  sincere  and  cordl. 
Congrats,  upon  the  decision  wh.  has  been  pronounced.  Whatever 
may  be  due  to  the  zeal  and  abilities  of  yr.  Counsel,  who  without 
doubt  have  acquitted  themselves  in  a  manner  worthy  of  the  gt. 
charge  they  were  bound  to  protect,  I  shall  always  believe  that 
much  very  much  of  that  influence  and  authority  wh.  have  over- 
awed and  confounded  the  settled  purpose  of  yr.  Enemies,  must 
be  ascribed  to  the  courageous,  able,  and  convincing  ansr.  you 
yourself  gave  to  the  charges  preferred  agt.  you  ;  an  answer  wh. 
not  only  possesses  the  highest  merit,  as  a  learned  and  satisfactory 
vindication  of  the  just  and  necessary  power  of  the  judiciary,  but 
which  must  remain  an  everlasting  Record  of  the  unworthy  mo- 
tives of  yr.  Persecutors. 

Accept  with  my  Congrats.,  the  assurance  of  the  distingd.  con- 
sidn.  &  Respect  with  which  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir,  your 
most  ob.  &  faith,  ser  R.  K. 


Sam.  Chase,  Balt.,  to  R.  King. 

13th  March,  1805. 

My  dear  Sir  : 

I  am  honored  and  gratified  by  your  Congratulations  on  my  ac- 
quittal by  the  Senate  of  the  Impeachment  by  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives.    It  has  ever  been  my  wish  to  obtain  and  preserve  the 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  445 

Esteem  &  Confidence  of  the  virtuous  and  sensible  part  of  my 
Fellow-Citizens.  The  approbation  of  characters  like  you,  Sir, 
affords  me  peculiar  Pleasure  and  is  a  great  Consolation  to  Me, 
under  the  cruel  persecution  I  have  suffered.  My  answer  was 
principally  intended  as  a  Justification  of  my  official  Conduct  to 
judicial  and  professional  Gentlemen.  I  can  assure  you  that  the 
Evidence  produced  on  the  trial  fully  supported  my  answer  in  all 
its  parts  ;  and  disclosed  many  facts  that  had  escaped  my  Memory, 
and  will,  I  expect,  convince  every  impartial  man  of  the  Rectitude 
and  propriety  of  my  conduct,  in  the  very  instances  charged  to  be 
criminal.  It  was  not  alleged  in  any  article  of  Impeachment,  that 
I  had  attempted  to  pack  a  Jury  on  the  trial  of  Callender  ;  but  the 
Managers  calling  a  witness  for  this  Purpose,  I  consented  to  the 
Inquiry,  although  I  have  no  doubt  the  Senate  would  not  have 
admitted  such  evidence  without  my  Consent.  You  will  find  on 
perusing  the  trial,  that  this  base  attempt  was  entirely  repelled. 
fTn  support  of  the  8th  Article  the  Managers  examined  a  Witness 
to  prove  that  in  my  Charge  to  the  Grand- Jury  at  Baltimore,  I 
made  a  direct  attack  upon  the  present  Executive,  for  Imbecility 
in  office  ;  for,  promoting  his  own  Interest  in  preference  to  that  of 
the  public ;  and  for  obtaining  his  Election  by  undue  means — no 
such  fact  was  stated  ;  nor  had  I  any  notice  of  it ;  but  I  made  no 
objection  ;  if  I  had,  it  would  have  been  said  that  I  was  afraid  of 
it.  I  proved  that  the  evidence  was  not  true  by  a  Dozen  of  Wit- 
nesses of  the  very  first  Reputation.  The  name  of  the  Managers' 
Witness  is  John  Montgomery,  a  democrat,  a  leading  member  of 
the  House  of  Delegates  of  this  State.  To  my  counsel  I  am 
greatly  obliged  for  the  very  able  legal  and  constitutional  Defence 
they  made  for  me  ;  for  the  whole  labor  rested  on  them,  as  I  was 
unable  from  indisposition  to  take  any  Part ;  and  to  the  Justice  of 
my  Case  and  their  abilities  I  impute  my  acquittal.  I  am  in  a 
peculiar  Manner  indebted  to  my  Friend  Mr.  Harper  for  his  pro- 
fessional assistance  in  preparing  my  answer,  and  for  his  Conduct 
of  my  defence.  It  affords  me  great  Pleasure  to  add,  that  a  more 
fair  and  impartial  trial,  conducted  with  greater  Dignity,  never 
took  place  in  any  country.  The  trial  is  now  in  the  press  in  this 
City,  &  I  expect  will  be  the  most  accurate.  I  am  sure  you  will 
receive  great  Pleasure  from  the  perusal  of  it. 

The  conduct  of  my  accusers,  in  refusing  to  pay  the  Expenses 


446  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

of  the  Witnesses  summoned  by  my  Direction,  you  will  observe  in 
the  votes  of  the  House  of  Representatives  60  agt.  and  only  18  for 
payment  of  them. 

You  will  see  by  the  amendment  proposed  by  Mr.  Randolph,  to 
the  Constitution,  that  an  attempt  will  be  made  to  make  the  Judi- 
ciary altogether  dependent  on  a  Majority  of  the  two  Branches  of 
the  Legislature  ;  and  by  the  amendment  proposed  by  Mr.  Nichol- 
son, that  the  Senate  are  to  become  a  mere  diplomatic  Corps,  de- 
pendant on  the  several  State  Legislatures.  I  can  conceive  no  two 
measures  more  radically  destructive  of  our  Constitution.  I  can 
only  oppose  them  by  my  Wishes  ;  my  age,  infirmities  &  the 
wicked  Prosecution  I  have  suffered,  have  determined  me  never 
to  take  any  Part  in  any  public  Measure  whatsoever  j 

I  pray  you,  Sir,  to  accept  my  best  Wishes  for  your  Health  and 
prosperity  &  believe,  that  I  am  with  every  sentiment  of  Respect 
&  Esteem 

Your  affectionate  &  most  obedient  Servant, 

Samuel  Chase. 

It  was  a  matter  of  much  anxiety  to  Mr.  King  to  make 
such  an  arrangement  for  the  future  education  of  his  two  sons, 
who  had  now  passed  eight  years  at  Harrow,  and  were  then 
in  Paris,  at  the  school  of  M.  Thurot,  engaged  in  studying 
mathematics,  French,  and  Spanish.  The  younger  son, 
Charles,  had  decided  that  he  would  prefer  the  life  of  a  mer- 
chant ;  the  older  one,  John,  selecting  that  of  a  lawyer.  The 
first  suggestion  was  to  place  Charles  in  the  house  and  under 
the  care  of  his  friend  Sir  Francis  Baring;  but,  as  will  be 
seen,  though  this  gentleman  had  willingly  consented  to  re- 
ceive him,  Mr.  King  had  thought  it  better  for  such  reasons 
as  he  deemed  wise,  to  send  him  to  Amsterdam,  under  the 
care  of  Messrs.  Hope,  and  for  this  purpose  he  wrote  di- 
rectly to  Mr.  Labouchere  in  London,  asking  him  to  take  an 
interest  in  the  arrangement  and  in  the  care  of  his  son,  and 
to  Mr.  W.  Hope— 


1805]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  447 

R.  King  to  W.  Hope. 

New  York,  March  9,  1805. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Before  as  well  as  since  I  left  England,  T  have  had  communica- 
tion with  our  friend,  Sir  Francis  Baring,  concerning  my  second 
son,  who  has  now  nearly  completed  his  16th  year,  and  whom  I 
propose  to  educate  a  merchant.  At  first  I  thought  of  placing 
him  in  London,  and  Sir  Francis  consented  to  receive  him  into 
his  house.  But  such  are  the  amusements  and  vices  of  that  great 
metropolis,  that  I  have  hesitated  in  leaving  him  there,  remote  as 
he  would  be  from  my  Superintendence,  and  by  the  advice  of  Sir 
Francis  I  am  led  to  prefer  placing  him  at  Amsterdam,  where  there 
are  fewer  amusements,  more  industry  and  firmer  habits  of  Busi- 
ness, provided  I  can  there  meet  with  a  suitable  situation  for  him. 
In  a  late  letter  from  Sir  Francis,  he  informs  me  thro'  Mrs.  Labou- 
chere,  he  would  consult  you  and  her  husband  upon  this  subject : 
but  as  the  intercourse  between  Holland  and  England  is  inter- 
rupted, and  considerable  time  may  elapse  before  I  can  learn  your 
opinion  thro'  that  channel,  I  have  presumed  upon  our  former  ac- 
quaintance to  address  myself  directly  to  you. 

The  chief  objects  of  my  solicitude  are  the  promotion  of  the 
health  and  morals  of  my  son  and  his  education  as  a  merchant. 
Should  you  consent  to  receive  him  into  your  house,  he  would  be 
where  I  wish  him  to  be  educated,  and  could  I  indulge  the  hope 
that  he  might  be  so  associated  with  your  sons,  as  to  be  admitted 
also  into  your  family,  I  should  think  I  had  attained  for  him  the 
advantage  and  security  which  a  good  father  must  be  sedulously 
anxious  to  provide. 

In  case  it  should  be  inconvenient  for  you  to  gratify  my  wishes 
on  either  or  both  these  points,  I  am  persuaded  of  your  disposition 
to  assist  me  with  your  friendly  opinion  and  advice  concerning  the 
best  means  of  attaining  my  object.  My  case  differs  essentially 
from  what  it  would  be  were  I  an  inhabitant  of  your  City  ;  for 
altho'  the  education  of  my  son  would  then  depend  on  his  connec- 
tion with  some  commercial  House,  he  would  live  in  my  family 
and  be  under  my  observation  and  control ;  and  it  is  an  arrange- 
ment that  shall  supply  this  constant  care  and  superintendence 
about  which  I  am  most  embarrassed.  Perhaps  Messrs.  Willinks, 
or  Van  Stopworts,  whom  I  know,  or  some   other   respectable 


448  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

House  would  consent  to  receive  my  son  ;  but  even  then  I  should 
be  at  a  loss  where  to  find  that  care  and  protection  without  which 
a  youth  is  liable  to  fall  into  error  and  misfortune. 

Hitherto  I  have  made  no  application  to  any  other  people  on 
this  subject,  preferring  first  to  receive  your  answer,  which  I  beg 
the  favor  of  you  to  send  me  as  early  as  shall  be  convenient.  Be 
pleased  to  present  my  respectful  compliments  to  Mrs.  Hope,  in 
which  Mrs.  King  desires  to  unite  hers,  and  be  assured  that  I  am 
with  sentiments  of  great  Respect  and  Esteem  &c 

Rufus  King. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  March  10,  1805. 
My  Dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .\_Our  election  has  begun,  or  rather  the  preparations  for 
it,  and  an  unusual  degree  of  Heat  seems  to  be  excited,  more 
especially  as  the  moral  &  official  character  of  one  of  the  Candi- 
dates is  most  vehemently  attacked,  which  occasioned  a  cudgelling 
between  the  son  of  the  Judge  &  the  Printer  ;  and  this  Rencounter 
seems  to  have  demanded  from  the  latter  a  reiteration  and  justifi- 
cation of  what  had  been  before  asserted.  We  have  hopes  that 
Strong  may  be  again  elected  ;  but  this  is  by  no  means  certain. 
Our  House  will  be  probably  democratic,  and  I  do  not  believe  the 
Senate  will  be  any  better  ;  and  They,  who  are  Federalists,  are  not 
very  skilful  or  able  in  supporting  their  cause.  Probably  a  great 
mistake  was  made  last  autumn  in  changing  our  Rep.  to  Congress, 
for  although  it  would  not  have  been  proper  for  the  Federalists  to 
have  supported  the  existing  Member,  yet  their  success  has  sent 
one,  who  cannot  render  any  service  to  the  cause,  &  brought  one 
here,  who  can  afford  much  support  to  his  own  Party,  and  taken 
Him  from  a  scene,  where  He  could  not  fail  of  becoming  an  Op- 
ponent to  the  Administration,  although  not  a  convert  to  those 
who  formerly  held  their  Places.  We  appear  to  me  to  be  changing 
very  fast,  &  the  little  Federalism  that  is  left,  will  soon  be  no  more. 
We  may  rise  to  something  else,  but  not  to  that.  I  had  a  letter 
the  other  day  from  Pinkney,  who  says  that  He  is  almost  deter- 
mined to  settle  in  Annapolis,  that  He  may  be  elected  into  their 
State  Legislature,  and  endeavour  to  stop  the  Torrent.     From  this 


805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE. 


449 


and  other  Parts  of  his  Letter,  it  is  probable  he  does  not  side  with 
the  present  Administration.  We  hear  nothing  of  Trumbull; 
Does  He  proceed  successfully  ?     .     .  **"71 

We  have  been  somewhat  alarmed  here  the  last  week  at  the  Pos- 
sibility of  a  Peace.  Our  Merchants  are  very  anxious  that  Great 
Britain  should  not  impair  her  Dignity,  or  hazard  her  security,  by 
any  pacific  negotiations  for  the  Present 

As  ever  yours 

C.  Gore. 

R.  R.  Livingston  to  R.  King. 

Paris,  7th  April,  1805. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  enclose  to  you  an  extract  of  a  letter  from 
the  Minister  of  foreign  affairs  written  to  me  by  order  of  the  Em- 
peror &  King  just  as  he  was  about  leaving  Paris  for  Milan.  This 
was  accompanied  by  the  work  he  mentions,  and  which  I  shall 
bring  with  me  and  deposit  in  the  gallery  of  the  Society  for  fine 
arts.  You  will  find  this  a  very  princely  present,  which  will  be  from 
its  nature  I  hope  not  only  useful  to  our  young  painters  and  sculp- 
tors, but  to  such  other  of  our  fellow  citizens  as  are  occupied  in 
works  of  taste.  The  architect,  the  silversmith,  the  cabinet  maker 
&c.  will  find  models  in  their  respective  professions  that  cannot 
fail  to  impress  their  taste.  It  consists  in  twenty  four  volumes  in 
fol.  of  prints  &  a  number  of  portfols.  containing  paintings  in  oil 
&  water  colours,  most  of  them  copies  from  antiques  &  from  Ra- 
phael ;  several  views  of  Constantinople,  Cairo,  &c.  I  shall  have 
them  carefully  packed  &  hope  they  may  arrive  safe.  If  this  ex- 
tract, which  is  inclosed,  should  find  its  way  into  the  paper,  which 
it  probably  will,  I  pray  you  not  to  suffer  it  to  be  perverted  & 
mutilated,  as  everything  relative  to  me  from  here  has  been  by 
false  translations,  but  to  have  the  goodness  to  anticipate  these  by 
publishing  the  original  with  such  a  translation  as  you  shall  find 
accurate.  Though  this  present  together  with  a  portrait  of  the 
Emperor  very  richly  set  with  diamonds  was  made  me  on  my  re- 
turn from  Italy,  and  six  months  after  I  had  taken  leave  formally, 
and  of  course  held  no  office,  I  have  thought  myself  bound  to  send 
a  copy  of  the  letter  (which  contains  no  reference  to  my  former 
public  character)  to  Mr.  Madison  &  to  submit  the  disposition  of 

VOL.    IV.— 29  r 


450  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

these  gifts  to  the  Government,  if  they  should  suppose  they  come 
within  the  spirit,  tho'  they  are  certainly  not  within  the  letter  of 
the  constitution.  It  is  under  this  restriction  that  you  must  re- 
ceive that  part  of  it  which  is  d    esignedorthe  society. 

I  hope  to  sail  about  the  10th  of  May  &  to  bring  James  with 
me.  We  all  beg  to  be  presented  to  Mrs.  King.  I  am  Dear  Sir 
with  much  esteem  &  regard  &c. 

Rob.  R.  Livingston. 

Extract  accompanying  this  letter  : 

"  Extract  of  a  letter  from  his  excellency  Monsieur  de  Talley- 
rand ne.  Germinal,  au  13. 

*  J'ai  cru  qu'il  vous  serait  particulierement  agr^able  de  pouvoir 
favoriser  dans  votre  pays  le  gout  des  arts,  et  dans  cette  vue,  J'ai 
l'honneur  de  vous  envoyer  une  collection  de  l'ancienne  et  de  la 
nouvelle  calcographie  des  Peres  et  Freres  Piranesi.  Les  desseins 
graves  et  colores  seront  convenablement  places  au  Museum  de 
New  York  et  attesteront  l'interet  que  vous  nous  avez  inspire  pour 
tout  ce  qui  peut  contribuer  a  l'instruction  et  a  l'agrement  de  vos 
jeunes  compatriotes. 

Je  vous  prie  Monsieur  de  recevoir  l'assurance  de  ma  haute 
consideration.  Sign6, 

C.  M.  Talleyrand. 
Son  Excellence  Monsieur  Livingston. 

The  Evening  Post,  June  22d,  1805,  gives  the  following  ac- 
count of  this  collection : 

"  This  rare  and  valuable  collection,  which  Mr.  Livingston  brings 
with  him  consists  of  24  vols,  with  folios  of  prints,  together  with 
several  Portfolios  containing  copies  in  oil  and  water  colours 
from  Raphael  and  from  antiques,  Views  from  Constantinople, 
Cairo,  &c.  &c.  The  work  will  not  only  be  useful  to  painters  and 
sculptors,  to  many  others. 

*  I  have  thought  that  it  would  be  particularly  agreeable  to  you  to  be  able  to 
promote  the  taste  for  arts  in  your  country,  and  with  that  view  I  have  the  hon- 
our to  send  you  a  collection  of  the  ancient  and  the  new  calcographie  of  the 
Peres  et  Freres  Piranesi.  The  engraved  and  coloured  designs  will  be  most 
properly  placed  in  the  Museum  of  New  York,  and  will  shew  the  interest  you 
have  manifested  to  us  for  everything  that  might  contribute  to  the  instruction  and 
gratification  of  your  young  compatriots. 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  45 1 

R.  King  to  C.  Gore. 

New  York,  May  2,  1805. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .  I  cannot  help  regretting  that  Robbins  and  Cobb  are 
likely  to  fail  in  yr.  election,  in  part  on  their  accounts  personally, 
but  chiefly  as  their  failure  may  be  reed,  as  certain  evidence  that 
Strong  will  follow  them  into  retirement.  To  you  who  think  and 
feel  as  I  do,  it  wd.  be  superfluous  to  express  my  sentiments  on 
this  most  interesting  subject.  I  will  only  say  that  it  wd.  be  an 
honest  consolation  to  hope  even  that  an  amendment  is  likely 
to  happen  ;   but  to  do  so  would  be  folly. 

I  do  not  very  well  understand  the  state  of  Parties  in  England, 
still  less  the  views  of  the  Northern  Powers  ;  as  to  Peace,  it  can- 
not take  place  at  present,  without  humiliation  to  France  or  Eng- 
land ;  and  neither  is  in  a  disposition  to  submit  to  it.  I  can  well 
enough  comprehend  the  views  of  Bonaparte  in  making  the  over- 
ture ;  and  the  answer  of  England  was  both  discreet  and,  as  I  sup- 
pose, decisive.  But  the  affair  continues  to  be  talked  of,  and  the 
politics  of  Russia  are  to  me  mysterious  ;  still  I  do  not  believe 
there  can  be  peace  in  the  present  relative  condition  of  the  Parties. 

Where  the  secret  Expedn.  is  bound  I  can't  divine  ;  perhaps  to 
So.  Amer.  ;  but  from  the  tenour  of  the  debates  in  Parliament,  I 
hesitate  in  believing  so,  tho'  where  else  unless  to  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  I  cannot  conjecture. 

Pray  are  you  about  to  engage  in  any  venture  abroad  ?  tell  me 
your  projects,  perhaps  I  may  solicit  a  concern.  I  must  endeav- 
our to  do  something  wh.  shall  help  my  Revenue,  so  fast  do  the 
disbursements  increase.  We  are  here  very  expensive  and  the 
passion  grows  stronger,  as  well  as  becomes  more  diffused.  In 
Boston  too  I  suspect  you  find  a  difference  between  the  present 
and  past  times. 

We  have  no  letters  from  the  boys  since  they  arrived  at  Rotter- 
dam (on  their  way  to  Paris),  but  hope  soon  to  hear  that  they  are 
safe  and  settled  with  Thurdt.  Livingston  intended  to  embark  in 
Apl.,  but  as  he  was  at  Rome  late  in  Jan'y,  I  think  he  will  not  leave 
France  before  May,  so  that  we  shall  not  see  James  earlier  than 
June.  I  am  greatly  at  a  loss  what  to  do  with  Edward,  there  being 
no  good  school  near  here,  and  I  don't  much  like  to  send  all  my 
children  so  far  from  us  as  we  may  be  forced  to  do.     .     .     . 

Always  yours  R.  K. 


45 2  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  May  8,  1805. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

I  had  still  some  intention  of  hazarding  some  adventure  abroad. 
My  expenses  here  are  considerably  greater  than  the  same  comforts 
would  have  cost  me  a  few  years  since.  .  .  .  With  this  view 
(to  increase  his  means)  I  have  contemplated  making  some  ship- 
ments ...  to  Holland  or  England.  The  last  year  most 
of  the  articles  shipt  from  hence,  either  of  West  India  or  E 
India  produce,  netted  a  profit  of  25  per  cent ;  and  it  is  not  im- 
probable that  I  may  embark  in  some  project  of  this  sort  in  the 
course  of  the  present  or  next  month.  Should  this  or  any  other 
scheme  have  the  appearance  of  being  successful,  I  will  communi- 
cate it  and  shall  be  happy  in  your  taking  any  share  or  part.    .    .    . 

Yours  truly 

C.  Gore. 


Lord  Suffolk  to  R.  King. 

London,  May  20,  1805. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Indisposition  for  a  considerable  time,  and  a  wish  to  have  ad- 
dressed my  answer  to  you  in  that  Rank  and  Station,  which  I  hope 
you  will  one  day  fill,  have  hitherto  prevented  my  answering  your 
obliging  letter,  for  the  contents  of  which  I  was  prepaid  from  an 
answer  given  by  Gen'l  Washington  on  the  same  subject  some 
years  since  ;  for  though  the  Validity  of  a  part  of  the  claim  was 
acknowledged  by  him,  he  was  of  opinion  that  Restitution 
could  never  be  obtained.  I  was  willing  to  make  one  more  effort 
for  the  sake  of  two  natural  children,  whom  my  brother  left  be- 
hind him,  to  whom  a  considerable  share  was  left  by  will,  if  any 
part  of  the  property  could  have  been  recovered,  but  which  I  shall 
now  consider  as  entirely  out  of  the  question. 

In  this  country  we  have  had  a  very  warm  political  session  with 
most  of  the  great  Talents  on  the  side  of  opposition  ;  which  you  will 
be  convinced  of  when  I  mention  the  names  of  Mr.  Fox,  Mr.  Grey, 
Sheridan,  Whithead,  and  a  young  man  who  has  greatly  distin- 
guished himself  Ld.  Henry  Petty,  and  of  Irish  members  Mr. 
Grattan  and   Mr.   Ponsonby.     These  are  oppos'd  by  the  single 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  453 

Talent  of  Mr.  Pitt,  for  as  to  his  coadjutors  (such  as  Ld.  Castle- 
reagh  and  Mr.  Canning)  they  as  frequently  hurt  as  benefit  his 
cause.  In  the  House  of  Lords  there  is  equal  deficiency,  now 
that  Ld.  Melville  is,  I  believe,  on  the  Eve  of  Impeachment,  he 
has  no  one  that  can  be  compar'd  to  Ld.  Grenville.  But  political 
Talent  seems  to  me  out  of  the  question.  I  believe  it  to  be  the 
wish  of  Mr.  Pitt  only  to  make  use  of  minor  characters  whom  he 
can  easily  rule  and  direct.  This  may  go  on  for  some  time,  but  it 
is  in  my  opinion  not  a  system  to  be  permanent.  Much  will  de- 
pend on  the  health  of  the  King,  who  certainly  looks  extremely 
well,  but  is  now  so  lethargick,  that  at  a  review  of  near  2000 
artillery  a  few  days  since,  notwithstanding  all  the  noise  of  cannon, 
&c,  he  was  frequently  asleep,  and  cou'd  with  some  difficulty  be 
rous'd. 

Such  our  internal  situation  ;  as  to  the  external,  you  are  much 
better  acquainted  with  and  can  much  better  appreciate  it  than  I 
can  pretend  to  form  a  Judgment  of  what  will  be  the  Result  of  this 
eventful  war  in  which  we  are  engag'd.  Shall  not  therefore  hazard 
any  sentiment  how  soon,  or  in  what  manner  it  is  likely  to  termi- 
nate ;  but  with  many  thanks  for  the  trouble  I  have  given  you  and 
many  wishes  for  your  welfare  &  happiness 

I  remain,  Dear  Sir,  your  oblig'd  &  faithful  servant, 

Suffolk. 

All  my  family  join  in  kind  remembrance  to  you  &  Mrs.  King. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

King  to  Gore — Miranda  about  to  sail — Monroe's  Failure  in  Spain — Yellow  Fever 
in  N.  York — King  at  Rockaway — His  Son  James — Pitcairn  to  King — Seizure 
of  American  Vessels — Gore  to  King — British  Interference  with  Trade  of  U.S. 
— Would  it  have  been  so,  if  King  had  been  in  England  ? — W.  Vaughan  to 
King — War  in  Disguise — Neutral's  Rights — King  to  Gore — New  Coalition 
in  Europe — Effect  on  American  Trade — Wilberforce  to  King — Sends  War 
in  Disguise — Acting  on  the  System  recommended  indispensable  to  England 
— Miss  O.  Southgate — Opinion  of  King — King  to  his  Sons  in  Paris — King 
to  Morris — Celebration  of  25th  November — Pickering  to  King — Treaty 
with  Tripoli — Gore  to  King — Miranda  cannot  expect  Help — Boston  Mer- 
chants fear  Depredations  on  Commerce — Suggest  King  as  Minister  to  Eng- 
land— Gore  to  King — President's  Message — Breck  to  King — Bank  of  U. 
States — Pickering  to  King — No  great  Measures  before  Congress — King  to 
Gore — Merchants  Alarmed — Proposal  to  urge  his  Appointment  to  England 
— King  to  Pickering — President's  Foreign  Policy. 

R.  King  to  C.  Gore. 

Rockaway,  Sept.  15,  1805. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

Yesterday  I  received  a  letter  from  M dated  .  .  .  July  13. 

"Apres  des  inconsequences  et  des  retards  inconcevables  et  in- 
supportables,  nous  voila  sur  le  point  de  partir — je  compte  de 
m'embarquer  dans  le  courant  de  ce  mois,  et  de  vous  envoyer 
quelqu'un,  ou  de  vous  voir  moimeme,  &c,  J'envoye  ce  meme  avis 
a  notre  ami  G " 

Probably  you  have  a  letter  by  the  same  conveyance.  Lest  this 
should  not  be  the  fact,  I  send  you  the  above  extract.  I  apprehend 
from  the  earnestness  with  which  succour  is  urged,  that  the  means 
with  wh.  he  is  furnished  are  most  inconsiderable, — perhaps  he  is 
merely  sent  out  in  a  ship  going  to  the  Island  of  Tr.,  and  that  his 
chief  hopes  of  assistance  are  derived  from  the  posture  of  our  affairs 
with  Spain.  It  will  soon  be  better  understood,  by  the  further 
communication  that  is  promised,  till  when,  though  the  affair  may 
be  matter  of  reflexion,  nothing  can  be  done.     We  know  nothing 

454 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  455 

except  what  the  News  Papers  tell  us  concerning  our  relations  with 
Spain.  Monroe  has  returned  to  England,  his  mission  having 
totally  failed.  The  objects  of  negotiation  were  the  enlargement 
of  C.  Pinckney's  Spanish  Convention,  so  that  it  might  include  the 
cases  of  French  captures,  the  sale  and  condemnation  of  which 
were  had  in  Spanish  ports  and  the  settlement  of  the  limits  of 
Louisiana. 

To  the  first  Spain  is  understood  to  have  answered  that  she  could 
not  interfere  with  proceedings  had  under  the  authority  of  France, 
and  to  the  latter  that  we  had  possession  of  Louisiana  already,  its 
limits  westerly  being  the  ancient  French  Possessions  and  easterly 
the  Mississippi  and  eastern  shore  of  New  Orleans — backing  this 
reply  with  extracts  of  dispatches  from  Talleyrand  to  Cevallos, 
which  show  that  France  agrees  with  Spain  on  both  points. 

It  is  likely  that  Monroe  held  a  lofty  language  in  his  communi- 
cations with  the  Span.  Court,  but  supported  as  they  are  by  France, 
he  has  been  treated  with  contempt.  What  will  be  the  conduct  of 
our  magnanimous  administration  remains  to  be  seen.  My  own 
belief  is,  notwithstanding  the  superior  value  of  West  Florida,  and 
the  time  that  has  been  made  use  of,  that  our  present  cabinet  will 
do  nothing.  If  so,  and  M.  be  without  adequate  succour  from 
England,  he  will  do  nothing. 

Our  afflicted  city  is  nearly  depopulated,  and  we  are  aprehensive 
that  we  shall  not  be  able  to  visit  our  homes  until  the  10th  of 
Novr.  Until  yesterday  Mclntyre  and  our  other  servant  have  been 
in  town  ;  He  is  now  with  us  together  with  our  other  servants  ex- 
cept the  Cook,  who  is  a  frenchman,  not  much  apprehensive  of  the 
fever,  and  who,  moreover,  has  some  connexion  in  the  City  that  he 
does  not  like  to  have  known.  We  are  all  well,  and  what  Mrs.  G. 
will  think  wonderful,  Mrs.  K.  has  become  a  bather ;  she  has 
bathed  three  mornings  and  intends  going  on.  I  think  it  will  be 
of  service  to  her  general  health,  especially  after  the  alarm  that  has 
attended  her  first  attempts  has  entirely  subsided — in  a  great  meas- 
ure it  has  already  left  her. 

We  received  yesterday  a  well  expressed  and  satisfactory  letter 
from  James,  dated  at  Dr.  Gardiner's.*  He  seems  well  pleased, 
and  assures  me  that  he  is  duly  sensible  of  diligence  and  attention. 
I  need  not  express  to  you,  my  dear  friends,  how  anxious  we  natur- 

*  In  Boston. 


45^  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

ally  are  concerning  the  success  of  our  children  ;  you,  who  more 
than  any  others,  know  our  way  of  thinking,  our  hopes,  and  our 
solicitudes,  will  enter  into  our  views  and  feelings,  and  do  whatever 
may  best  conduce  to  the  education  of  the  child  we  have  placed 
near  you.  He  is  at  present  without  vice  and,  with  a  fine  temper, 
is  not  deficient  in  understanding.  Treat  him  in  every  respect  as 
your  friendship  for  us  may  recommend.  He  will  be  sensible  to 
your  kindness  ;  as  well  as  obedient  and  respectful  to  your  control. 
We  feel  none  of  the  anxiety  arising  from  absence,  since  we  are 
convinced  that  James  is  in  every  respect  as  safe  and  as  advan- 
tageously placed  under  your  observation  and  instruction  as  he 
would  be  under  our  own.  With  affectionate  regards  in  which 
Mrs.  K.  joins  me  to  Mrs.  G.,  I  am  most  faithfully  yours, 

R.  K. 


JOS.  PlTCAIRN  TO  R.  KlNG. 

Hamburg,  25th  Sept.,  1805. 
Dear  Sir  : 

The  French  Minister,  de  Bourienne,  formerly  Secretary  of 
State  and  still  friend  of  Bonaparte,  has  since  June  ruled  here 
with  unlimited  sway  ;  he  lately  caused  a  ship  belonging  to  Mr. 
Keith  of  Virginia  to  be  seized  and  obtained  an  order  from 
Bernadotte  to  sell  her,  alleging  that  she  belonged  to  Reuben 
Smith,  another  American,  whom  he  accused  of  enlisting  men  for 
the  British  foreign  troops.  He  rejects  all  proof  that  the  vessel 
belongs  to  Keith,  and  has  brought  her  under  French  colours  from 
Cuxhaven  to  Hamburg,  at  the  time  the  French  evacuated  that 
place.  Mr.  Forbes  our  consul  here  has  endeavoured  to  get  pos- 
session of  her  by  the  ordinary  course  of  Law,  and  by  demand  as 
American  Agent.  To  this  moment  he  has  not  succeeded  ;  but 
no  one  will  buy  her,  and  they  will  on  the  final  leaving  of  Hanover 
be  obliged  to  let  her  go,  or  destroy  her.  As  't  is  probable  this 
matter  will  come  before  our  Government  I  thought  you  would  be 
glad  to  know  the  particulars.     .     .     . 

With  perfect  esteem  and  gratitude,  dear  sir 
Your  obed.  Servant 

Jos.  PlTCAIRN. 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  457 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  October  7,  1805. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .  The  Galen  has  arrived  here  from  England,  and  con- 
firms the  accounts  heretofore  received  of  the  Disposition  of  the 
Brit.  Ministry  to  limit  our  Trade  within  very  narrow  Bounds. 
Indeed  the  Spirit  that  was  evidenced  in  the  capture  of  the  Essex, 
Orne,  with  the  natural  consequences  of  her  condemnation,  ought 
to  lead  our  merchants  to  expect  the  sending  in  for  Examination 
all  their  vessels  having  on  board  the  Colonial  Produce  of  the 
Enemies  of  England.  I  do  not  see  that  any  evidence  on  board 
the  ship  can  show  what  the  British  Courts  demand  to  be  proved, 
viz,  that  it  was  not  the  intention  of  the  Importer  from  the  Colony 
to  ship  the  article  to  Europe. 

Before  a  Decision  had  taken  place  on  the  Essex's  cargo,  it  is 
possible  the  thing  might  have  been  placed  in  such  lights  by  an 
intelligent  Minister,  as  to  have  prevented  the  Decree.  Mr. 
Monroe  was  not  in  England  then. 

Our  Merchants  are  anxious  for  their  Property,  and  irritated  at 
a  Conduct  in  the  British,  which  they  think  not  only  unjust,  but 
perfidious.  They  believe  if  you  had  been  in  London,  a  different 
State  of  things  would  have  existed  :  and  they  are  now  sagaciously 
asking  if  Mr.  J.  would  ask  you  to  go  there,  and  if  he  did,  whether 
you  would  consent.     Perhaps  there  is  a  like  probability  of  either. 

Yours  truly 

C.  G. 


William  Vaughan  to  R.  King. 

London,  Oct.  9,  1805. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  .  I  beg  your  acceptance  of  a  pamphlet  that  has  just 
made  its  appearance  here,  that  will  from  its  subject  and  the  part 
you  took  on  the  question  while  minister  from  the  United  States, 
prove  more  interesting  to  you.  It  is  entitled  War  in  Disguise  or 
the  frauds  of  the  neutral  flags.  It  is  attributed  to  a  Mr.  Stevens, 
a  lawyer  of  some  repute  and  ability,  who  has  been  in  the  West 


458  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

Indies  and  who  has  considerable  practice  in  Appeal  Causes.  It 
may  perhaps  be  rather  considered  as  the  brief  of  an  advocate 
than  as  the  decision  of  a  Judge.  I  do  not  conceive  that  Sir 
Wm.  Scott  will  adopt  it  indiscriminately  as  his  model  either  as  to 
its  Temper  or  its  conclusions,  though  it  is  probable  that  the 
Question  about  the  Rights  of  Navigation  of  Neutrals  in  war  to  do 
what  they  cannot  do  in  peace  will  be  more  narrowed  in  its  prin- 
ciples in  this  war  than  in  the  last. 

Though  you  are  removed  from  the  theatre  of  war  and  of  infor- 
mation, you  will  not  remain  an  uninterested  spectator  as  to  what 
is  going  forward  on  the  Continent  respecting  the  new  war  & 
new  coalition.  The  proclamation  of  the  different  powers  will 
show  their  creed  or  intentions,  and  may  be  considered  as  the 
articles  of  an  immense  partnership  with  the  heads  at  an  immense 
distance  from  each  other,  and  where  their  capital  and  enterprize 
must  depend  on  minor  agents.  All  parties  are  rushing  to  one 
point  rather  more  equipped  for  a  march  than  for  an  engagement 
as  yet  until  every  man  is  at  his  post.  Success  will  be  various,  but 
the  result  is  yet  to  be  known.  Great  hopes  are  entertained  about 
Russia.     .     .     . 

With  great  respect  your  mo.  ob.  humb.  servt. 

Wm.  Vaughan. 


R.  King  to  C.  Gore. 

Jamaica,  L.  I.,  Oct.  28,  1805. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

We  came  hither  about  a  week  since,  and  as  the  weather  has 
been  favourable  and  the  health  Comtee.  have  invited  us  all  back, 
have  sent  a  servant  or  two  to  town  to  prepare  our  house.     .     .     . 

Our  latest  News  from  Europe  makes  it  probable  that  a  new 
Coalition  has  been  formed  ;  it  is  to  be  hoped  the  allies  have  been 
secret  as  well  as  active,  for  unless  Austria  be  herself  well  prepared, 
and  moreover  seasonably  as  well  as  vigorously  supported  by 
Russia  &  England,  she  will  be  sure  to  suffer  severely  by  the  irrup- 
tion of  the  French  Armies.  Recollecting  the  separate  views  of 
the  former  Coalition,  the  want  of  common  object,  honourable  to 
the  Allies,  and  not  humiliating  to  France,  we  may  expect  a  mani- 


1805]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  459 

festo  from  the  new  Coalition,  correcting  the  former  Error  and 
such  as  shall  deserve  the  approbation  &  good  wishes  of  all  other 
nations.  If  the  Coalition  are  successful  this  autumn  or  make  any 
serious  impressions  on  the  Power  of  Bonaparte,  England  will  be- 
come haughty  and  elated,  and  in  this  temper  I  shall  fear  most 
serious  depredations  on  our  Trade.  In  respect  to  the  late  deci- 
sion of  the  Court  of  Appeals  I  have  not  yet  seen  so  correct  a 
Report  of  it  as  enables  me  to  form  a  precise  opinion  of  its  Extent  ; 
if  it  go  no  further  than  to  restrain  the  Exportation  of  Colonial 
Produce  in  the  vessel  in  which  the  same  was  imported,  unless  an 
intermediate  voyage  shall  have  been  performed  by  her,  the  abridge- 
ment wd.  not  be  very  important ;  but  if  the  negative  proof,  which 
you  mention  be  demanded,  there  can  be  no  security  in  sending 
Colonial  Produce  from  the  U.  S.  to  Europe  ;  this  wd.  be  so  ex- 
travagant and  so  unjust  that  I  cannot  suppose  the  Principle  is, 
has  been,  or  will  be  insisted  upon.  Another  reason  why  I  discredit 
the  operation  of  this  Doctrine  is  derived  from  the  disjointed  and 
feeble  condition  of  the  Br.  Cabinet  at  the  date  of  the  Decision  : 
a  new  Principle  of  this  comprehensive  nature  w?  not  be  adopted 
by  feeble,  ill-assorted  and  recently  connected  men — and  my 
present  persuasion  is  that  the  mere  touching,  and  passing  a 
Colonial  Cargo  thro*  our  Custom  House,  and  then  proceeding 
with  the  same  ship  &  Cargo  to  Europe,  has  been  considered  as  too 
slight  a  security  ag*  Fraud,  and  that  the  decision  has  been  such  as 
to  put  an  end  to  this  particular  mode  of  trade.     .     .     . 

Always  &  faithfully  yrs. 

R.  K. 


Mr.  Wilberforce  to  R.  King. 

Umdon  House,  New  Birmingham,  Nov.  7,  1805. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

Before  I  enter  upon  the  Subject,  which  gives  occasion  for  my 
now  addressing  you,  let  me  assure  you,  with  perfect  sincerity, 
that  I  retain  a  lively  sense  of  the  pleasure  &  advantage  I  have 
often  derived  from  your  Society,  during  your  too  short  residence 
in  this  country,  and  that  I  shall  ever  continue  to  feel  a  warm 
interest  in  your  happiness  &  welfare.     I  heartily  wish  this  letter 


460  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

may  find  you  in  fl.  enjoyment  of  domestic  comfort,  the  best  of 
this  world's  blessings,  and  of  good  health  ;  and  while  I  am  on 
this  head,  let  me  beg  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  King  and  any  of 
your  younger  ones  who  may  remember  me. 

The  object  of  my  now  writing  to  you,  is  to  recommend  to  your 
serious  perusal  a  pamphlet  lately  published  in  this  country  en- 
titled War  in  disguise,  or  ye  frauds  of  ye  Neutral  Flags.  To 
you,  who  from  personal  experience  as  well  as  general  knowledge, 
are  so  thoroughly  versed  in  all  that  concerns  this  subject,  I 
scarcely  need  go  on  to  state  the  general  tenor  of  the  Pamphlet, 
its  very  title  will  make  that  sufficiently  clear.  Neither  will  I 
anticipate  any  of  its  contents.  I  will  however  state  what  I  know 
will  convey  to  your  mind  an  impression  of  its  being  a  work  of 
ability,  and  allowing  for  the  bias,  to  which  we  are  all  liable  from 
self  interest,  of  its  sound  principles  also,  that  it  has  received  the 
warm  approbation  of  Sir  Wm.  Scott.  I  will  frankly  confess  to 
you  that  I  was  strongly  prejudiced  against  the  conclusions  which 
I  understood  it  was  the  author's  object  to  establish,  from  a  fear 
lest  their  practical  adoption  might  at  least  weaken  that  cordiality 
between  our  country  &  yours,  which  to  you,  who  know  my  moral 
as  well  as  my  political  principles  &  feelings,  I  need  scarcely  say, 
it  has  been  ever,  &  still  is,  my  earnest  wish  to  cultivate  and  im- 
prove. But  serious  Reflection  has  forced  on  me  the  persuasion, 
that  our  acting  (I  will  not  affirm  too  hastily  to  what  precise  extent) 
on  the  system  recommended  by  the  work  in  question,  is,  according 
to  all  human  appearances,  indispensable  &  necessary  not  only  to 
our  interest,  but  to  our  very  existence.  I  happen  to  know  that 
the  Pamphlet  was  written  rapidly,  tho'  by  a  man  long  &  familiarly 
acquainted  with  his  subject,  &  the  part  in  which  it  appears  to  me 
the  most  defective,  is  that  wherein  it  states  the  consequences  of 
ye  continuance  of  ye  present  system,  to  our  maritime  greatness. 
Much  more  might  have  been  said  on  that  head  ;  which  however 
your  acquaintance  with  History  will  readily  supply.  I  shall  be 
very  anxious  to  hear  what  reception  the  Doctrine  meets  with  on 
your  side  of  the  Atlantic.  The  self-interested  will  of  course  en- 
deavour to  raise  a  cry  ;  but  if  men  of  sound  principles  and  deeper 
views,  men  of  Judgment,  Equity  &  Impartiality  admit  that  Jus- 
tice warrants  and  Self  Defence  enforces  our  Govt's  adopting  the 
measures  (in  ye.  main)  prescribed  by  ye  writer  in  question,  their 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  461 

opinion  will  more,  I  trust,  than  counterbalance  the  sentiments  & 
efforts  of  men  of  a  different  description.  But  how  does  this  very 
state  of  things  bring  to  my  recollection  &  enforce  on  my  feelings 
the  important  truth,  on  which  you  &  I  have  often  expressed  our 
concurrence  that  Govts,  which  wish  to  cultivate  a  friendly  con- 
nection between  the  countries  to  which  they  respectively  belong, 
would  do  well  to  be  assiduous  in  embracing  every  fair  opportunity 
of  testifying  this  Disposition.  They  would  meet  with  more  ready 
&  implicit  credit  when  they  affirm  that  they  are  actuated  by  simi- 
lar Inclinations,  on  occasions  which  are  less  clear,  and  where  they 
may  be  supposed  to  be  more  likely  to  be  under  the  influence  of 
Self  Interest. 

But,  my  dear  Sir,  you  know  us  Englishmen,  such  as  we  are, 
our  good  qualities  and  our  bad  ones,  &  I  would  venture  to  affirm 
that  your  Residence  in  this  Country  may  have  produced  impres- 
sions concerning  the  personal  character  of  my  countrymen  which 
Books  alone  never  would  supply  &  thereby  enable  you  to  account 
for  instances  of  conduct  otherwise  inexplicable.  It  will  give  me 
pleasure  to  hear  of  your  welfare,  &  if  any  of  your  friends  should 
visit  this  country,  I  should  feel  a  gratification  in  rendering  them 
any  good  offices  in  my  power  &  doing  any  thing  I  might  be 
able  to  make  their  stay  among  us  agreeable.  Once  more  I  remain, 
my  dear  sir,  with  great  esteem  and  Regard,  &c. 

W.    WlLBERFORCE. 

P.  S.  You  will,  I  am  persuaded,  be  glad  to  hear  that  I  have  the 
happiness  (I  thank  God)  to  enjoy  great  domestic  comfort.  I  have 
now  5  children,  but  Mrs.  W.'s  health  is  but  very  indifft.  since  her 
last  confinement.  Our  friend  Montague  &  his  nums.  flock  are  all 
well.  Lord  Harrowby  has  taken  his  eldest  son  with  him  to  Ber- 
lin as  an  introduction  to  business.  He  does  great  credit  to  his 
domestic  education  in  every  way.     .     .     . 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  9  Nov.,  1805. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

I  received  from  you  Extracts  of  two  letters  of  Genl.  M.,  who,  I 
fear,  would  not  find  any  so  well  disposed  to  promote  his  views 
now,  as  last  year.     Losses  &  Disappointments  render  our  mer- 


462  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

chants  more  cautious  &  timid  &  their  Sanguine  Expectations,  in 
the  year  past,  have  probably  much  diminished  their  means. 

Our  last  accounts  from  Europe  would  incline  us  to  hope  that 
Great  Britain  had  foreseen  &  in  some  measure  prepared  for  the 
state  of  things  that  now  exists  on  the  Continent.  How  far  Austria 
may  have  provided  to  meet  or  divert  the  Forces  of  France  is  left 
altogether  to  Conjecture.  Should  the  Coalition  be  successful,  our 
Trade  would  undoubtedly  feel  the  depredating  Spirit  of  the 
British  Cruizers,  and  the  Fears  of  our  merchants  will  be  dread- 
fully realized.  Judge  Croke,  at  Halifax,  seems  disposed  to  catch 
at  the  smallest  Pretence,  for  passing  Decrees  of  Condemnation  : 
and  many  of  the  Decisions  in  England  go  but  too  far  in  counte- 
nancing the  Rules  he  seems  to  have  adopted.  The  Case  of  the 
Essex  was  a  vessel  loaded  with  the  Produce  of  old  Spain,  bound 
from  the  U.  States  to  Havannah.  It  seemed  that  she  went  from 
Salem  to  Barcelona  &  bound  thence  to  the  E.  Indies,  meeting 
some  accident,  or  not  being  able  to  procure  Dollars,  she  re- 
turned to  Salem,  landed  her  Cargo,  which  was  on  Shore  for 
several  months,  but  not  finding  a  market,  the  owners  shipt  it  in 
the  same  ship  for  the  Havannah.  Vessel  &  Cargo  condemned 
on  the  ground,  that  it  was  all  one  voyage,  the  foregoing  circum- 
stances notwithstanding,  To  say  the  least,  they  manifestly  require 
different  Evidence  of  the  Intentions  of  the  Owner,  relating  to 
Colonial  Produce,  shipt  from  the  U.  S.  in  its  original  Importation 
than  formerely— and  in  case  of  the  Importer  into  the  U.  S., 
transhipping  it  to  Europe,  they  demand  Evidence  of  his  Inten- 
tion which,  it  would  seem  to  me,  cannot  be  on  board  the  Vessel ; 
and  I  should  fear  that  every  Ship  having  on  board  Colonial  Pro- 
duce, might  be  lawfully  seized  by  British  Cruizers — and  indeed 
we  have  a  case  stated,  if  correctly,  that  confirms  this  Idea.  A 
vessel,  bound  from  Norfolk  with  Sugars,  whh.  her  owners  pur- 
chased there,  was  seized  in  the  Channel  &  ordered  for  London  ; 
after  she  was  in  Possession  of  her  Captors,  she  ran  against  Dover 
Pier  &  bilged,  so  that  the  sugars  were  all  lost.  The  Vessel  was 
tried  and  acquitted,  but  no  Damages  given  ;  There  might  have 
been  other  circumstances  in  the  Case,  not  related,  which  may 
have  justified  the  Denial  of  Damages,  but  as  reported  it  goes  the 
Length  I  have  mentioned. 

Our  Government,  with  the  various  Claimants  on  their  Spirit 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  463 

and  their  negotiating  Talents,  will  have  a  plentiful  Source  of  Em- 
barrassment. If  they  could  only  use  some  of  the  Complaints  to 
excite  and  keep  up  an  irritable  State  of  the  public  mind  against 
G.  B.,  it  would  (be)  an  excellent  medicine  for  their  political  Pur- 
poses. But  I  think  the  Administration  will  be  fearful  of  en- 
couraging this  Temper,  lest  it  should  go  beyond  their  Views,  and 
carry  them  into  Scenes,  to  which  their  Talents  and  pecuniary 
Resources,  as  they  have  lowered  and  cramped  the  latter,  should 
prove  incompetent.     . 

Ever  truly  yours, 

C.  Gore. 


The  following  letter,  though  out  of  place  as  to  date,  from 
Octavia  Southgate,  niece  of  Mr.  King,  gives  her  impressions 
of  him  on  July  1st,  1804.* 

"  The  family  I  am  now  in,  however  have  reconciled  me  very 
much  to  this  place.  I  am  about  4  miles  from  New  York,  at  Mr. 
Murray's.  You  heard  me  mention  this  family  as  uncommonly 
amiable.  To  me  they  supply  in  a  great  measure  the  loss  of  my 
own.  I  am  delighted  at  having  an  opportunity  of  spending  a 
week  with  them  in  this  way.  Aunt  (King)  has  been  drinking  tea 
with  us  this  evening.  She  tells  me  they  commence  their  journey 
this  week.  They  are  very  solicitous  for  me  to  go  with  them  ;  but 
Elisa  will  so  soon  follow  them,  that  I  don't  think  it  will  be  so 
pleasant.  .  .  .  Aunt  King  will  suit  you  exactly.  She  is  a 
charming,  easy  soul  and  I  am  sure  she  will  be  your  favorite 
among  your  Aunts.  Uncle  pleases  me  more  every  day.  He  has 
laid  by  his  accustomed  majesty — to  tell  you  the  truth,  for  a  long 
time  I  looked  up  to  him  as  a  superior  being  ;  his  presence  awed 
and  charmed  me.     I  gloried  in  him  and  felt  a  sensible  pride 

*  The  editor  is  indebted  for  this  letter  to  Mrs.  Emily  E.  Ford,  of  Brooklyn, 
N.  Y.,  who  thus  writes  :  "Ina  letter  from  Octavia  Southgate  to  her  brother 
Horatio,  who  married  for  his  second  wife  Mary  Webster,  my  aunt  and  fourth 
daughter  of  Noah  Webster,  I  found  this  passage,  relating  to  her  uncle."  The 
journey,  to  which  reference  is  made  above,  is  that  which  was  taken  by  Mr. 
King  to  New  England  and  to  visit  his  relatives  there.  This  is  another  evidence 
of  the  fact  that  it  was  planned  before  the  duel  of  Hamilton  was  decided  upon. 
See  R.  Kings  Life,  vol.  iv.,  p.  390. 


464  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

whenever  I  looked  at  him,  but  the  idea  of  loving  him  never 
entered  my  head  ;  He  always  was  attentive  to  me  and  appeared 
to  be  pleased  to  see  me  ;  but  he  always  called  me  Miss  South- 
gate  j  but  since  I  went  to  Long  Island  with  them  he  is  totally 
changed.  He  speaks  to  me  in  the  most  affectionate  terms,  calls 
me  his  daughter  and  introduces  me  to  all  strangers  as  his  niece. 
I  now  confess  him  to  be  when  he  pleases,  a  man  of  the  most  in- 
sinuating manner  I  ever  knew/' 

Mr.  King,  who  had  long  desired  to  make  his  permanent 
residence  in  the  country,  near  New  York,  bought,  on  the 
20th  November,  1805,  from  Mr.  Christopher  Smith's  estate, 
a  farm  of  about  sixty  acres  of  arable  land  with  about  30 
additional  acres  of  woodland  near  by,  at  Jamaica,  Long 
Island,  fronting  on  the  main  road  between  Brooklyn  and 
Jamaica,  to  which  he  removed  with  his  family  on  May  20, 
1806.  It  is  probable  that  his  attention  was  drawn  to  this 
place  by  the  fact  that  Mr.  Alsop's  estate  held  a  mortgage 
upon  the  property,  and  also  because  of  the  proximity  to  a 
village  where  the  Episcopal  church,  good  schools,  and  a 
post  office  were  of  easy  access  and  in  a  healthy  part  of  the 
country.  He  speaks  of  these  things  in  his  letter  to  his  sons, 
alluding  also  to  the  advantages  afforded  on  Long  Island  for 
those  who  loved,  as  he  did,  hunting  and  game.  It  has  al- 
ways been  believed  that  his  wife's  instance  decided  him  in 
making  the  purchase  and  residing  there  permanently. 

It  may  here  be  said,  though  a  little  before  the  time,  that 
he  immediately  began  to  make  improvements  in  the  house, 
and  in  the  autumn  of  the  following  year  to  plant  trees,  fruit 
and  ornamental,  and  shrubs.  The  pine  and  fir  trees  were 
sent  to  him  through  his  friend  Mr.  Sheaffe,  of  Portsmouth, 
from  New  Hampshire,  and  are  said  to  be  among  the  first 
planted  in  that  part  of  Long  Island.* 

*  Mr.  King,  as  his  eldest  son  wrote  of  him,  was  a  careful,  and  therefore  a 
successful  planter  of  trees  and  shrubs,  in  both  of  which  he  took  great  delight. 
He  was  also  a  good  botanist,  and  loved  the  song  of  birds,  which  soon  began  to 
frequent  his  thrifty  plantation,  where  they  ever  found  shelter  and  protection. 
Some  large  oaks  now  stand  near  the  house,  the  acorns  of  which  he  planted. 


1805]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE,  465 

R.  King  to  his  Sons,  Paris. 

New  York,  Nov.  24,  1805. 
My  dear  Sons  : 

Within  a  few  days  past  we  have  reed,  your  letters  of  the  begin- 
ning of  Sept.  :  John's  letter  is  dated  before  the  distribution  of 
Prizes,  Charles'  the  day  after.  Today  Mr.  LeRoy,  father  of  the 
young  gentleman  of  this  name,  who  is  with  you,  sent  me  the  fol- 
lowing extract  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Cazenove,  who  resided  with 
M.  Talleyrand  when  we  were  in  Paris — viz. 

6.  Septembre,  1805. 
"  J'ai  assiste  hier  a  la  distribution  des  prix  a  la  pension  de  Mons. 
Thurot :  la  compagnie  etait  tr£s  nombreuse,  presidee  par  un 
Senateur  qui  a  remis  les  couronnes  aux  vainquers,  et  composee 
des  Parens  et  des  amis  de  cette  belle  jeunesse,  qui  etait  assise  en 
Amphitheatre  au  fond  de  la  salle.  Ceux  qui  avaint  gagne  des 
prix  sortaient  des  rangs,  et  au  son  de  la  musique  s'avancaient 
vers  l'Estrade  ou  les  Maitres  et  les  Professeurs  placaient  les 
couronnes.  Cette  Ceremonie  tr6s  solenelle  et  attendrissante 
eveille  a  un  haut  degre"  l'emulation  des  Etudians.  Dites  a  Mons. 
King  (en  me  rappelent  a  son  souvener)  que  j'ai  eu  grand  plaisir 
de  voir  ses  fils  s'avancer  a  plusieurs  reprises  pour  recevoir  des 
palmes  qu'ils  avaient  merite  ;  leur  noble  &  agr^able  figure  et 
maintien  £taient  remarques  de  toute  l'assemblee  :  ils  joignaient 
au  regard  assure*  et  la  tete  elev^e  d'un  etre  qui  se  sent,  la  modestie 
et  la  douceur  que  caracterisent  tant  leur  pere.  Sans  exageration 
le  genie  et  la  probity  leur  sortaient  de  tous  les  Pores." 

I  am  really  unable  to  describe  to  you  the  Emotions  of  Pride  & 
satisfaction,  which  I  have  received  from  your  letters  and  the  Re- 
port of  Mr.  Cazenove.  We  have  read  them  over  and  over  again  ; 
and  mother  wears  them  in  her  Bosom  !  Go  on  my  deserving  and 
beloved  Sons,  continue  to  excel,  and  you  will  thereby  not  only 
give  to  your  Parents  the  richest  and  best  reward  of  their  tender 
and  affectionate  Cares,  but  be  sure  to  obtain  the  success  and 
applause  among  your  Countrymen,  which  good  and  great  men  so 
ardently  desire.  I  have  communicated  to  Mr.  &  Mrs.  Gore,  and 
to  some  other  of  our  intimate  friends  the  distinction  you  have 
acquired,  and  as  Mr.  Le  Roy  will  show  Mr.  Cazenove's  letter  to 

VOL.    IV. — 30 


466  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

his  friends,  I  anticipate  the  Congratulations  of  my  friends  and 
acquaintance  on  the  reputation  you  have  gained. 

Within  a  few  days  past  I  have  purchased  a  place  in  the  Coun- 
try. It  is  about  12  miles  from  town,  at  Jamaica  on  Long  Island. 
The  house  is  not  fashionable,  but  convenient,  the  outhouse  good 
and  the  Grounds  consisting  of  about  50  Acres,  sufficient  to  give 
me  Pasture  for  my  Cows  and  hay  for  my  Horses.  In  addition 
there  is  at  half  a  miles  distance  between  thirty  and  forty  acres  of 
Woodland.  In  the  village  of  Jamaica  is  a  Church  &  Post  Office, 
and  family  supplies  are  plentiful,  good  and  various.  A  Stage 
goes  &  returns  every  day  between  Jamaica  &  Brookline,  the  town 
on  Long  Island  opposite  to  New  York,  between  which  there  is  a 
Ferry.  Long  Island  is  the  finest  sporting  country  perhaps  in 
America  ;  besides  which  the  roads  are  good  &  the  Rides  pleasant, 
&  numerous. 

How  happy  shall  we  be  when  the  Time  arrives  of  the  reunion 
of  our  family  ;  how  greatly  will  the  pleasure  be  enhanced,  should 
our  Sons  return  with  pure  morals,  cultivated  minds  and  polished 
manners  ! 

I  shall  write  to  Mr.  Parker  in  a  day  or  two  ;  in  the  mean  time 
present  to  him  my  Regards — if  I  can  find  any  one  going  to  Paris, 
I  will  send  you  such  of  the  vols  (I  believe  3)  of  Washington's 
Life  as  are  published. 

Adieu  my  dear  sons, 

(signature  burnt). 

P.  S.  The  fever  disappeared  early  in  this  month — not  more 
than  254  died  this  year  of  this  malady.  We  returned  to  town 
about  the  10th.  having  passed  almost  4  months  on  Long  Island. 
My  new  house  is  well  forward  and  will  be  finished  so  that  we 
may  occupy  it  next  autumn,  during  the  winter  we  suspend  the 
work.  Mr.  Chs.  Williams  called  on  us  as  he  passed  thro'  town. 
It  was  a  satisfaction  to  see  him,  as  he  had  so  lately  seen  you. 


Rufus  King  to  Gouverneur  Morris. 

Sunday,  1  o'clk,  Nov.  24,  1805. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  received  and  will  immediately  forward  your  notes  to 
the  Mayor  &  Genl.  Morton.  The  military  will  be  disappointed 
that  we  have  not  given  their  invitation  a  preference  ;  they  say 
they  shd.  not  have  made  a  dinner  but  on  the  appearance  that  the 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  467 

Corporation  wd.  this  year  decline  giving  one,  and  it  being  proba- 
ble that  others  have  decided  as  we  have,  I  have  intimated  to 
Genl.  Stevens,  who  has  just  left  me,  that  we  may,  perhaps,  have 
it  in  our  power  to  make  him  a  visit  after  leaving  the  Hall  *  ; 
Moreau  is  expected  this  evening,  will  stay  with  Genl.  Stevens, 
who  desires  that  you  &  I  will  dine  with  him  on  Tuesday. 

faithfully  yrs 

Rufus  King. 

P.  S.  Gore  is  not  returned,  I  have  no  room  unoccupied,  but 
we  shall  find  one  for  you.  Another  year  we  will  order  things 
better. 


% 


.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  25  Nov.,  1805. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .  I  am  afraid  that  Miranda  will  meet  with  Disappoint- 
ment, if  He  expect  much  Assistance  from  this  Quarter.  Had  he 
been  associated,  as  he  hoped,  considerable  aid  might  have  been 
counted  upon  here.  In  addition  to  the  natural  want  of  Confi- 
dence, that  arises  from  his  Exertions  being  single  &  unsupported, 
there  is  a  general  Gloom  among  mercantile  men  &  indisposition 
to  adventurous  Speculation,  from  the  severe  Losses  they  are  daily 
experiencing  by  the  British  Captures.  The  last  accounts  from 
England  bring  accounts  of  the  Condemnation  of  Property  where 
the  only  Grounds  could  have  been  that  it  had  been  imported  & 
exported  by  the  same  Persons  ;  for  the  Vessel  was  changed.  The 
goods  had  been  ashore  several  months,  and  advertised  for  sale  in 
this  Market,  and  there  was  not  the  smallest  Pretence  that  the 
Property  was  other  than  neutral.  In  the  Gazette  of  this  Day, 
you  will  see  a  statement  of  the  Principles  said  to  have  been 
adopted  in  the  Admiralty  Court,  under  an  account  of  the  Capture 
&  Release  of  the  Ship  Three  Thomas.  This  was  written  by 
Samuel  Cabot's  son,  &  is  noted  in  the  Letter  as  a  Quotation  ;  we 
suppose  it  to  have  been  so  stated  by  S.  Williams. 

*  Diary  and  Letters  of  Gouverneur  Morris,  ii.,  470,  November  25,  1805. 

"  After  dinner,  Mr.  King  and  I  visit  a  party  to  which  we  were  invited — a 
large  dinner  given  to  General  Moreau. 

"  Miranda  has  been  down,  and,  as  we  expected,  met  with  no  encouragement. 
He  is  now  engaged  in  a  project  which  would  be  wise  if  backed  by  this  country, 
but  appears  wild  in  its  present  form." — Diary  and  Letters  of  Gouverneur 
Morris,  ii.,  470,  November  25,  1805. 


468  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

Some  of  our  coolest  men,  such  as  William  Gray  of  Salem, 
David  Sears  &  the  like  of  this  Town,  are  extremely  violent.  The 
times  are  becoming  as  portentous  in  our  Relations  with  Great 
Britain,  as  when  Mr.  Jay  went  to  England.  However,  They,  one 
&  all,  say  if  you  were  to  go  there,  you  could  arrange  every  thing 
satisfactorily.  I  mention  this,  for  I  should  not  be  surprized  if 
the  Voice  were  so  loud  &  so  general  as  to  impose  on  Mr.  J.  the 
necessity  of  naming  you,  and  on  yourself  an  irresistible  Duty  of 
complying.  It  has  been  suggested  here  to  send  on  a  Deputation 
of  Merchants  to  Washington,  for  the  Purpose  of  inducing  the 
Government  to  adopt  some  rational  measures  of  securing  our 
Rights,  and  preventing  National  Disgrace  by  the  measures,  which 
some  will  be  disposed  to  resort  to  with  the  real  or  pretended  view 
of  attaining  our  Ends.  If  such  a  Deputation  should  be  deter- 
mined on,  the  Merchants  have  requested  me  to  make  one  to 
represent  their  case,  &c.  &c.  I  have  declined  and  shall  continue 
to  decline  such  an  Errand,  for  reasons  which  must  be  obvious  to 
you  ;  and  I  am  not  aware  that  any  personal  considerations  can 
be  suggested  to  my  mind,  or  any  Prospect  of  rendering  public 
Service,  that  will  or  ought  to  induce  me  to  alter  my  opinion.  I 
offer  them,  &  sincerely,  to  afford  all  the  Aid  in  my  Power  to  en- 
lighten their  minds,  or  direct  their  Views,  should  the  measure  of 
sending  the  Deputation  be  persisted  in.  Something  must  be  at- 
tempted here,  otherwise  the  Violence  of  some  of  our  best  men 
will  lead  them  into  courses,  productive  of  incalculable  Evils  to 
the  country,  and  especially  to  themselves.  They  will  afford  a 
Handle  to  others  to  do  that,  which  will  disgrace  our  national 
character,  offer  an  apology  to  G.  B.  to  possess  herself  of  our  un- 
protected Property,  &  Seamen,  and  finally  involve  us  in  War,  or 
base  and  unworthy  Concessions.     .     .     . 

faithfully  &  ever  yours 

C.  Gore. 


T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

Washington,  Dec.  5,  1805. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  I  am  told  that  the  President  talks  boldly  ;  yet  it  seems 
to  me  the  expression  "  which  party  can  do  the  other  the  most 
harm  "  does  not  look  extremely  warlike. 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  469 

We  have  not  yet  had  any  treaties  laid  before  us.  That  with 
Tripoli  must  of  course  be  ratified  ;  yet  considering  the  high  prob- 
ability that  the  operations  of  Eaton  &  the  Ex-Bashaw  would,  if 
pursued,  have  placed  the  U.  States  on  elevated  ground,  I  am  in- 
clined to  think  that  the  administration  now  wish  that  Mr.  Lear, 
by  an  untimely  negotiation,  had  not  stopped  their  progress.  But 
Lear's  conduct  appears  to  me  perfectly  of  a  piece  with  the  spirit 
of  the  administration,  who  tho'  not  desirous  of  benefiting  by 
Hamet  Bashaw's  interest  and  efforts  among  his  countrymen,  were 
evidently  ready  to  abandon  him  to  his  fate,  if  the  support  of 
his  claims  to  the  throne  of  Tripoli,  should  be  found  incon- 
venient.    .     .     . 

With  respect  &  esteem  &c 

T.  Pickering. 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  Deer.  10,  1805. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .  We  rejoice  that  you  have  a  Place  in  the  Country,  which, 
to  the  citizens  of  N.  York,  seems  now  a  necessary  accommoda- 
tion. Had  it  been  consistent  with  the  Interest  of  your  Family 
to  have  been  this  way,  it  would  more  have  gratified  us.     .     .     . 

Your  letter  of  the  29th  came  a  Day  or  two  after  the  arrival  of  the 
Genl's  (Miranda)  Friend.  I  introduced  him  to  those  most  likely 
to  enter  into  his  views,  and  most  capable  of  promoting  them.  He 
had  several  meetings  with  them,  but  they  declined  doing  any 
thing,  and  were  probably  more  averse  from  reflecting  on  some  of 
the  Genl.'s  Associates,  than  even  the  Hazard  of  the  Enterprise. 

We,  this  Day,  have  the  President's  Message,  and  while  some  of 
our  Friends  conclude,  He  pledges  Himself  to  the  attempt  of  ob- 
taining, by  all  means,  a  disavowal  of  the  Principles,  on  which  G. 
B.  interrupts  our  Trade,  others  suppose,  that  He  merely  intends 
to  insist  on  G.  B.'s  allowing  us  to  do  that  which  she  herself  does, 
and  that  as  G.  B.  will  accede  to  this,  He  will  appear  with  a  great 
Parade  of  compulsory  measures  to  have  forced  a  compliance  with 
his  own  Propositions  from  England.  They  suppose  that  he  limits 
the  Grievance  to  our  not  being  permitted  to  carry,  to  the  Spanish 
Possessions,  that  which  she  suffers  to  be  transported  from  New 
Providence,  Jamaica  or  Trinidad. 


470  RUFUS  KING,  [1805 

I  cannot  but  think  He  has  committed  Himself  further,  and 
brings  forward  what  is  alluded  to,  merely  as  instances  of  the  In- 
consistency &  absurdity  of  the  new  Principles,  as  he  calls  them, 
"founded  neither  in  justice,  nor  the  Usage  or  acknowledgment  of 
Nations"  The  avowal  &  Practice  whereof  impose  on  us  the  obliga- 
tion of  providing  an  effectual  &r*  determined  Opposition,  by  a  peace- 
able Remedy,  which  may  lead  to  Force. 

As  to  the  Spanish  affair,  it  would  seem  to  me,  that  being  well 
assured  from  the  situation  of  his  Cab.  &  his  allies,  that  some  terms 
will  be  offered,  whh.  He  can  accept.  He  was  desirous  of  having 
it  appear  that  his  own  Conduct,  and  not  his  other  Relations  pro- 
duced the  result  He  foresees. 

Our  merchants  are  evidently  anxious  &  alarmed  ;  for  they  have 
immense  Property  afloat,  and  the  late  Decisions  in  England  afford 
them  no  grounds  of  Tranquillity  ;  although  the  Gentlemen  there 
report  from  Mr.  Monroe,  as  is  said,  that  Great  Britain  will  not  go 
beyond  what  she  did  the  last  War.  The  Condemnations,  how- 
ever, speak  a  very  different  Language,  &  the  Insurance  offices  in 
this  Town,  suffer  heavy  losses  in  consequence  of  these  Decisions. 
I  think  the  sufferers  are  not  so  vociferous  or  wild  in  their  Projects 
of  compelling  a  compliance  from  G.  B.  as  they  were.  I  am  more 
afraid  of  what  the  Southern  Merchants  may  wish  done,  than  of 
our  People,  yet  we  are  not  entirely  free  of  those  Errors  which 
would  involve  us  in  Loss,  Disgrace,  War  or  mean  Submission,  or 
both.     .     .     . 

Yours  ever  &  faithfully, 

C.  Gore. 

There  is  no  copy  of  the  letter  below  alluded  to.  It  is  to 
be  regretted  for  it  would  have  shown  what  was  the  current 
opinion  relative  to  the  subject  of  the  Management  of  the 
Bank.  

Sam.  Breck  to  R.  King. 

Philadelphia,  Dec.  16,  1805. 
Dear  Sir  : 
.  The  letter  that  you  was  so  obliging  as  to  write  to  me  on  the 
1 2th  inst.  I  duly  received,  and  to  which  I  now,  with  pleasure,  re- 
turn an  answer.  The  opinion  you  offer  respecting  the  Parent 
Bank  here,  and  the  Branch  at  New  York,  is  similar  to  those  which 
have  been  expressed  by  other  gents,  of  your  City  and  therefore 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  47 1 

leave  no  doubt  of  the  necessity  of  a  change  j  indeed,  as  it  regards 
the  former,  it  has  been  a  rule  of  the  Stockholders  in  order  to 
strengthen  the  Bank  here,  to  leave  out  annually  the  greater  part 
of  the  Directors  required  by  our  charter,  that  live  at  a  distance, 
&  to  fill  vacancies  with  others  not  Inhabitants  of  this  City  ;  of 
course,  at  the  ensuing  election  nearly  all  the  Gentn.  Directors 
of  the  Parent  Bank,  who  reside  in  New  York,  will  be  changed  for 
others  of  the  City  ;  a  measure  that  has  been  found  necessary  to 
pursue  in  order  to  secure  a  competent  number  of  Directors  here 
at  all  times,  but  particularly  during  the  summer  months,  when  our 
citizens  are  so  unhappy  as  to  be  afflicted  with  sickness  and  to 
avoid  which  many  of  them  retire  to  their  country  houses  ;  thus 
you  see  from  the  small  number  of  Stockholders  within  the  United 
States,  it  will  often  happen  that  men  out  of  business,  and  but 
little  acquainted  with  Bank  concerns,  are  chosen  Directors  and, 
however  unpleasant  this  circumstance  may  be,  we  are  positively 
without  a  remedy  ! 

But  as  it  respects  Branch  Directors,  the  same  necessity  does 
not  exist ;  yet,  even  there,  we  have  to  encounter  another  difficulty 
not  easily  surmounted  ;  for  who  will  inform  the  Directors  of  the 
Parent  Bank  of  the  individual  that  ought  to  be  displaced  at  the 
Branch  ?  indeed  that  is  a  point  of  such  delicacy  as  to  deter  any 
Gentn.  from  involving  himself  in  a  dispute  with  another  ;  but, 
under  the  rotation  system,  I  have  been  told,  the  Directors  were 
named  by  those  of  the  Parent  Bank  residing  in  New  York,  and 
by  our  Board  generally  adopted.  How  far  under  present  circum- 
stances, they  may  choose  to  recommend  a  change  the  Gentn. 
soon  to  be  elected  will  decide.  Yet  I  cannot  but  be  anxious  lest 
a  serious  misunderstanding  should  take  place  that  may  excite  an 
opposition  to  the  renewal  of  our  charter,  soon  to  be  required 
of  the  Government,  the  chief  of  which,  I  believe,  has  not  the 
most  cordial  regard  for  the  Institution,  and,  therefore,  may  be  in- 
fluenced by  its  enemies.  It  is  fortunate  however,  that  except  at 
New  York  the  greatest  harmony  prevails  &  the  affairs  of  all  the 
offices  of  Discount  &  Deposit  are  perfectly  well  managed. 

As  our  mutual  friend  Mr.  Wolcott  has  expressed  sentiments  on 
this  subject  similar  to  yours  I  wish,  if  you  think  proper,  that  the 
contents  of  this  letter  may  be  communicated  to  him. 
With  Sincere   regards, 

Sam.  Breck. 


472  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

Washington,  Dec.  18,  1805. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  No  great  measure  has  yet  been  proposed  in  Congress, 
or  even  intimated  ;  &  I  am  pretty  well  satisfied  that  none  is 
intended  ;  the  supposed  strong  language  of  the  President,  &  the 
vapouring  of  his  Gazette  notwithstanding.  If  Bonaparte's  suc- 
cess continue,  nothing  certainly  will  be  attempted  against 
Spain  ;  and  if  the  latter  yield  any  of  her  pretensions,  it  will  be 
by  command  of  the  former,  for  an  adequate  consideration  to  be 
paid  by  the  U.  S. 


Very  truly  yours 

T.  Pickering. 


Rufus  King  Esq. 


Rufus  King   to   C.  Gore. 

Secret. 

New  York,  Dec.  25,  1805. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

The  same  commercial  solicitude  and  alarm  that  sometime  since 
manifested  themselves  with  you,  have  lately  taken  Possession  of 
the  body  of  Merchants  here.  A  memorial  is  preparing  to  be 
signed  by  Merchants  of  all  Persuasions,  and  which  is  to  be  pre- 
sented by  a  Deputation  to  the  President  and  the  two  houses  of 
Congress. 

The  object,  as  I  understand,  is  negotation — some  of  our 
friends  have  expressed  their  wishes  to  me  that  I  would  not  de- 
cline, if  asked,  to  go  to  England.  I  have  suggested  to  them  the 
Difficulty  that  now  would  probably  attend  my  negotiation,  and 
the  little  Hopes  that  a  satisfactory  Result  could  be  obtained — 
that  independent  of  these  considerations  it  was  not  likely  that  the 
Extive  would  adopt  any  measure  which  wd.  imply  a  deficiency 
in  its  own  Party  :  or  that  should  admit  that  any  Person  could 
anywhere  do  more  or  better  than  the  Gentleman  now  in  England. 

Tho'  I  have  not  either  assented  or  dissented,  I  should  feel  very 
great  hesitation  were  the  measure  proposed  to  me  in  a  manner  in 
other  respects  free  from  difficulty  (  a  thing  that  seems  to  me  very 
improbable  )  in  consenting  to  accept  the  mission.  The  question 
involves  interests  difficult  to  be  reconciled,  if  not  in  direct  oppo- 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  473 

sition.  However  possible  it  might  have  been  at  a  period  of  Peace 
when  these  Interests  were  less  visible,  and  the  Passions  less  likely 
to  be  influenced  by  them,  to  have  marked  out  and  settled  a  Rule 
that  might  have  been  satisfactory  ;  the  situation  is  totally  changed, 
and  we  must  encounter  every  disadvantage  that  is  incident  to  the 
subject,  in  now  attempting  to  effect  an  arrangement  that  would 
satisfy  us.  I  have  thought  I  ought  to  apprize  you  of  what  is  here 
doing,  as  well  as  of  the  impression  of  my  own  mind.  The  last 
accounts  from  Washington  confirm  my  first  Belief  that  as  nothing 
was  intended  to  be  done,  so  nothing  will  be  done  concerning  the 
subjects  about  wh.  the  message  was  supposed  to  say,  &  mean,  so 
much.  The  Confidential  Communication  related  wholly  to  Mr. 
Monroe's  fruitless  negotiations  in  Spain.  Not  a  word  has  been 
said,  and  no  communication  made,  respecting  England. 
Very  faithfully  &  always  yours, 

R.  K. 

G.  (ouveneur)  M.  (orris)  is  here,  having  just  returned  from  W. — 
"  be  ye  fed,  and  be  ye  clothed,"  for  you  are  Hungry  &  Naked — 
was  the  language  used  to  him,  but  good  wishes  and  their  realiza- 
tion are  not  the  same  thing. 


R.  King  to  T.  Pickering. 

New  York,  Dec.  26,  1805. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  duly  received  your  kind  letters  of  the  5th  &  18th  together 
with  the  pieces  which  accompanied  them.  Your  opinion  agrees 
with  my  first  impressions  on  reading  the  message,  which  seems  to 
say  much  without  binding  to  anything. 

The  change  that  occurred  after  Mr.  Monroe  quitted  Madrid, 
has  without  doubt  influenced  Spain  to  give  way  in  some  impor- 
tant point,  preserving  her  adherence  to  the  chief  ones.  If  the 
Policy  succeeds,  she  will  lose  nothing,  but  gain  time,  which  is  all 
in  present  circumstances  that  she  desires.  How  much  of  Policy 
and  national  Reputation  there  may  be  in  acquiescing  in  this 
course  is  a  Question  that  you,  who  have  the  whole  subject  before 
you,  are  best  able  to  determine. 


474  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

I  am  somewhat  surprized  that  you  have  had  no  communication 
concerning  England  ;  since  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  our 
minister  there  has  been  silent,  when  Doctrines  have  been  pro- 
mulgated and  acted  on,  which  unavoidably  lead  to  the  Prostration 
of  our  foreign  commerce  and  the  revenue  we  derive  from  it. 

Should  any  communication  be  made  to  you  on  this  subject,  I 
should  be  particularly  obliged  to  you  to  know  it,  provided  the 
same  can  be  done  without  impropriety.  Our  merchants  are  be- 
coming very  uneasy  in  respect  to  these  Pretensions  of  England  ; 
which  are  of  a  nature  to  render  insecure  our  valuable  trade  in 
colonial  Productions.  A  pamphlet  *  lately  reed,  here  from  Eng- 
land (a  copy  of  which  I  have  heard  was  forwarded  to  Mr.  Madi- 
son) the  object  of  which,  I  cannot  doubt,  has  tended  very  much 
to  increase  our  commercial  solicitude. 

Yours  most  faithfully 

Rufus  King. 

*  Entitled  "  War  in  disguise." 


CHAPTER   XXX. 

Gore  to  King — Negotiations  with  England — King  as  Minister — Pickering  to 
King — Logan's  Motion  relative  to  St.  Domingo  Trade — Parker  to  King 
about  his  Sons — Napoleon's  change  of  Rulers  in  Europe — King  to  Gore — 
England's  Pretensions  about  Colonial  Trade — Affairs  in  Washington — 
Troup  to  King — Clinton  carries  the  Council — Tracy  to  King.  Report  on 
Spoliation — King  to  Pickering — Desires  to  know  the  Plan  of  Government 
— Public  Anxious — Pickering  to  King — Might  as  well  search  for  Plan  in 
Chaos — Detail  of  Opinions  in  Washington,  relative  to  Florida  Purchase — 
Pickering's  own  Views — Objected  on  Ground  of  the  Immorality  and  Impolicy 
of  the  Measure — Pickering  to  King — Arguments  against  the  Purchase  of 
Florida  as  proposed  in  the  secret  Appropriation  Bill — Jefferson  incapable 
of  managing  Affairs  in  Trouble — Negotiations  with  Great  Britian — King  to 
Pickering — Disclaims  the  Authorship  of  the  Answer  to  War  in  Disguise — 
Troup  to  King — Coalition  of  Clinton  and  the  Burrites. 

C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  January,  13,  1806. 
My  dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .  We  have  had  the  New  York  Memorial,  which  is  var- 
iously thought  of  by  our  Friends :  some  of  whom  are  not 
very  discreet,  even  if  their  opinions  are  correct — to  which  I  am 
not  inclined  to  subscribe.  All  desire  that  a  negotiation  should  be 
attempted,  and  many  believe  it  would  succed,  if  confided  to,  and 
undertaken  by  the  only  man  in  whom  all  Parties  would  be 
satisfied.  Though  I  think  it  not  probable  such  a  measure  will 
even  be  proposed  under  circumstances  that  will  render  it  accept- 
able, I  have  a  feeling  that  it  would  be  successful.  It  is  almost 
certain  that  in  a  Coalition  formed  of  such  various  materials, 
joined  to  the  common  accidents  of  War,  many  months  cannot 
pass  in  which  a  wise,  discreet  and  vigilant  minister  would  not  find 
an  opportunity  of  pressing  American  Claims  with  Effect.  .  .  . 
Our  friend  Ames,  you  have  seen,  was  appointed  President  of 
Harvard  College,  but  notwithstanding  the  Corporation  agreed 
that  the  Professor  of  Divinity  should  offer  all  the  prayers,  he 
declines  the  duties  and  the  honour. 

Faithfully  &  always  yours,      C.  Gore. 
475 


476  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

City  of  Washington,  Jan.  13,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

You  will  have  noticed  in  the  papers  Dr.  Logan's  motion  for 
interdicting  the  trade  to  St.  Domingo.  This  occasioned  a  call 
(made,  if  I  do  not  forget,  by  him)  for  documents  on  the  Subject. 
This  morning  the  inclosed  communication  from  the  President  was 
laid  on  our  tables,  printed  by  order  of  the  Senate  :  whether  the 
presentation  and  short  debate  on  Logan's  original  motion  excited 
Genl.  Turreau's  attention,  or  that  a  hint  was  given  him  by  Logan, 
I  know  not ;  but  the  General's  second  letter  is  of  a  date  subse- 
quent to  the  call  for  papers.  The  style  of  his  letter  as  well  as 
Talleyrand's,  is  sufficiently  Bonapartean  ;  and  I  apprehend  there 
is  here  sufficient  pliability  to  yield  whatever  the  "  master  "  of  our 
sister  Republic  shall  demand. 

As  the  President  must  have  received  Talleyrand's  letters  long 
ago,  &  Turreau's  by  the  middle  of  October,  why  did  he  not  bring 
the  subject  before  Congress  ?  Why  was  no  answer  sent  to 
Turreau  during  a  period  of  two  months  &  a  half  ?  Did  he  wait 
for  such  a  man  as  Logan  to  bring  forward  a  measure  that  might  be 
unpopular  with  the  general  mercantile  interest?  Or  had  he 
instructed  Armstrong  to  represent  to  the  French  Government  that 
the  interest  of  France  required  a  continuance  of  our  commercial 
intercourse  with  St.  Domingo  ?  concluding  to  wait  the  result,  be- 
fore he  made  any  communication  to  Congress,  should  the  latter 
be  found  necessary  ? 

Congress  have  yet  absolutely  done  nothing;  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentative are  again  sitting  with  closed  doors.  I  find  that  federal 
members  have  every  day  listened  to  John  Randolph  with  unmixed 
pleasure,  in  opposition  to  the  mean  dastardly  democrats  of  N. 
England  !  This  will  furnish  our  interpretation  of  a  declaration 
in  the  Aurora,  which  arrived  here  last  evening  :  That  a  man 
high  in  office  was  in  conflict  with  Randolph,  and  that  one  or  the 
other  must  fall — or  words  to  this  effect.  Jefferson  certainly 
must  wish  for  a  supple  leader  in  the  House.  Randolph  has  too 
much  pride  to  follow  implicitly  his  dictates.  But  no  one  yet 
appears  with  abilities  to  take  his  place. 

Very  truly   yours, 

T.  Pickering. 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  477 

D.  Parker   to   R.  King 

Paris,  Jan.  25,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

In  my  letter  of  the  15  Oct  I  informed  you  of  the  disaffection 
of  both  John  and  Charles  to  the  Pension  of  M.  Thurot,  and  I 
found  from  the  information  of  M.  Thurot  that  it  had  become 
absolutely  necessary  to  remove  them.  Their  great  dissatisfaction 
arose  from  the  regulations  of  the  school,  finding  themselves 
obliged  to  conform  to  rules  which  they  thought  suitable  to  chil- 
dren and  not  to  young  men,  who  in  England  had  great  latitude  both 
in  time  and  expences.  They  became  not  only  dissatisfied,  but 
disgusted,  and  notwithstanding  my  intreaties  and  their  profession 
to  comply  with  them,  I  found  it  was  not  in  their  power,  and  that 
no  progress  whatever  was  to  be  expected  from  them  in  any  branch. 
Under  these  circumstances  I  was  extremely  perplexed  and  em- 
barrassed. Your  letter  of  Aug.  10.,  which  I  received  through 
Mess.  Hope  &  Co  on  the  10th  Deer  greatly  relieved  me.  .  .  . 
Charles  arrived  in  Amsterdam  in  the  beginning  of  January.  .  . 
I  found  John  averse  to  enter  any  Pension  whatever,  and  he  com- 
municated to  me  your  letters  to  him,  in  which  you  informed  him, 
that  he  must  enter  and  pass  thro*  a  College  in  America  previous 
to  his  entering  on  the  study  of  the  Law.  This  information 
decided  me  to  recommend  his  returning  immediately  to  New 
York.  I  hope  you  will  approve  of  this  determination.  .  .  . 
I  hope  that  under  your  own  eye,  both  John  and  James  will  be- 
come all  you  can  wish.  They  have  talents  to  fit  them  for  the 
first  employments.  Charles  has  a  fine  genuis,  great  spirit  and 
activity,  and  will  make  a  fine  man.  Thus  you  have  everything  to 
hope  for  from  your  sons,  to  whom  you  have  been  the  best  of 
fathers. 

The  great  Political  events  that  have  been  crowded  within  the 
compass  of  four  months,  have  filled  Europe  with  amazement. 
By  the  Moniteurs  which  I  send  by  your  son  for  your  use  and 
that  of  Mr.  Livingston,  you  will  find  an  historical  account  of 
these  events.  Mr.  Haugwitz,  the  Prussian  Minister,  is  expected 
in  Paris  this  day  ;  the  Emperor  and  Mr.  Talleyrand  in  the  course 
of  4  or  5  days  ;  it  is  expected  that  negotiations  of  great  mo- 
ment will  be  immediately  opened  in  Paris  &  many  well  informed 
persons    expect  a  general  Peace  ;     I  have  not  these  expecta- 


478  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

tions  ;  I  cannot  see  any  probability  of  a  peace  between  England 
and  France  at  present  ;  if  England  can  secure  the  continuance 
of  her  connections  with  Russia,  she  will,  perhaps  wish  to  con- 
tinue the  War,  and  seek  an  indemnity  by  capturing  the  Spanish 
Colonies.  She  must  lose  her  influence  on  the  continent  of  Europe, 
except  with  Russia  &  Sweden.  This  Government  will,  in  all 
probability  control  the  remainder.  The  Electors  of  Bavaria  & 
Wirtemberg  are  made  kings,  &  their  Territories  much  increased. 
Eugene  Beauharnois  is  declared  Successor  to  the  Crown  of  Italy, 
&  has  married  the  eldest  daughter  of  the  King  of  Bavaria.  It 
is  reported  that  Joseph  Bonaparte  will  be  made  King  of  Naples, 
that  Lucien  Bonaparte  has  divorced  from  his  wife,  &  will 
marry  the  Queen  of  Etruria,  that  his  brother  Louis  will  be  chief 
magistrate  of  Holland,  that  Madame  Bonaparte,  the  mother  of 
the  Emperor,  is  made  a  Souverain  Princess,  &  is  to  receive  the 
Duchies  of  Parma,  Placentia  &  Guastella  in  Italy,  with  remain- 
der to  the  Prince  &  Princess  Borghese.  Thus  Europe  is  par- 
celled out,  as  a  private  man  would  divide  his  own  inheritance. 
Such  is  the  astonishing  power  &  greatness  of  one  man.  .  .  . 
With  assurance  of  constant  attachment  and  Respect, 

Dan  Parker. 


R.  King  to  C.  Gore. 

New  York,  January  26,  1806. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

The  dissatisfaction  here  &  South  of  us  in  respect  to  G.  Br, 
increases  rather  than  abates  :  the  losses  already  sustained  are 
considerable,  but  without  a  new  shape  of  the  Rule,  few  new 
losses  will  hereafter  occur,  as  the  Business  is  fitted  to  the  Rule. 
But  unless  the  political  Situation  of  England  restrain  her  Gov. 
the  Rule  will  be  new  modified  and  extended  so  as  in  effect  to 
put  an  end  to  a  Trade  in  Colonial  Articles  between  the  U.  S.  and 
Europe.  On  this  subject  I  had  no  Opinion  to  form,  having  several 
years  ago  convinced  myself  that  the  Pretension  of  England  is 
not  justifiable.  If  it  be  put  on  the  Ground  of  self  Defence,  or 
strict  necessity  (which  consistently  with  the  conduct  of  G.  Britain 
in  trading  herself  with  her  Enemies  cannot  be  done)  even  this 
Law  is  no  justification,  since  it  does  not  authorize  the  confisca- 
tion of  a  Friend's  Goods — on  the  contrary,  whenever  it  allows  the 


1806]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  479 

Seizure,  it  enjoins  the  taker  to  make  restitution  or  indemnifica- 
tion. But  you  understand  the  Question  as  well  as  my  Sentiments 
concerning  it,  so  that  I  omit  any  further  observations,  except  to 
say  that  I  have  of  late  revised  my  former  Reflexions,  which  has 
in  manner  changed  them  ;  and  being  impartial,  I  the  more  won- 
der that  some  of  our  friends  with  you,  whose  Judgments  are  worthy 
of  all  respect,  should  so  materially  differ  from  us. 

The  Pamphlet  printed  at  Washington,  said  to  be  Mr.  Madison's, 
shews  the  unsoundness  of  the  Eng.  Doctrine.  A  reply  is  here 
nearly  finished  to  "  War  in  Disguise  "  which  has  the  same  object 
in  view.  The  late  messages  of  the  Pr.  to  Congress,  disclosing 
the  Instructions  &c  to  Mr.  Monroe,  seems  to  be  a  throwing  up 
of  his  hand,  and  a  reference  of  the  Business  to  Congress.  This  is 
the  more  likely  to  be  the  real  Purpose,  as  it  will  shift  the  Responsi- 
bility from  the  Ex.  to  Congress.  The  House  has  been  in  con- 
clave a  fortnight  and  sent  the  Result  to  the  Senate  as  a  Secret. 
Tho'  we  do  not  know  what  this  measure  is,  we  know  what  it  is 
not,  and  that  it  does  not  concern  G.  Britain.  The  mandate  from 
France  to  interdict  the  St.  Domingo  Trade  will  be  obeyed  ;  tho' 
the  Law  will  be  nugatory  unless  more  efficient  than  the  Bill. 
Spanh.  affairs  remain  as  at  the  beginning  of  the  Session  ;  and  the 
Success  of  Bonaparte  will  render  the  settlement  more  difficult. 

A  Petition  is  going  round  the  town  to  the  Pr.,  calling  on  him  to 
disavow  the  Principal,  laid  down  by  Genl.  Armstrong  in  the  case 
of  Nicklin  &  Griffith.  I  hear  that  all  parties  sign  it.  The  Bill 
respecting  Amer.  seamen  introduced  into  the  Senate  by  Mr. 
Wright  is  too  contemptible  to  pass  into  a  Law,  be  the  Resent- 
ment what  it  may.     .     .     . 

Always  yrs.  R.  K. 

R.  Troup  to  R.  King. 

Albany,  3  Feb.,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  Our  State  concerns  continue  to  be  an  object  of  con- 
sent with  the  demagogues  of  the  day.  Demagogues  Clinton  & 
Co.  by  the  superiority  of  their  manoeuvres,  have  carried  a  council 
of  appointment  against  the  wishes  &  efforts  of  Demagogues  Lewis 
&  Co.  This  council,  the  partizans  of  Clinton  say,  will  be  a  club 
of  Hercules  in  his  hands  and  will  enable  him  to  break  in  pieces 
the  Livingston  faction.     At  present,  appearances  indicate  a  ma- 


480  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

jority  in  the  Senate  for  Lewis.  No  doubt  is  entertained  that 
Nicholas  has  set  himself  in  decided  opposition  to  Clinton  ;  and 
I  have  it  from  private  but  authentic  source  that  Nicholas  has 
given  Clinton  a  severe  reprimand  for  his  cabals.  Can  we  be 
otherwise  than  in  the  most  prosperous  and  happy  condition  when 
the  patriotism  of  a  Virginia  demagogue  induces  him  to  attempt 
cooling  the  ardor  of  a  Northern  demagogue  whose  incessant 
labors  are  exclusively  directed  to  the  public  good?] 

With  the  most  sincere  regard  &c 

Robt.  Troup. 


Uriah  Tracy  to  R.  King. 

Washington,  6th  Feby,  1806. 
Sir: 

Inclosed  is  a  paper,*  which  you  will  peruse  with  interest,  be- 
cause of  its  intrinsic  importance  &  because  it  has  had  the  sanc- 
tion of  a  Com. tee  of  the  Senate. 

I  make  no  comments  upon  any  part  of  the  paper,  excepting  the 
last  f  containing  the  non-importation  part.  This  I  voted  against 
in  Com.tee  and  am  most  decidedly  opposed  to  its  principles.  I 
wish  to  treat  with  G.  Britain,  &  not  to  throw  any  nonsensical  im- 
pediments or  irritation  in  the  way  of  treating.  If  we  do  anything 
in  the  meantime,  while  attempting  to  treat,  I  would  strengthen 
our  defensive  strength  at  least,  if  not  offensive. 

I  am,  Sir,  respectfully  your  friend  obed  servt. 

Uriah  Tracy. 

R.  King  to  T.  Pickering. 

N.  York,  Feb.  7,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

We  are,  as  we  ought  to  be,  inquisitive  &  anxious  concerning 
the  Plan,  or  system  of  measures,  that  the  nation  may  pursue  in 

*  Genl.  Smith  of  Md.,  Report  of  Com.  on  that  part  of  the  Resn.  &  Message 
Jan.  15th  relating  to  Spoliations  &c. 

f  "  That  it  is  expedient  to  prohibit  by  law,  the  importation  into  the  United 
States  of  any  of  the  following  goods,  wares,  or  merchandize,  being  the  growth, 
produce,  or  manufacture  of  the  United  Kingdoms  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 
or  their  dependencies  :  .  .  .  The  said  prohibition  to  commence  from  the 
day  of  unless  previously  thereto  equitable  arrangements  shall  be  made 

between  the  two  governments,  on  the  differences  subsisting  between  them  ; 
and  to  continue  until  such  arrangements  shall  be  agreed  upon  and  settled." 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  48 1 

the  present  posture  of  our  affairs  ;  for  it  is  scarcely  credible  that 
the  public  honor  and  safety,  instead  of  being  well  guarded  by 
well  concerted  and  prudent  arrangements,  should  be  suffered  to 
become  the  sport  of  the  casual,  intemperate  and  inefficient  meas- 
ures of  inexperienced  individuals  :  and  yet  the  several  messages 
of  the  Pr.  look  as  if  every  subject  were  to  be  submitted  to  Con- 
gress, without  the  disclosure  of  the  views  of  the  Executive ; 
which  by  the  letter  and  spirit  of  our  Govt.,  is  charged  with  our 
foreign  affairs.  Your  Bill  respecting  100,000  Militia,  together 
with  the  Bill  presented  by  Mr.  Wright,  and  the  Resolution  offered 
by  Mr.  Gregg,  are  so  far  as  I  am  informed  justly  appreciated  in 
this  quarter.  Some  persons  here  have  supposed  that  Congress 
will  be  able  to  agree  in  no  precise  measures — that  the  Executive 
will  be  undecided  and  filled  with  solicitude  and  that  Col.  Burr, 
who  is  always  prompt  as  well  as  decisive,  will  avail  himself  of 
this  miserable  state  of  things,  to  decide  for  the  President,  as  well 
as  to  provide  for  himself. 

If  the  President  and  his  friends  are  reduced  thus  low,  they  are 
weaker  and  baser  than  I  could  possibly  have  imagined. 

Always  faithfully  &c 

R.  K. 

P.  S.  We  are  upwards  of  70  days  without  authentic  European 
news.  The  posture  of  affairs  at  Christmas  past  will  afford  Data 
on  which  to  reason,  and  we  must  expect  news  to  that  date  soon. 


Col.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

City  of  Washington,  Feby  8,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

It  was  natural  to  suppose  that  thinking  men  would  feel,  not 
curiosity,  but  anxiety  concerning  the  measures  contemplated  by 
the  Government,  in  the  present  momentous  situation  of  our 
affairs  ;  and  before  receiving  this  evening  your  letter  of  the  7th, 
I  had  determined  to  communicate  to  you  as  full  a  detail  as  was 
practicable  of  what  was  going  on. 

As  to  a  M  plan  or  system  of  measures,"  you  might  as  well 
search  for  it  in  chaos  itself  as  at  the  seat  of  government.  About 
three  or  four  weeks  ago,  I  dined  at  the  President's.  Adverting 
to  subjects  before  Congress,  tho'  I  believe  more  especially  to  our 

VOL.    IV. — 31 


482  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

disputes  with  G.  Britain,  he  said  there  was  such  a  diversity  of 
opinions  among  members,  and  they  had  so  many  plans,  he 
doubted  whether  a  majority  would  agree  in  any  one.  I  am  in- 
clined to  think  this  opinion  correct.  I  feel  very  confident  that 
neither  a  general  non-intercourse,  nor  a  general  or  specific  non- 
importation will  be  agreed  to.  The  Southern  planters  will  not 
suffer  their  tobacco,  rice  &  cotton  to  lie  on  their  hands,  when 
Britain  presents  the  fairest  &  best  market.  And  they  are  not  so 
silly  as  to  suppose  (as  do  some  of  our  honourable  legislators)  that 
Great  Britain  will  continue  to  receive  into  her  ports,  all  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  U.  States,  while  we  shut  ours  against  the  manu- 
factures &  productions  of  her  dominions.  This  brings  into  view 
the  resolutions  reported  to  the  Senate  on  the  5  th,  a  copy  of 
which  I  enclose.  (Genl.  Smith's  Resn.)  Mr.  Gregg's  you  will 
have  seen  in  the  newspapers.  Those  brought  into  the  Senate 
were  laid  on  our  tables  on  the  6th.  .  .  .  but  really  I  have 
not  had  time  to  attend  to  the  subject  till  this  evening  ;  as  I  meant 
to  accompany  the  communication  with  a  long  letter  of  informa- 
tion on  the  subjects  which  have  excited  your  anxiety. 

All  America  has  heard  of  the  closed  doors  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  ;  and  the  fruit  of  their  discussion  being  a  Bill,  it 
was  sent  to  the  Senate,  with  a  confidential  message  to  declare  its 
object — none  being  expressed  in  the  Bill  itself  ;  except  that  its 
title  stated  it  to  be,  to  provide  for  expenses  for  foreign  inter- 
course ;  and  that  the  body  of  the  bill  appropriates  two  million  of 
dollars  to  enable  the  President  (at  whose  disposal  the  money  is 
placed)  to  commence  with  more  effect  (as  the  confidential  mes- 
sage of  the  House  informed  us)  a  negociation  for  the  purchase  of 
all  the  Territory  belonging  to  Spain  on  the  Atlantic  &  the  Gulph 
of  Mexico,  and  eastward  of  the  Mississippi,  that  is  to  say  the  two 
Floridas.  I  disclose  no  secret  ;  for  Saml.  Smith  told  us  last  Friday 
(when  the  bill  was  passed)  that  though  the  doors  of  Congress  had 
been  closed,  the  subject  of  their  deliberations  was  well  known  : 
and  here,  we  all  know  that  the  Spanish  minister  Yrujo  is  perfectly 
informed  concerning  it  ;  and  no  doubt  his  letters  are  now  far  on 
the  ocean  for  the  information  of  his  government.  It  is  full  two 
weeks  since  I  was  told  that  he  said  "  We  should  not  get  the  Flor- 
idas for  two,  nor  for  five,  nor  for  seven  million  of  dollars  "  ;  and 
the  matter  being  thus  known  to  Spain,  there  can  be  no  use  in  the 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  483 


attempt  to  keep  it  a  secret  at  home — unless  it  be  to  conceal  from 
the  sovereign  people  the  impolitic  and  unjustifiable  projects  of 
their  beloved  chief  Servant. 

This  bill  (or  rather  the  resolution  on  which  it  was  founded) 
was  the  subject  of  John  Randolph's  determined  opposition — sar- 
castic reproaches  on  its  advocates,  and  of  strains  of  eloquence — 
never  before  heard  from  him  in  that  House  :  such  is  the  report  of 
members.  Barna  Bidwell  was  the  midwife  to  deliver  the  Presi- 
dent of  this  brat  &  present  it  to  the  House.  In  the  course  of  its 
nursing,  it  was  said  that  the  President  had  a  desire  towards  it  & 
wished  it  might  be  fostered  &  grow  to  maturity.  The  like  inti- 
mations were  given  in  the  Senate  by  some  of  the  Ministerial 
members. 

Mr.  Tracy,  Mr.  Hillhouse  &  Mr.  Bayard  were  the  principal 
opposers  of  the  bill.  They  dwelt  chiefly  on  the  violation  of  the 
Constitution  by  such  a  pretended  appropriation.  For,  they 
observed,  that  nothing  in  the  bill  being  designated,  except  the 
the  expenses  of  foreign  intercourse,  the  President  could  not 
apply  a  dollar  of  the  money  to  buy  land.  The  words  themselves, 
as  well  as  uniform  practice,  had  given  a  definite  meaning  to 
"  foreign  intercourse."  It  was  true,  they  observed,  that  a  similar 
appropriation  had  been  made  three  years  ago,  (act  of  26th  Feby. 
1803)  but  the  President  himself  had  told  us,  that  not  a  dollar  of 
it  had  been  expended.  Tracy  &  Bayard  offered  several  amend- 
ments, in  order  to  express  the  object  explicitly,  or  by  plain  con- 
struction, and  render  lawful  the  application  of  the  money 
appropriated.  But  clear  statements  and  cogent  reasons  availed 
nothing.  For  the  leaders,  met,  as  it  would  seem,  by  an  unex- 
pected opposition,  held  a  caucus  and  fixed  a  majority  to  vote 
for  the  bill,  without  the  alteration  of  a  word  ;  for  they  were 
apprehensive,  if  it  went  back  to  the  House,  that  it  would  now  be 
wholly  rejected.  It  was  carried  there  by  a  majority  of  about  14  ; 
but  many,  it  was  said,  had  repented.  In  the  Senate  17  voted  for 
it ;  3  fled  the  final  question  ;  and  one,  who  it  was  understood 
would  in  the  end  have  voted  against  it,  was  gone  from  the  city  ; 
eleven  gave  their  nays.  So  it  may  be  considered  as  having  passed 
by  a  majority  of  only  two  or  three.  The  opposition  in  the  Senate 
delayed  its  passage  for  about  a  week  ;  altho'  one  member  more 
than  once  told  us  that  the  President  wished  it  to  be  speedily 


484  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

passed  and  another  added  that  he  wanted  it  to  "send  off."  One 
member  said  he  should  advise  the  P.  to  let  the  bill  be  dropped  ; 
for  he  could  go  to  market  better  without  than  with  it.  The  Pres- 
ident thought  otherwise  ;  he  had  kept  himself  out  of  sight  (tho' 
the  suggestions  of  his  friends  showed  he  was  behind  the  curtain), 
that  if  the  project  failed  or  proved  disastrous,  he  might  be  screened 
from  responsibility. 

Genl.  Sumter  (whom  you  will  recollect)  spoke  on  Friday  (the 
day  it  passed)  against  the  bill.  He  spoke  like  a  sensible,  military 
man,  as  one  well  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  the  country  pro- 
posed to  be  purchased  ;  with  the  difficulty  of  defending  it,  and 
said  that  at  present  "  we  were  better  without  it."  I  should  wrong 
him,  were  I  not  to  add,  that  his  sentiments  were  delivered  with 
perfect  propriety  &  modesty,  and  with  a  sincerity  that  could  not 
fail  to  have  affected  every  hearer.     But  the  bill  had  been  decreed, 

Mr.  Tracy  (I  should  have  mentioned)  as  well  as  Mr.  Bayard, 
and  especially  the  former,  took  a  view  of  the  actual  State  of  the 
Treasury — the  measures  for  defence  to  be  provided  for, — the 
insufficiency  of  funds,  and  the  probable  defalcation  of  revenue  in 
the  current  year.  But  back-door  influence  is  generally  capable 
of  surmounting  all  obstacles  in  the  Senate.  This  body,  by  its 
constitution  was  (I  presume)  expected  to  act  with  superior  inde- 
pendence ;  but  doubtless  it  is  much  more  obsequious  than  the 
House.  Its  connection  with  the  President  is  closer,  and  the 
paucity  of  members  composing  it  renders  it  liable  to  be  assailed 
with  vastly  greater  ease  and  effect. 

As  I  have  not  yet  committed  my  own  observations,  in  opposing 
the  bill,  to  paper,  I  will  do  it  now,  while  they  are  within  my  recol- 
lection ;  and  I  will  thank  you  to  preserve  this  letter  ;  as  I  may 
possibly  have  occasion  to  recur  to  its  details,  and  I  cannot  go 
through  the  labor  of  taking  a  copy. 

I  should  first  mention  what  leaked  out  from  the  President's 
adherents  in  the  Senate,  in  ordinary  conversations.  That  advice 
had  been  received  from  Paris  stating,  that  if  our  Government 
wished  to  acquire  the  Floridas,  the  Government  of  France  would 
procure  the  cession  to  be  made.  By  information  from  the  agents 
of  Nicklin  and  Griffith  at  Paris,  it  appeared  that  a  negotiation 
was  already  commenced  :  with  an  intimation  that  in  this  way 
only  they  and   others   would   obtain   the   arrears  due  from  the 


l8o6]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  485 

French  Government.  Saml.  Smith,  speaking  of  Armstrong's 
letter  to  Marbois,  on  the  claim  of  N.  &  G.,  said,  in  my  hearing, 
that  James  Swan  had  presented  a  claim  for  half  a  million  of 
dollars,  and  Capt.  Barney  one  for  upwards  of  a  hundred  thou- 
sand dollars  :  that  neither  of  these  two  claims  were  within  the 
provisions  of  the  convention  ;  and  yet  were  admitted.  That 
it  was  known  that  the  Livingston  family  had  early  purchased 
a  number  of  good  claims  and  one  to  a  large  amount  from  Barney. 
Reprobating  Armstrong's  conduct  in  the  case  of  Nicklin  & 
Griffith,  Smith  said,  that  as  soon  as  it  was  known  to  the  Presi- 
dent, he  caused  the  Secretary  of  State  to  write  to  Armstrong 
to  correct,  or  pointedly  disapproving,  the  procedure. 

Mr.  Hillhouse,  in  the  course  of  his  observations  on  the  Secret 
Bill,  mentioned  the  information  that  a  negociation  for  the  pur- 
chase of  the  Floridas  had  already  been  instituted  at  Paris,  and 
that  in  this  way,  merchants  hoped  to  get  their  arrears  ;  and  said 
that  from  the  manner  in  which  this  business  was  proceeding,  it 
was  evident  the  two  millions  proposed  to  be  appropriated,  were 
to  be  applied  in  douceurs. 

Genl.  Adair  from  Kentucky  (a  new  member  and  apparently 
thoughtful  and  stable)  objected  against  the  bill  on  the  strong 
ground  of  its  unconstitutionality  ;  because  from  information  he 
had  received  &  relied  on,  tho'  he  could  not  divulge  it,  he  had  no 
doubt  that  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  had  cost  us  five  millions 
extraordinary  in  consequence  of  the  previous  appropriation  of  two 
millions,  and  the  like  effect  would  follow  that  proposed  in  the 
bill  before  us  ;  because  he  thought  it  highly  improper  to  pay 
-any  money  before  the  treaty,  if  one  should  be  formed,  was  ap- 
proved of  by  the  Senate.  Suppose,  said  he,  that  this  bill  should 
pass  by  a  small  majority,  less  than  two  thirds — that  the  two 
millions  should  be  expended  ;  and  the  treaty  be  finally  rejected 
by  the  Senate  ;  the  two  millions  would  be  lost. 

Mr.  Tracy,  (taking  up  the  suggestion  of  Adair)  expatiated  a 
little  farther.  He  said  the  idea  of  the  French  Government  pay- 
ing the  monies  due  to  American  merchants  was  fallacious  ;  that 
we  had  better  have  undertaken  to  pay  them  ourselves  ;  that 
France  undertaking  to  pay  them  caused  the  addition  of  the  five 
millions,  and  that  her  stipulating  to  pay  only  3 J  millions,  occa- 
sioned a  loss  of  one  and  a  quarter  million  to  the  U.  States  ;  and 


486  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

that  the  like  preposterous  course  of  proceeding,  repeated  under 
the  present  bill,  would  occasion  a  similar  loss. 

I  had  myself  viewed  the  purchase  of  the  Floridas  under  the 
same  aspect  in  which  they  had  been  presented  by  General  Sumter 
and  he  had  anticipated  some  of  my  observations. 

But  I  must  go  back  a  little,  one  member  asked  how  the  money 
could  be  employed  in  bribery  ?  the  President  would  take  care 
to  whom  he  entrusted  it,  and  he  was  to  account  for  it  !  another 
member  asked,  where  was  the  room  to  admit  the  charge  of 
bribery  ?  The  President  would  take  care  to  preserve  it  ;  and  as 
to  the  purchase,  France  would  acquire  a  good  title  and  convey  the 
same  to  us. 

I  objected  on  two  principal  grounds — the  immorality  and  the 
impolicy  of  the  measure.  It  was  admitted  on  all  hands  that  the 
purchase  was  to  be  effected  through  the  French  Government. 
But  France  was  not  the  proprietor  ;  why  then  negotiate  with 
Mr.  Talleyrand  ? — perhaps  the  ablest,  certainly  the  most  corrupt 
minister  in  Europe  ;  who  possest  a  princely  fortune,  acquired  in 
a  similar  way,  and  by  rendering  half  the  princes  of  Europe  his 
tributaries.  Gentlemen  asked  how  there  could  be  any  bribery 
in  this  case  ?  I  desired  them  to  recollect  the  proceedings  under 
the  convention  for  paying  the  debts  due  by  France  to  our  mer- 
chants. The  10th  article  was  ostensibly  cautious  to  prevent  the 
admission  of  improper  claims — claims  not  within  the  description 
of  the  convention  :  and  yet,  at  the  close,  opened  a  wide  door  to 
corruption.  That  this  instrument  was  doubtless  drawn  up  by 
Talleyrand  himself,  or  at  least,  this  article  ;  for  therein  it  was 
provided  that  if  any  claim  examined  by  the  American  boardr 
was  not  approved  by  them  or  by  our  agent,  yet  if  the  French 
Bureaux  should  think  it  ought  to  be  liquidated,  it  was,  indeed 
to  undergo  the  revision  of  the  American  board,  be  by  them 
reported  to  the  American  Minister — and  by  him  to  the  Minister 
of  the  French  Treasury,  who  was  finally  to  decide.  That  this  par- 
ticular provision  was  doubtless  inserted  by  Talleyrand,  on  pur- 
pose to  admit  unfounded  claims  on  his  own  terms.  I  reminded 
them  of  General  Armstrong's  extraordinary  and  disgraceful  letter, 
holding  out  principles  which  could  not  be  ascribed  to  error  of 
understanding.  That  if  a  fair  bargain  was  in  this  case  intended, 
we  would  go  to  Madrid  to  negociate  for  the  purchase — not  to 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  487 


Paris,  that  hot-bed  of  corruption.  That  it  was  known,  however, 
by  the  uniform  conduct  of  Spain  from  the  first  purchase  of  Lou- 
isiana, that  she  was  extremely  averse  to  let  any  part  of  it,  or  of 
the  Floridas  come  into  the  hands  of  the  U.  States.  That  she 
had  protested  against  the  treaty  of  1803  ;  and  in  her  opposition 
gave  the  copy  of  a  note  from  St.  Cyr,  the  French  ambassador 
at  Madrid  in  1792,  in  which  he,  in  the  name  of  the  first  Consul, 
solemnly  declared  that  France  would  never  transfer  Louisiana 
to  any  other  power  than  Spain  herself.  That  altho'  she  at 
length  ceased  her  opposition,  she  had  not  relinquished  her  claim. 
That  we  knew  from  the  communication  before  us,  that  in  case 
of  a  rupture  with  Spain,  France  would  take  part  in  the  war  :  and 
hereafter,  whenever  a  convenient  opportunity  offered  to  renew 
her  claim  to  the  Floridas,  Spain  would  do  it,  and  on  the  ground 
of  duress,  under  the  actual  state  of  things  ;  which  a  future  monarch 
of  France  might  be  well  disposed  to  listen  to  ;  and  on  our  com- 
plaint, might  justly  retort — you  knew  it  was  a  corrupt  and  a 
forced  transfer — We  knew  perfectly  well,  that  if  we  applied  to 
Spain  herself,  no  consideration  which  we  could  offer  would 
induce  her  to  cede  to  us  those  provinces  ;  and  therefore  it  was 
that  recourse  was  to  be  had  to  the  authority  of  France  to  enforce 
the  sale. 

That  the  value  of  the  Floridas  was  by  no  means  commensurate 
with  the  monies  they  would  cost.  The  President  had  informed  us 
(in  a  pamphlet  accompanying  the  Louisiana  treaty  in  Oct.  1803) 
that  except  about  thirty  miles  square  in  West  Florida,  next  the 
Mississippi,  and  wholly  or  chiefly  above  the  isle  of  New  Orleans, 
and  some  narrow  strips  on  the  margins  of  rivers,  the  residue  of 
both  the  Floridas  was  mere  sand — with  indeed  plenty  of  pine 
trees  and  some  pasturage  for  cattle.  On  this  I  remarked  :  That 
West  Florida,  if  settled  and  improved  at  all,  would  be  almost 
wholly  occupied  by  emigrants  from  the  U.  States,  and  that  the 
products  of  their  lands  would  go  to  the  market  at  New  Orleans, 
and  consequently  be  as  beneficial  to  us  as  if  their  territory  were  a 
part  of  the  U.  States.  That  if  at  any  time  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment forbade  this  commerce  and  sent  up  vessels  to  W.  Florida, 
on  the  Mississippi,  we  might  levy  a  duty  upon  them  equal  to 
what  they  should  demand  of  our  vessels  going  up  the  Mobille  : 
for  I  had  been  able  to  discover  nothing  in  any  treaties,  which 


488  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

would  give  Spain  a  right  to  navigate  the  Mississippi  from  the  sea 
up  to  West  Florida,  seeing  we  were  now  the  proprietors  of  both 
banks  of  the  river.  In  answer  to  one  Gentleman,  who  had  sug- 
gested that  the  Floridas  were  necessary  for  our  commerce  between 
the  Atlantic  States  &  Louisiana,  on  account  of  the  harbours,  I  re- 
marked, that  the  harbours  were  few,  and  one  only,  as  far  as  I  had 
been  informed,  afforded  deep  water — that  was  Pensacola.  That 
as  well  by  the  common  duties  of  national  hospitality,  as  our  treaty 
of  1795  with  Spain,  our  vessels,  in  case  of  necessity,  would  always 
find  shelter  in  those  ports  both  in  peace  and  in  war — unless  that 
war  should  be  with  Spain  herself  ;  in  which  case  we  should  go 
and  take  possession  of  those  harbours  and  of  the  Floridas  them- 
selves :  and  that  this  would  cost  fewer  lives  and  less  treasure  than 
would  be  necessary  to  maintain  the  garrison  in  time  of  peace. 
Besides  that,  if  we  owned  the  Floridas,  the  forts  would  only 
accomodate  small  garrisons — for  we  should  not  incur  the  expense 
of  large  works  &  numerous  garrisons  ;  and  consequently,  in  the 
first  moments  of  a  rupture  with  Spain  or  any  other  naval  power 
we  should  easily  be  dispossessed. 

I  have  more  to  add  but  the  time  fails  me,  and  you  will  not  re- 
gret the  interruption  of  a  long,  &  I  fear  tedious  detail,  I  will  re- 
new it  without  much  delay.  In  the  mean  time,  I  hardly  need 
intimate  to  you  that  this  communication  is  confidential.  I  have 
made  it  as  a  matter  of  public  duty  towards  one  who  has  sustained 
so  great  a  share  in  the  Councils  and  diplomacy  of  our  country,  in 
the  present  interesting,  perhaps  I  may  say  perilous,  posture  of  our 
affairs  ;  when  the  men  at  the  helm  have  neither  spirit  nor  practi- 
cal talents  to  form  &  direct  those  plans  and  operations,  which  the 
situation  of  the  country  demand  for  securing  its  just  rights  and 
safety.  I  shall  be  solicitous  to  know  that  this  letter  gets  safely  to 
your  hands. 

Respectfully  yours, 
T.  P. 

T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

Senate  Chamber,  Feby.  11  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

In  my  letter  of  the  8th  I  mentioned  an  inclosure  of  certain 
Resolutions  reported  by  Genl.  Smith  to  the  Senate,  which,  in  my 
haste  to  seal  my  letter  for  the  mail  of  the  9th,  I  omitted.     They 


l8o6]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  489 


are  now  inclosed,  together  with  the  motions  of  Mr.  Clay,  repre- 
sentative from  Philadelphia,  of  Mr.  Nicholson  of  Maryland  and 
Mr.  Crowninshield  from  Salem.  With  these  Mr.  Gregg's  should 
be  connected.  The  whole  manifest  the  confusion  of  ideas  prev- 
alent in  the  National  Councils  ;  and  confirm  a  sentiment  in  my 
last,  that  you  might  as  well  expect  to  find  a  system  in  chaos  itself, 
as  in  our  enlightened  Government.  If  the  President  had  any 
plan,  which  he  would  assume  the  responsibility  to  propose,  I 
have  no  doubt  of  his  securing  a  majority  to  adopt  it. 

I  have  not  yet  found  time  to  resume  my  narrative  of  Congres- 
sional proceedings  begun  in  my  last. 

With  great  Respect  &  Esteem  &c 

T.  Pickering. 


R.  King  to  T.  Pickering. 

N.  York,  Feby.   14,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Though  I  fear  I  am  too  late  for  the  mail,  I  send  you  a  line  to 
say,  I  have  duly  reed,  and  that  I  am  greatly  obliged  to  you  for 
your  letters  of  Feby.  8  &  11.  Except  one  friend  Wolcott,  I  con- 
verse freely  with  no  one  on  these  subjects. 

Yrs.  always 

R.  King. 


T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

Confidential. 

City  of  Washington,  Feby.  13,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  not  until  this  evening,  found  an  opportunity  to  resume 
my  narrative  of  occurrences  on  the  passage  of  the  Secret  Bill  : 
and  so  many  days  have  elapsed,  I  do  not  precisely  recollect  at 
what  point  I  closed  my  former  letter.  I  must  therefore  pray  you 
to  pardon  any  repetitions,  as  well  as  defects  of  order  in  the 
details  of  both  letters. 

General  Sumter  had  anticipated  the  observations  I  had  intended 
to  offer  to  show  that  it  was  not  necessary,  nor  expedient,  at  pres- 
ent, that  we  should  become  the  proprietors  of  the  Floridas  by 
purchase  ;  but  I  had  not  extended  my  views  so  far  as  Genl.  Sum- 


490  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

ter,  who  said  "we  were  better  without  them  than  with  them." 
But  it  was  evident,  &  so  I  expressed  my  opinion,  that  their  poses- 
sion  was  not  necessary  for  the  present  security  of  our  trade  to 
New  Orleans  :  that  every  harbour  on  the  coast  of  these  provinces 
was  open  to  our  vessels  seeking  shelter  from  storms,  or  from  an 
enemy  ;  that  in  time  of  peace,  we  should  certainly  not  incur  the 
expense  of  extensive  and  strong  fortifications  at  the  several  ports  ; 
and  consequently  these  would  fall  instantly  before  any  naval  power 
with  which  we  should  be  engaged  in  war  ;  that  it  would  cost 
fewer  lives  &  less  money  to  attack  and  take  them  in  a  future  war, 
if  necessary  for  the  security  of  our  commerce  ;  and  if  worth  taking, 
we  should  then  make  adequate  provision  for  holding  them  :  that 
the  country  in  general  was  nearly  a  barren  sand,  excepting  the 
margins  of  some  rivers,  and  a  tract  of  about  30  miles  square 
lying  on  the  Mississippi  above  the  Isle  of  New  Orleans  :  that  the 
products  of  the  latter  could  naturally  descend  to  the  town  of  New 
Orleans,  and  enter  into  the  commerce  of  our  merchants  ;  that  any 
restraints  on  the  navigation  of  the  Mobille,  which  the  Spaniards 
impose,  might  be  counteracted  by  equal  restraint  on  their  naviga- 
tion of  the  Mississippi,  seeing  we  owned  both  banks  of  the  river  • 
that  in  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards,  the  Floridas  served,  as  Genl. 
Sumter  had  remarked,  as  a  frontier  to  Georgia  and  the  Mississippi 
Territory.  It  had  been  also  observed  by  others  in  the  debate 
that  we  were  rendered  feeble  by  the  dispersion  of  our  population, 
and  should  rather  circumscribe  than  extend  our  territory. 

I  noticed  the  information  we  derived  from  the  documents  re- 
ceived from  the  President,  showing  the  designs  of  the  French 
Ministry,  to  keep  open  the  means  of  dissension  between  the  U.  S. 
and  Spain,  that  their  interference  might  again  become  necessary. 
In  consequence  of  the  pressing  applications  of  Monroe  and  Pinck- 
ney  at  Madrid,  the  Spanish  Minister  at  Paris  had  presented  a 
"  querulous  "  note  to  Talleyrand,  desiring  the  French  Govern- 
ment to  declare  its  interpretation  as  well  of  the  Treaty  of  St, 
Ildephonso,  as  of  that  by  which  France  ceded  Louisiana  to  the 
U.  S.  in  respect  to  boundaries  ;  but  that  Genl.  A.  said  no  answer 
had  been  given  and  he  believed  none  would  be  given  :  excepting 
in  regard  to  West  Florida,  to  which'  Talleyrand  said  explicitly  we 
had  no  pretence  of  title  :  that  in  fact  by  the  treaty  of  St.  Ilde- 
phonso, Spain  had  only  retroceded  Louisiana  :  and  France  had 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  49 1 

in  1762  ceded to  Spain  only  the  island  of  New  Orleans  on  the  East 
side  of  the  Mississippi ;  that  his  silence  in  respect  to  the  western 
boundary  of  Louisiana  (whence  the  President  inferred  that  our 
claim  was  not  denied)  was  calculated  merely  for  another  job. 
While  we  claimed  to  the  Rio  Bravo,  Spain  insisted  that  we  had 
no  right  westward  of  a  line  which  beginning  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
between  the  rivers  Carecut  or  Carcuse  and  the  Armenta  or  Mar- 
meatoo,  ascends  towards  the  north  between  the  Adulo  and  Nachi- 
toches,  until  it  cuts  the  Red  River  ;  and  thence  the  boundary 
remained  to  be  ascertained  by  commissioners  ;  leaving  us  (as  Mr. 
Jefferson  expressed  it  in  his  message)  only  "  a  string  of  land  on 
the  West  side  of  the  Mississippi  :  "  altho'  the  President  two  years 
ago  informed  me  that  "he  had  traced  the  rightful  bounds  of  Lou- 
isiana, by  authentic  documents  so  far  as  Spain  was  concerned." 
And  we  knew  that  these  "  rightful  bounds  "  extended  westward  as 
far  as  the  Rio  Bravo  ;  for  our  Ministers  at  Madrid  had  insisted 
on  that  extention  and  pronounced  the  counter-claim  of  Cevallos 
"  absurd  "  ;  while  the  latter  said  that  he  had  supported  the  rights  of 
Spain,  as  far  as  the  line  afore  described,  "  by  irrefragable  argu- 
ments." (By  the  way  tho'  the  President  told  us  that  he  had  com- 
municated every  document  necessary  to  enable  us  to  form  a 
correct  judgment  on  this  subject,  he  had  not  communicated  to  us 
his  instructions  to  Monroe  and  Pinckney-^nor  the  facts  or  evi- 
dences on  which  they  advanced  our  claim — nor  their  arguments  in 
its  support — nor  the  counter  facts,  evidence  &  arguments  of 
Cevallos  :  to  obtain  them  I  offered  a  resolution  to  request  the 
President  to  furnish  us  with  them  ;  but  it  was  negatived). 

In  the  course  of  my  observations,  I  said  that  we  had  been  told 
that  the  great  object  in  purchasing  Louisiana,  by  extinguishing 
all  causes  or  occasions  of  collision,  was  to  ensure  to  us  perpetual 
peace  j  and  yet  two  years  had  not  elapsed  before  this  very  pur- 
chase had  brought  us,  apparently,  to  the  verge  of  hostilities  ;  and 
I  was  persuaded  that  the  forced  Purchase  of  the  Floridas  by  the 
authorities  of  France,  which  was  the  object  of  the  Bill,  would  lay 
the  foundation  of  a  future  dispute  and  war  with  Spain,  unless  we 
would  again  buy  it  off.  We  know  from  the  close  alliance  of 
France  and  Spain,  as  well  as  by  the  explicit  declaration  of  Talley- 
rand, that  in  case  of  a  rupture  France  would  take  part  with  Spain  ; 
and  when  quite  at  leisure  might  even  stimulate  a  rupture  for  the 


492  KUFUS  KING.  [1806 

very  purpose  of  aiding  Spain  in  order  to  resume  the  possession 
of  Louisiana  and  the  Floridas  by  conquest.  St.  Cyr,  when,  in 
1802,  at  Madrid  he  assured  the  Spanish  Government  in  the  name 
of  the  First  Consul,  that  France  would  never  "  alienate  Louisi- 
ana," gave  as  a  reason — and  the  sole  reason — why  France  desired 
the  retro-cession  of  Louisiana,  that  she  respected  a  possession 
which  had  constituted  a  part  of  the  French  Territory." 

I  have  now  given  you  the  substance  of  what  occurred  in  the 
Senate  upon  the  Secret  Appropriation  Bill.  As  I  said  in  my  letter 
of  the  8th,  I  communicate  this  information  to  you,  as  a  public  duty, 
thinking  that  under  such  an  administration  as  we  now  have 
measures  evil  and  unwarrantable  in  themselves,  and  which  debase 
the  character  of  the  Country  and  thereby  put  even  its  safety  in 
jeopardy,  ought  not  to  be  locked  up  in  the  President's  Cabinet, 
and  in  the  breasts  of  a  set  of  men,  the  greater  part  of  whom  have 
neither  discernment  to  see  wherein  lie  the  real  interest,  the  honor 
and  safety  of  the  country,  nor  independence  and  spirit  to  support 
them.  Possessed  of  the  facts  I  have  stated,  you  will  be  better  able 
to  form  correct  opinions  of  events.  Should  these  be  inauspicious 
— should  they  threaten  great  public  mischief  it  is  possible  you 
may  suggest  some  expedient  to  divert  it.  Whoever  knows  Mr. 
Jefferson,  knows  that  he  is  utterly  incapable  of  keeping  the  helm 
in  a  storm,  or  even  in  a  merely  clouded  horizon.  Even  democrats 
in  themselves  but  just  above  contempt  despise  him.  His  weak- 
ness, timidity  and  inordinate  desire  of  preserving  his  popularity 
have,  as  I  expected,  induced  him  to  avoid  responsibility  by  asking 
counsel  of  Congress  :  or,  if  dictating  any  measure,  by  doing  it 
behind  the  curtain.  "  Thus  low  are  reduced  the  President  and 
his  friends  ;  "  "  and  therefore  weaker  and  baser  than  you  could 
possibly  have  imagined." 

I  think  he  will  not  trust  Armstrong  with  the  disposition  of  the 
two  millions.  As  probably  he  may  place  very  high  confidence  in 
Monroe,  the  latter  may  be  directed  to  go  from  London  to  Paris  ; 
and  thus  give  a  pleasanter  opening  to  an  extraordinary  mission  to 
negotiate  a  treaty  with  the  British  Government.  This  hitherto  he 
has  avoided,  (a  treaty)  :  I  have  supposed  lest  he  should  hazard 
popular  odium — remembering  the  baleful  effects  of  Mr.  Jay's 
treaty — doubtless  excited  by  him  and  his  partizans  to  aid  in 
pulling  down  the  federal  administration.     But  I  little  suspected 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  493 

that  this  motive  would  have  been  avowed  by  any  of  his  friends. 
Sam  Smith  however  this  day  made  the  precious  confession  ! 

The  Senate  were  discussing  the  second  resolution  reported  to  the 
Senate  by  Smith,  to  "request  the  President  to  enter  into  arrangements 
with  the  British  Government,  for  the  purpose  of  adjusting  all  our 
differences  with  that  power  "  The  word  treaty  had  been  squeam- 
ishly avoided  by  the  Comtee.  though  that  was  what  they  meant  by 
arrangements,  and  Smith  repeatedly  used  treaty  in  the  course  of 
his  observations  in  favour  of  the  adoption  of  the  resolution. 
Among  other  reasons,  he  remarked,  that  calling  to  mind  the 
dissatisfaction  occasioned  by  a  former  treaty,  the  President  might 
feel  a  reluctance  to  enter  into  another  with  Great  Britain  ;  but 
that  the  sense  of  the  Senate,  deliberately  expressed,  by  adopting 
the  resolution,  might  remove  the  embarrassment.  This  was  the 
sentiment  tho'  not  given  in  his  words,  which  I  do  not  recollect : 
but  he  was  perfectly  understood  and  excited  a  smile  among  the 
few  federal  members.  I  had  intended  to  mention  the  same  reason 
and  express  my  willingness  to  take  that  share  of  responsibility, 
which  would  fall  on  a  Senator  from  a  great  commercial  State  ;  es- 
pecially as  its  chief  merchants,  in  their  memorial,  had  prayed  for 
such  a  mission  to  London.  I  had  considered  how  I  should  do 
this  in  the  most  delicate  manner  ;  but  was  very  happy  to  be  antici- 
pated by  General  Smith. 

This  second  Resolution,  on  different  pretences,  is  much  op- 
posed ;  and,  after  being  discussed  an  hour  or  more,  on  two 
different  days,  still  remains  undecided  ;  and  yet,  I  believe  that 
its  opposers  desire  a  negotiation  with  G.  Britain  for  the  objects 
expressed  in  the  resolution. 

My  Colleague  (who  with  Tracy,  Baldwin,  Logan,  Mitchell,  S. 
Smith  and  Anderson  was  the  Committee  as  I  believe  I  mentioned  in 
my  former  letter)  is  an  advocate  for  the  third  resolution — the 
non-importation  of  enumerated  articles  !  But  there  are  so  many 
projects  on  this  subject,  I  trust  none  of  them  will  be  adopted. 
That  many  country  members  (as  is  the  fact)  should  be  advocates  of 
the  measure,  and  even  shortsighted  merchants — may  elicit  no 
surprise  :  but  really  I  did  not  expect  that  a  man  of  the  enlight- 
ened mind  of  Mr.  A.  would  have  entertained  such  an  idea. 
John  Randolph,  observing  my  townsmen  Crowninshield  quite 
fierce  for  Gregg's  motion,  said  to  one  of  my  friends  in  the  House, 


494  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

"  That  he  (Crowninshield)  was  like  a  hog  swimming  over  a  river 
who  would  cut  his  own  throat."  It  seems  to  be  a  known  fact  that 
a  hog,  when  swimming,  strikes  his  neck  with  his  hoofs  ;  and,  if 
obliged  to  swim  far,  will  actually  cut  through  the  skin  at  the 
throat  and  eventually  kill  himself. 

Last  evening  I  received,  under  your  cover,  an  answer  to  "War 
in  Disguise."  I  hastily  ran  through  it  this  morning  and  shall  read 
it  again  deliberately.  I  presume  you  did  not  mean  that  the 
author  should  be  concealed  from  me.  Some  things  appeared  to 
be  placed  in  a  strong  point  of  view,  others  to  demand  further,  or 
a  more  expanded  elucidation  to  be  well  understood  by  the  bulk  of 
readers.  Authors  who  have  a  clear  and  comprehensive  view  of 
their  subject  are  apt  to  presume  too  much  on  the  discernment  of 
their  readers.  This,  in  a  popular  work,  must  always  be  unfortu- 
nate. You  will  not  judge  it  improper  if  I  venture  to  make  a  few 
observations  upon  the  pamphlet, — if  on  second  perusal  any  perti- 
nent ones  should  occur. 

Very  truly  yours 

T.  Pickering. 

R.  King  to  T.  Pickering. 

N.  York,  Feby.  17,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

This  acknowledges  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  13th,  those 
of  the  8  and  11  have  been  acknowledged.  I  make  haste,  as  the 
French  say,  to  correct  an  impression,  if  it  exist,  that  I  am  the 
author  of  the  answer  to  War  in  Disguise.  I  know  the  author  pre- 
sumed the  stile  would  make  him  known  to  you  :  as  I  sent  a  copy 
of  this  pamphlet  to  Mr.  Tracy,  and  another  to  Mr.  Madison,  I 
pray  you  to  take  an  opportunity  of  saying,  in  my  behalf  to  each 
of  these  gentlemen  what  I  have  just  said  on  the  subject  to  you, 
lest  from  the  mere  transmission,  it  sh'd  be  supposed  that  I  am  the 
author,  a  merit  that  belongs  to  another. 

Yrs   Rufus  King. 

R.  Troup  to  R.  King. 

f  Albany,  Feb.  11,  1806. 

Dear  Sir  : 
-...     We  have  nothing  new  here,  but  a  report  that  the  Clin- 
tonians  and  Burrites   have  formed  a   coalition  :    this  report  is 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  495 

generally  believed.  De  Witt  Clinton  has  undoubtedly  broken 
peace  with  the  Livingstons  and  he  is  preparing  for  a  Bonapartean 
campaign  at  the  next  election.  The  issue  of  the  contest  from 
present  appearances  will  be  fatal  to  the  Livingstons,  as  I  fear 
Bonaparte's  late  campaign  has  been  to  the  House  of  Lorraine. 
Lewis  is  as  light  as  the  drum  in  his  speech,  and  he  does  not 
appear  to  possess  a  single  talent  for  managing  the  corrupt  party 
he  is  connected  with.  This  by  the  by  does  him  no  dishonor.  It 
verifies  however  the  remark  often  made,  that  no  man  who  aims 
at  independence  of  conduct  will  long  bask  in  the  sunshine  of  the 
people's  majesty.  Judge  Benson  will  tell  you  the  precious 
confessions  which  Lewis  is  constantly  making  when  alone  with  the 
federalists.  I  have  listened  to  them  until  my  contempt  for  the 
government  has  been  lost  in  pity  for  the  man  !  \ 

With  the  most  sincere  regard 

Robt.  Troup. 


CHAPTER    XXXI. 

Pickering  to  King — Answer  of  ' '  War  in  Disguise  "  by  Morris — Anecdote  relative 
to  and  Criticism  of  Answer — Tracy  to  King — Speculations  about  Answer 
— Fatal  Effects  of  Democracy — King  to  Pickering — Miranda — Denuncia- 
tions by  the  President's  Friends — Tracy  to  King — Armstrong  Elected — 
Pickering  to  King — Sends  Capt.  Lewis'  Narrative — Remarks  thereon — 
Smith's  Bill  to  encourage  Shipping  and  Navigation — Asks  King's  Views — 
King  to  Pickering — European  News — Estimate  of  England — Pickering  to 
King — Caramelli — Miranda — King  to  Pickering — Sundry  Subjects — Pick- 
ering to  King — Death  of  Pitt — Relaxation  of  British  Commercial  Regula- 
tions— Might  make  satisfactory  Arrangements  with  G.  B. — Speculations 
upon  Monroe  and  Madison,  as  to  the  next  Presidency — King  to  Pickering — 
Disapproves  of  Bills  on  Non-importation  of  British  Products — Gore  to  King 
— Animadversions  against  the  Government — Gore  to  King — Reasons  for 
Re-entering  Public  Life — Pickering  to  King — Armstrong's  Application  of 
the  Louisiana  Fund — N.  Webster  to  King — Should  Legislatures  express 
Opinions  on  the  Conduct  of  the  Government  ? 

T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

City  of  Washington,  February  20,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

This  morning  I  had  folded  a  letter  to  you,  written  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  apologizing  for  the  distant  surmise  that  you  wrote  the 
Answer  to  War  in  Disguise.  Afterwards  while  at  breakfast  I 
received  your  favour  of  the  17th,  telling  me  that  you  were  not 
the  author.  Mr.  Tracy,  sitting  next  to  me,  I  put  your  letter  into 
his  hands. 

In  fact  I  had  reluctantly  yielded  to  the  conjecture  that  you 
were  the  author,  in  consequence  of  the  confident  assertion  (as  I 
had  heard)  of  Dr.  Mitchell,  and  the  opinions,  or,  literally,  fears 
of  others.  The  style  was  so  different  from  yours,  I  admitted  it 
only  as  merely  possible.  Very  soon,  however,  we  were  generally 
satisfied  that  it  was  the  child  of  G.  M.  His  features  are  im- 
pressed on  every  sheet.  With  a  brilliant  and  cultivated  mind,  he 
has  a  coarseness  of  sentiment  which  is  incompatible  with  dignity. 

496 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  497 

The  chasteness  of  your  taste  and  your  diplomatic  habits  were 
utterly  irreconcilable  with  the  production  in  question. 

We  have  for  a  month  been  at  work  upon  the  St.  Domingo  Bill ; 
during  which  time  it  has  passed  the  Senate  by  ayes  21,  noes  8.  I 
have  heretofore  intimated  to  you  the  perfect  obsequiousness  of 
the  Senate.  Its  advocates  affected  to  be  influenced  merely  by 
motives  of  policy,  as  well  with  respect  to  our  own  black  popula- 
tion, as  to  France — and  good  faith  :  while  in  fact  the  terrors  of 
Bonaparte's  arm,  (openly  avowed  by  Wright)  undoubtedly  influ- 
enced the  measure.  Should  he  fall,  or  be  Burgoyned,  the  Bill 
may  die  in  the  House  of  Representatives.     .     .     . 

Adieu. 

T.  Pickering. 


T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

City  of  Washington,  February  20,  1806.     Thursday  Evening. 
Dear  Sir  : 

The  call  for  the  mail  obliged  me  to  close  abruptly  my  letter  o. 
this  date. 

Of  the  character  of  the  humour  in  the  answer  to  War  in  Dis- 
guise, perhaps  the  following  anecdote  may  furnish  a  pretty  correct 
idea. 

I  have  the  pleasure  of  lodging  under  the  same  roof  with  all  the 
Senators  and  Representatives  from  Connecticut,  as  well  as  a  part 
of  the  Representation  from  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire. 
We  had  just  read,  in  Coleman's  paper  of  the  8th,  his  Literary 
Notice  of  the  answer  to  ''War  in  Disguise."  "The  strain  of 
ridicule  (said  he)  in  pages  63.4.  is  equal  to  anything  we  ever  met 
with,  and  which  we  defy  the  greatest  of  the  British  advocates  to 
read  without  downright  laughter,  at  the  absurdity  of  the  arguments 
here  exposed." 

Just  then  I  opened  your  packets  containing  the  Answer.  Im- 
mediately I  turned  to  those  pages  &  read  ;  expecting  a  burst 
of  laughter,  the  pleasure,  in  such  cases,  being  always  the  more 
poignant  when  numbers  participate.  I  read  ;  but  no  one  was 
moved  ;  each  gazed  at  the  other  with  disappointed  expectation. 
I  supposed  I  had  not  understood  the  passage  &  so  failed  in  the 
reading.     At  that  moment  Tracy  came  in.     I  read  it  again  :  and 

VOL.    IV.— 32 


498  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

still  they  remained  unmoved.  "  Why  don't  you  laugh  ?  "  said  I 
to  Tracy  :  "You  did  not  tell  me  when  to  laugh,"  was  his  answer  ! 

Upon  a  second  reading  of  the  Answer  to  War  in  Disguise, 
more  exceptionable  passages  appear  than  on  the  first  perusal. 
The  words  and  passages,  liable  to  criticism  are  numerous  ;  and 
tho'  the  same  expressions  might  be  admitted  in  conversation,  they 
are  great  blemishes  in  a  work  of  this  kind.  It  was  evidently 
written  in  haste  ;  and  with  a  little  pains  might  have  been  cor- 
rected ;  but  is  not  the  disposition  of  the  author  adverse  to  a' 
patient  examination  ?  I  presume  he  did  not  submit  the  pamphlet 
to  the  correction  of  any  of  his  friends.  And  if  he  did,  to  point 
out  errors  and  faults  is  an  ungracious  task,  which  perhaps  not 
one  in  a  hundred  would  venture  to  perform,  unless  towards  a  very 
intimate  friend  ;  and  a  friend,  too,  sufficiently  ingenuous  and 
modest  to  receive  correction  without  taking  offence. 

Does  not  the  author  quibble,  where  he  says  (p.  12)  that  the 
"  Masterly  acquaintance  of  the  Judge  (meaning  I  presume,  Ld. 
Mansfield)  with  the  law  of  Nations,  was  known  and  revered  by 
every  State  in  Europe,"  is  one  thing  ;  and  "  that  his  decisions  Were 
celebrated  for  their  equity  and  wisdom,  is  another  and  a  very  dif- 
ferent thing  ? "  Is  it  possible  to  conceive  how  his  masterly 
knowledge  could  be  (not  admired  but)  revered,  unless  it  was  dis- 
played in  wise  and  equitable  decisions  ? 

p.  19.  "Slily,"  applied  to  Sir  Wm.  Scott.  It  would  be  impos- 
sible for  me,  (like  the  author  of  the  answer)  to  feel  "  a  high 
respect "  for  any  man,  however  great  his  talents,  if  he  were  sly  or 
meanly  artful.  If  the  author  meant  only  that  Sir  William  had 
artfully  confounded,  he  is  chargeable  with  a  vulgarism  in  using 
the  word  slily. 

pages  22.  23.  24.  These  pages  being  simply  filled  with  asser- 
tions and  questions  do  not  carry  conviction  to  the  mind — at  least 
not  to  mine.  I  cannot  discern  any  force  in  the  author's  reasoning 
from  the  contraband  trade  of  smugglers,  and  it  is  not  possible  that 
his  own  fancy  was  dazzled  with  the  lively  (or  to  preserve  the 
metaphor),  the  sparkling  antithesis  which,  in  p.  24,  concludes  his 
questions. 

"  With  every  superiority  at  sea  his  heart  could  wish"  These 
last  words  are  too  much  in  the  conversation  style  to  be  intro- 
duced into  a  disquisition  on  the  law  of  nations. 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  499 

p.  27,  "  Yankees,"  too,  being  a  nickname  should  not  have  found 
admission  into  grave  discourse. 

The  ludicrous  criticism  on  "  possessing  a  monopoly  which  had 
been  destroyed,"  might  have  been  spared.  When  an  author's 
meaning  cannot  be  misunderstood,  the  inaccurate  use  of  a  word 
seems  not  to  be  a  fit  subject  of  ridicule.  The  British  might  cor- 
rectly possess  a  monopoly  of  which  they  had  deprived  their  enemy. 

These  are  specimens  of  the  faults  which  have  struck  me.  It  is 
much  to  be  regretted  that  so  fine  a  composition  as  "  War  in  Dis- 
guise "  had  not  received  an  answer  written  with  equal  elegance, 
dignity  &  precision. 

Very  truly  yours 

Timothy  Pickering. 


Uriah  Tracy  to  R.  King. 

Washington,  March  12,  1806. 
Sir  : 

My  health  when  I  passed  thro'  New  York,  &  ever  since,  has 
been  so  frail  that  I  have  written  scarcely  to  any  person,  but  to 
my  family.  I  have  to  thank  you  for  the  answer  to  War  in  Dis- 
guise, for  which  I  am  indebted  to  your  goodness. 

This  answer  was  at  first  attributed  to  you,  tho'  I  was  not  of  that 
opinion.  I  always  supposed  that  Gov.  Morris  wrote  it.  There  is 
merit  in  it  and  I  regret  that  more  time  was  not  taken  to  increase 
its  merits.  Madison's  Book,  I  suppose  you  have  seen,  that  was 
written  in  a  hurry,  this  answer  was  written  in  a  hurry,  and, 
unfortunately  for  us  everything  done  among  us  has  been  done  in  a 
hurry,  which  respects  Neutral  Rights.  I  had  indulged  a  hope 
that  you,  or  some  man  equally  acquainted  with  the  subject,  &  who 
was  not  in  a  hurry ',  would  have  favored  us,  either  with  an  answer 
to  War  in  Disguise,  or  with  a  dissertation  upon  our  Neutral 
Rights  ;  with  a  Statemt.,  such  as  the  subject  is  capable  of,  and 
not  composed  in  a  hurry,  as  to  style  or  argument. 

As  the  subject  is  now  before  the  public,  it  is  all  adapted  to  a 
mob  ;  Neutral  Rights  are  invaded  is  the  cry  Sayou  must  rally  round 
our  rights. 


500  KUFUS  KING.  [1806 

I  most  sincerely  wish  that  the  time  may  come,  and  that  I  may 
live  to  see  it,  when  we  shall  understand  our  rights  of  every 
description,  &  possess  the  proper  spirit  to  defend  them.  Now 
neither  the  one,  nor  the  other,  has  any  existence. 

Our  administration  is  far  behind  the  people  at  large,  both  in 
understanding  &in  spirit.  I  mean  that  distinct  understanding  of 
the  subject,  which  might  be  expected  from  men  in  an  elevated 
station,  and  that  spirit  which  ought  to  be  the  portion  of  all,  or 
our  nation  is  truly  in  a  bad  way. 

Sneaking  behind,  to  avoid  all  hazard  to  darling  popularity  ; 
shrinking  from  all  official  &  reasonable  responsibility  ;  a  language 
unintelligible,  capable  of  constructions  to  meet  any  event,  are  a  few 
of  the  leading  traits  of  character  of  our  President,  administratn. 
and  also  of  the  majority  of  both  the  Legislative  branches. 

Now,  Sir,  a  Nation,  under  such  circumstances,  if  the  manly, 
independent  spirit  of  former  days  was  predominant,  would  extri- 
cate itself  from  such  a  set  of  impediments,  would  indignantly 
spurn  from  them  such  leaders  &  rally  round  men  who  were  both 
able  &  willing  to  behave  with  propriety.  But  here  is  the  dis- 
tressing fact :  our  Country  has,  by  the  debauching'force  of  party, 
by  the  fatal  effects  of  demoralizing  Democracy,  by  the  babyish 
nonsense  of  peace,  peace,  the  watchword  of  Democrarcy  ;  by  the 
fatal  encouragemt  which  vice  has  received  by  the  ruling  party 
for  five  years  past,  &  the  discouragement  which  virtue  has,  during 
the  same  time,  reed,  from  the  brow-breatings  of  vicious  scoun- 
drels, thus  supported  &  encouraged,  by  all  these  and  more,  our 
country  is  unhinged,  is  let  down  to  such  a  degree,  that  no  manly 
exertion  can  be  expected. 

I  know  that  this  is  croaking  ;  but  when  truth  will  justify  in 
this,  &  in  no  other  conclusion,  ought  we  to  shut  our  eyes  to  the 
truth  however  humiliating  ? 

I  am  a  sick  man,  &  allowance  must  be  made  for  the  view  I  take 
of  any  subject,  as  I  look  thro'  a  medium,  jaundiced  not  only  to 
my  bodily  vision,  but  to  my  mind's  eye.  If  you  can  set  me  right, 
you  who  are  in  health  &  see  things  without  the  conflicts,  in  which 
I  am  daily  engaged,  I  shall  most  cordially  thank  you. 

I  am  now  in  the  Senate  Chamber  &  the  Senate  are  debating 
upon  the  nomination  of  John  Armstrong,  as  a  Commissr.,  with 
James  Bowdoin,    to  treat  with  Spain  for  territory,  boundaries, 


iSo6]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  50I 

spoliations,  &c.  &c,  ;  whether  we  shall  midwife  him  or  not,  is  not 
certain,  but  as  he  is  proved  to  be  a  very  great  rascal,  I  think  he 
must  be  appointed  ;  from  the  same  principle,  which  induced  the 
nomination  by  that  immaculate  Executive,  who  has  sent  us  this 
nomination  after  knowing  every  fact,  damning  fact,  which  instead 
of  a  new  nomination,  ought  to  have  instantly  produced  a  recall. 
"  //  is  a  hard  winter,  my  masters,  when  bear  eats  bear."  This 
moment  \  past  3  p.m.,  the  question  of  John  Armstrong's  appoint- 
ment is  postponed  until  to-morrow. 

Yrs.  Sincerely 

Uriah  Tracy. 


R.  King  to  T.  Pickering. 

New  York,  March  13,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Mr.  Wolcott  some  days  ago  told  me  that  he  would  write  to  Mr. 
Tracy  on  the  subject  of  the  Leander  &  Miranda's  expedition,  and 
as  I  presume  you  would  see  this  letter,  and  preferred  for  particu- 
lar reasons,  not  to  write  myself,  I  have  said  nothing  to  you  of  this 
Project. 

The  late  news  from  Bordeaux,  and  which  you  will  have  seen  in 
the  N.  Papers,  and  according  to  which  Bonaparte  remains  master 
of  the  Continent,  has  dissipated  the  Rumours  concerning  Miran- 
da's views,  which  have  for  some  weeks  engaged  the  public  atten- 
tion. There  are  Persons  here  who  hesitated  in  giving  credit  to 
this  French  news  :  but  the  armistice,  if  not  a  most  gross  fabrica- 
tion, is  conclusive  ;  it  cannot  be  many  days  before  we  shall  have 
arrivals  from  Eng.  that  will  give  us  intelligence  down  to  February, 
including  the  speech  and  debates  at  the  opening  of  parliament. 

Within  a  day  or  two  we  have  heard  much  of  your  decisions, 
and  particularly  of  the  denunciation  of  the  Executive  by  its  former 
friend  Mr.  Randolph.  As  to  Measures,  so  far  as  I  can  observe 
the  public,  none  are  expected,  or  at  least  none  that  will  be  either 
advantageous  or  honorable  to  the  Country.  Every  man  you  meet 
seems  ashamed  of  the  feeble,  hypocritcal  and  mean  Proceedings 
of  the  Executive.  With  sentiments  of  sincere  esteem  &  respect 
I  remain,  dear  Sir,  your  obed.  &  faithful  servant 

Rufus  King. 


502  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

U.  Tracy  to  R.  King. 

Washington,  March  17th,  1806. 
Sir: 

Ecce  iterum  Crispinus — This  day  the  Senate  have  expended  in 
a  debate  upon  John  Armstrong's  Nomination  :  as  I  stated  to  you 
last  week,  perhaps  no  man's  character  &  conduct  ever  met  with  a 
more  thorough  investigation,  &  nothing  is  more  clear,  than  that 
the  Senate,  a  very  considerable  majority  of  them,  are  sick,  quite 
sick  of  the  man,  &  really  wish  the  nomination  at  the  devil,  and 
many  go  further,  and  send  the  nominator  after  the  nomination  ;  & 
these  good  Democrats  too.  The  vote  now  taken  3  o'clock  p.m.> 
and  stands  thus,  for  Armstrong  fifteen  votes,  against  him  fifteen 
votes — so  the  Vice  president  had  to  decide  it  &  he  decided  it  in 
favor  of  John  Armstrong.     So  John  Armstrong  is  appointed. 

Yours  sincerely, 

Uriah  Tracy. 

Both  New  York  Senators  &  the  Vice  Pres.  were  in  favor  of 
Armstrong  :  so  the  three  votes  of  New  York  carried  him  ! 


T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

City  of  Washington,  March  19th,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Yesterday  I  sent  you,  in  5  packets  (I  think  that  was  the  num- 
ber) a  pamphlet  the  subject  of  which  has  probably  engaged  as 
great  a  share  of  the  President's  attention,  as  all  the  concerns  of 
the  "  good  old  States  "  (as  Randolph  called  them)  whether  con- 
sidered in  respect  to  their  internal  or  external  relations.  You 
will  see  noticed  the  various  Indian  languages  radically  different. 
When  I  last  dined  with  him  (5  or  6  weeks  ago)  he  said  he  had 
already  ascertained  about  a  hundred.  When  some  of  my  fellow 
lodgers  dined  with  him  soon  after,  that  number  was  materially 
reduced.  I  believe  there  are  15  or  16  noticed  in  Capt.  Lewis* 
Narrative.  Mr.  Jefferson's  object  (I  should  say  one  of  his  objects) 
in  his  Louisiana  inquiries,  I  take  to  be,  that,  if  so  many  original 
languages  exist  in  America,  and  if  we  calculate  how  many  ages 
must  elapse  before  one  original  language  could  be  radically 
changed  ;  it  will  follow  that  the  Mosaic  account  of  the  creation 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  503 


and  the  chronology  founded  thereon  must  be  extremely  erro- 
neous !     .     .     . 

I  will  inclose  you  a  bill  brought  into  the  Senate  by  Saml.  Smith 
"  For  the  encouragement  of  the  Shipping  &  Navigation  of  the  U. 
States."  The  third  reading  is  to  be  on  the  last  day  of  this  month  ; 
it  being  postponed  for  the  purpose  of  gaining  information.  In- 
dependently of  the  general  knowledge  you  possess  on  this  subject, 
I  remember  you  had  occasion  officially  to  turn  your  attention  to 
our  commercial  intercourse  with  England,  while  you  were  in 
London. 

I  pray  you  therefore  to  favour  me  with  your  sentiments  on  the 
provisions  of  this  bill ;  and  at  as  early  a  day  as  may  be.  At 
present  it  can  be  of  little  or  no  consequence,  for  scarcely  a 
foreign  ship  enters  our  ports  ;  and  it  seems  premature  to  make 
regulations  now,  to  operate  on  commerce  after  peace  shall  take 
place,  when  in  our  commercial  relations  such  very  material 
changes  may  take  place.  Have  we  not  as  much  carrying  trade  as 
we  can  manage  ?  or  if  not,  would  it  be  expedient  to  increase  it 
largely  (if  it  were  possible  for  this  bill  to  produce  that  effect)  see- 
ing the  event  of  peace  might  pretty  suddenly  deprive  us  of  an 
essential  portion  of  it.  Besides  I  take  it,  what  we  should  most 
desire  of  England,  France  and  Spain,  would  be  the  permanent 
admission  of  the  products  and  manufactures  of  our  own  country 
in  our  own  vessels,  into  the  ports,  especially  the  colonial  ports,  of 
those  nations. 

In  explaining  the  grounds  of  his  bill,  Mr.  Smith  said,  that  all 
the  European  nations,  excepting  England  and  France,  did  per- 
mit us  to  carry  to  them  the  products  and  manufactures  of  other 
countries,  as  well  as  our  own.  At  the  present  moment  all  the 
products  and  manufactures  of  G.  Britain  &  her  dominions  are  pro- 
hibited an  entrance  into  France  &  Spain,  &  I  do  not  know  but 
some  other  dependent  countries  of  France.  Have  the  goodness 
to  communicate  to  me  as  early  as  may  be,  your  views  of  the  sub- 
ject. What  will  be  the  effects  of  this  measure,  if  adopted  ?  what 
its  advantages  ?  what  its  disadvantages  ? 

With  sincere  respect  and  esteem  &c. 

T.  Pickering. 


504  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

R.  King  to  T.  Pickering. 

New  York,  March  20,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

In  a  few  lines  I  wrote  yesterday  to  Mr.  Tracy,  I  communicated 
the  purport  of  the  only  important  news  from  England.  Yester- 
day by  a  short  arrival  from  Bordeaux  we  have  later  news  both 
English  and  French  than  had  been  received  from  England.  I 
inclose  to  you  the  morning  Paper  which  announces  all  I  know 
concerning  a  state  of  Europe,  that,  in  my  view,  is  the  most  extra- 
ordinary &  menacing  to  the  freedom  and  Independence  of  man- 
kind that  has  existed  in  modern  times. 

As  no  nation  is  more  reasonable  more  docile,  more  loyal  than 
England,  when  wisely  governed,  so  none  has  greater  firmness, 
longer  patience,  nor  higher  courage  than  our  ancestors  ;  and  not- 
withstanding it  has  pleased  the  Almighty  to  take  from  them, 
almost  at  the  same  moment,  their  first  Statesman,  their  most  for- 
tunate Admirals,  and  their  ablest  General,  I  feel  a  strong  presenti- 
ment and  hope  that  the  high  spirit  and  ancient  glory  of  the  Nation 
will  enable  them  to  contend  against,  &  finally  to  triumph  over 
their  gigantic  adversary.* 

*  These  sentiments  repeat  the  estimate  he  formed  of  the  English  people  dur- 
ing his  residence  in  England,  as  evinced  by  the  following  in  his  handwriting — 

It  is  equally  difficult  here  as  in  America  to  form  satisfactory  opinions  respect- 
ing the  events  which  are  passing  in  Europe  ;  and  the  reason  is  this,  that  no  ex- 
act views,  no  assured  object,  no  settled  system  of  Politicks,  exist  in  this,  or  any 
other  of  the  Great  Powers  of  Europe.  The  whole  is  a  miserable  shifting  from 
expedient  to  expedient — a  course  varying  with  every  new  incident, — a  struggle 
for  an  ill  understood  and  inexplicable  End.  The  nearer  I  see  these  great  na- 
tions, the  less  respectfully  do  I  consider  them.  At  a  distance  where  informa- 
tion was  less  accurate,  and  the  space  for  conjectural  interpretation  much  wider, 
we  entertained  ourselves  in  searching  for  the  solution  of  events  which  instead 
of  being  foreseen  or  influenced  by  premeditated  causes,  have  been  the  mere  re- 
sult of  those  blind  and  ill  managed  efforts  which  continue  to  astonish  and  de- 
stroy mankind.  I  am  not  deceived  in  my  estimate  of  England.  They  are  a 
nation  of  immense  resources,  of  ancient  pride,  of  powerful  habits  in  favor  of 
their  Government,  of  infinite  credulity,  of  unbounded  confidence,  and  destitute 
of  a  single  mind  capable  of  making  a  proper  use  of  these  National  Faculties  at 
a  period  more  important  and  interesting  to  human  happiness  than  has  before 
existed. 

It  is  certain  that  the  objects,  for  which  the  war  has  been  prosecuted  have 
varied  so  often,  that  those  at  the  helm  here  can  assign  no  national  motive  at 
any  one  period,  that  will  justify  the  prosecution  of  the  war  at  another.      I  had 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  505 

The  new  Ministry  unites  the  Strength  and  Talents,  as  it  does 
the  Parties  and  Confidence  of  the  Nation. 

With  sincere  regards,  I  remain,  Dr.  Sir  Yr.  faithful  Servant 
Rufus  King. 

T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

Washington,  March  31,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  inclose  a  Report  of  the  Senate  concerning  Hamet  Caramelli. 
It  is  drawn,  substantially,  by  Bradley,  and  agreed  to  by  all  the 
comtee.  (as  Tracy  tells  me)  except  Baldwin  *  A  variety  of  facts 
and  circumstances,  but  which  I  cannot  attempt  to  enumerate,  in- 
duce my  belief  that  Lear's  conduct  originated  in  the  basest  mo- 
tives. His  reported  treachery  to  Washington,  in  communicating 
(withdrawing  from  their  sacred  deposit)  papers  to  Jefferson,  has 
laid  the  latter  under  obligations.  Mr.  J.  in  his  message  on 
Hamet's  case,  attempted,  with  much  labour,  to  vindicate  Lear  ; 
but  in  vain  :  he  stands  condemned  by  every  man  who  can  think 
and  act  independently. 

Dr.  Thornton  (whom  Wolcott  knows)  who  is  charged  with  that 
breach  of  duty  in  the  department  of  State,  which  relates  to  the 
issuing  of  Patents,  last  December  told  Genl.  Eaton  a  variety  of 
things  relating  to  Miranda's  project,  and  asked  Eaton  if  he  would 

believed  that  England  went  into  the  war  in  order  to  preserve  her  own  Govt,  but 
if  there  ever  existed  the  danger  that  we  have  imagined  on  that  head,  which  I 
am  inclined  now  to  doubt,  it  has  ceased  to  be  worthy  of  attention. 

The  English  people  are  in  no  danger  of  imitating  the  French  from  choice — 
when  I  speak  of  the  people,  I  mean  to  exclude  the  efficient  body  of  the  nation 
— I  equally  exclude  the  philosophers  and  the  indigent.  Laying  them  aside  as 
this  nation  can  do,  there  remain  the  vigor,  the  strength  and  the  great  Body  of 
the  nation — inclined  to  preserve  order,  interested  in  upholding  their  Govt,  and 
animated  with  a  generous  devotion  &  courage  to  defend  their  country  agt.  do- 
mestic as  well  as  for.  Foes.  It  is  true  that  the  suffrage  is  far  from  being  equal 
here,  and  the  Election  is  not  in  this  view  an  infallible  rule  to  ascertain  the  pub- 
lic opinion — yet  with  proper  allowances  the  return  of  the  Members  of  Parlia- 
ment gives  a  pretty  sure  guide  whereby  we  may  infer  the  national  sentiments — 
making  every  possible  allowance,  the  late  Election,  which  we  are  confidently 
told  diminished  the  opposition,  diminutive  in  members  as  before  it  was,  the  in- 
ference is  altogether  favorable  to  the  attachment  of  the  nation  to  the  existing 
order  of  things  and  demonstrates  their  disposition  amid  reverses  and  misfor- 
tunes to  uphold  the  Authorities  of  the  Constitution. 

*  See  Annals  of  Congress  1805-6  for  the  history  of  this  claim,  pp.  48.  185. 


$06  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

engage  with  Miranda  in  an  expedition  to  Spanish  America? 
"Yes  (said  Eaton)  if  the  Government  will  give  us  a  commission/* 
Thornton  said  that  several  millions  of  dollars  were  raised  by  the 
Spanish  Colonists  and  that  a  large  sum  had  been  lodged  in  New 
York  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  expedition.  That  the  Colonists 
were  prepared  and  waited  only  for  Miranda  to  hoist  the  flag  of 
Independence  to  rise  and  throw  off  the  Government  of  the 
mother  country. 

Dr.  Thornton  is  not  a  little  of  a  visionary — and  allowances  are 
to  be  made  ;  but  I  am  persuaded  that  his  testimony  would  throw 
light  on  the  subject,  and  be  useful  to  Col.  Smith  &  Ogden  on 
their  trials — which  we  hear  are  to  take  place  next  month. 

Respectfully  yrs. 

T.  Pickering. 

R.  King  to  T.  Pickering. 

New  York,  Mar.  22,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  am  particularly  obliged  to  you  for  the  President's  Message,, 
communicating  the  Discoveries  in  Louisiana.     .     .     . 

II  The  Sty,"  to  use  Randolph's  phrase,  is  as  I  hear  very  noisy 
on  the  subject  of  Armstrong's  appointment,  which  is  regarded  as 
an  avowal  and  justification  of  his  Conduct.  There  are  several 
subjects  on  which  I  should  be  glad  for  information.  The  dis- 
closures that  your  debate  may  have  made  respecting  Armstrong 
is  one  of  them.  Was  it  at  all  explained  how  Armstrong  was  au- 
thorized, or  what  motive  induced  him,  to  assume  the  extraordin- 
ary power  he  has  employed  in  the  distribution  of  the  4  MiL 
Dollars  ? 

We  have  seen  Eaton's  letter  to  the  Secy  of  the  Treasy.,  which 
states  that  the  Treaty  with  Tripoli  contains  an  article  by  which 
the  Bashaw  engaged  to  deliver  up  the  wife  and  children  of  his 
Brother,  and  that  in  order  to  obtain  this  stipulation,  which  was 
to  satisfy  the  ex-Bashaw,  Lear  gave  a  Defeasance,  by  which  the 
article  became  void. 

It  is  also  rumoured  that  the  Treaty  was  submitted  to  the  Sen- 
ate for  Ratification,  without  a  communication  of  the  Defeasance. 
On  these  and  other  interesting  Points  concerning  our  foreign 
affairs,  I  should  be  obliged  by  exact  information,  as  I  have  it  in 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  507 

contemplation  after  the  close  of  your  Session  to  make  a  Review 
of  our  foreign  Relations. 

On  examination  of  the  English  News,  I  am  not  without  consid- 
erable Hope  that  the  new  ministry  will  inspire  new  vigour  as  well 
as  confidence  into  the  Nation.  If  the  ministers  can  agree  in  the 
Cabinet,  the  administration  will  be  more  powerful  and  more  pop- 
ular than  has  existed  since  the  Ministry  of  Lord  Chatham  :  in 
such  event,  indeed  in  any  event,  the  Folly  and  Rashness  of  your 
Resolutions  and  projects  at  Washington,  will  be  more  fully  ex- 
posed. 

The  men  who  promote  these  measures  are  equally  ignorant  of 
the  character  of  Englishmen,  and  the  interest  of  America.  With- 
out these  miserable  provocations  Mr.  Monroe,  if  he  has  abilities,, 
may  avail  himself  of  the  present  juncture  ;  with  them,  neither  he 
nor  any  other  person  can  succeed. 

Very  faithfully  yrs 

Rufus  King. 


T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

Washington,  March  24,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  been  favoured  with  your  letter  of  the  20th.  We  had 
heard  of  the  death  of  Mr.  Pitt.  It  did  not  alarm  me.  For  tho* 
I  consider  the  independence  of  the  U.  States  as  absolutely  de- 
pendent on  the  ability  of  England  to  maintain  hers,  against  all  the 
efforts  of  Napoleon,  yet  I  have  at  no  time  entertained  an  exalted 
opinion  of  Mr.  Pitt  as  a  Statesman  to  plan  and  direct  great  military 
enterprises  ;  and  to  select  and  in  defiance  of  all  opposition  to  call  forth 
the  requisite  talents  to  execute  them.  With  an  eloquence  powerful 
perhaps  as  his  father's,  did  he  not  want  much  of  that  vigour  which 
enabled  the  latter  successfully  to  execute  the  bold  project  he 
conceived  ?  With  great  talents,  I  expect  more  efficiency  in  Lord 
Grenville.  Perfectly  relying  on  your  judgment  of  the  preeminent 
talents,  strength  and  popularity  (founded  on  a  personal  know- 
ledge of  the  men)  I  rejoice  that  such  a  ministry  has  been  formed. 
It  furnished  just  ground  for  the  confident  hope  you  express  (in 
which  I  cordially  join)  "  that  the  high  Spirit  and  ancient  glory  of 
the  Nation  will  enable  them  to  contend  against  and  finally  tri- 
umph over  their  [and  the  World's]  gigantic  adversary." 


508  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

But  what  will  be  the  effect  on  our  commerce  ?  It  is  said  (by 
the  way  of  Bordeaux)  that  the  British  are  releasing  all  American 
vessels.  Will  this  relaxation  continue  ?  I  trust  not.  It  com- 
menced prior  to  Mr.  Pitt's  decease  :  probably  influenced  by  the 
Catastrophe  of  the  Continental  War.  The  Captures  and  con- 
demnations may  not  instantly  be  renewed.  Lord  Grenville*  and 
his  associates  will  deeply  consider  the  subject  as  essentially  con- 
nected with  a  continuance  of  the  War.  Doubtless  their  meas- 
ures may  be  influenced  very  much  by  those  of  Bonaparte.  If  the 
latter  commands  the  Ports  of  the  Continent,  from  the  Baltic  to 
the  Adriatic,  to  be  shut  against  the  commerce  of  Britain  (and  he 
has  only  to  command  to  be  obeyed)  doubtless  the  British  will 
interdict  the  commerce  of  neutrals,  at  least  with  all  the  belliger- 
ent nations.  Necessity  will  be  declared  to  be  the  ground  of  the 
interdiction.  And  will  it  not  be  an  adequate  plea?  It  will  be 
done  openly,  frankly,  boldly  ;  and  such  time  being  given  that 
neutrals  shall  not  complain  of  being  taken  by  surprise.  In  a 
word  the  principles  of  War  in  Disguise  will  be  adopted  :  "  and  if 
we  feel  no  wish  to  succour  our  parent  State,  when  fighting  for  her 
liberty  and  her  existence,"  shall  we  not  "  at  least  desist  from 
wrongs  [or  measures]  which  augment  her  dangers  and  frustrate 
her  defensive  efforts  "  ?  I,  for  one,  shall  bid  her  God  speed. 
When  she  is  spending,  liberally  spending,  her  blood  and  treasure, 
in  fact  for  our  safety  and  independence,  shall  we  be  restive,  be- 
cause she  denies  us  an  accumulation  of  profit  beyond  that  which 
arises  from  our  regular,  permanent  course  of  Trade  ?  If  we  had 
an  administration  that  regarded  anything  in  comparison  with  its' 
own  immediate  personal  interest  and  popularity  and  the  indul- 
gence of  its  hateful  passions,  satisfactory  arrangements,  I  am 
fully  persuaded,  might  be  made  with  Great  Britain.  But  I  do 
not  believe  these  will  be  attempted  thro'  any  other  agent  than  the 
miserable  minister  now  at  that  Court.  Would  you  believe  it? 
A  very  few  days  only  had  elapsed,  after  Mr.  Pitt's  death,  and 
when  the  new  Ministers  had  scarcely  taken  their  seats  in  their 
offices,  before  Mr.  Monroe  applied  for  his  answer  to  his  letter  (or 
remonstrance)  to  Lord  Mulgrave  !  this  is  the  out-door  informa- 
tion.!    Yet  this  is  the  man  who  is  to  be  the  next  President  of  the 

*  You  will  recollect  his  Lordship's  decided  sentiments  on  neutral  commerce 
in  his  celebrated  Speech  on  the  Treaty  with  Russia  in  1801. 

f  P.  M.     This  out-of-door  report  is  incorrect.     The  President  sent  Monroe's 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  509 

U.  S.  ;  the  man  whom  Mr.  Nicholson  lately  pronounced  (in  the 
House  of  R.)  second  to  no  one  in  the  United  States,  and  who 
appears  (from  all  I  hear)  to  be  the  favourite  of  Mr.  Randolph. 
Hence  the  contempt  with  which  you  will  have  observed  he  has 
treated  Mr.  Madison — the  competitor  of  Monroe  for  the  Presi- 
dency. This  I  take  to  be  a  great,  if  not  a  principal  cause  of  the 
schism  among  the  democrats.  Bidwell,  Varnum  and  the  major- 
ity of  the  democrats  from  the  great  States  of  Massachusetts,  New 
York  and  Pennsylvania  are  the  friends  of  Madison.  Randolph 
and  his  special  adherents  are  the  friends  of  Monroe  :  and  while 
these  two  divisions  of  democrats  are  thus  early  canvassing  for  the 
next  President,  the  actual  President  is  exploring  the  wilds  of 
Louisiana — its  salt  plains — its  rock  or  mineral  salt — its  immense 
prairies — in  which  he  has  discovered  the  earthly  paradise — its 
numerous  tribes  and  remnants  of  tribes  of  Indians  &  how  many 
languages  they  speak — the  hot  springs  &  the  warm  mud-puddles 
in  their  vicinity — and  the  wonderful  phenomena  in  one  of  a  small 
or  "  very  minute  shell  fish  "  in  shape  resembling  a  muscle,  but 
having  four  legs  ;  and  in  another  "  a  vermes  about  half  an  inch 
long,  moving  with  a  serpentine  or  vermicular  motion  "  ! 

Should  Monroe  be  our  next  P.,  Randolph,  I  presume,  must  be 
his  prime-minister,  and  Nicholson  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  Gal- 
latin (whom  R.  lately  eulogized)  must  remain  Secy  of  the  Treas- 
ury ;  for  they  have  no  Southern  man  of  ability  and  industry  to 
fill  his  place.  They  would  not  be  much  embarrassed  to  find  a 
successor  to  Mr.  Dearborn — Confidential — at  present.  On  Satur- 
day while  the  doors  were  closed,  Mr.  Randolph  said,  that  about 
the  middle  of  December,  he  called  on  Mr.  Madison,  who  told 
him  that  the  French  Government  had  forbidden  our  negotiating 
directly  with  Spain  :  that  we  must  negotiate  thro1  the  medium  of  the 
French  Govt.,  which  wanted  money,  and  that  we  must  give  it.  Ran- 
dolph added  "I  had  not  much  confidence  in  him  (Madison)  be- 
fore, and  from  that  time  I  have  had  none  "  :  at  that  moment, 
with  an  indignant  motion,  throwing  his  hat  across  the  hall  ! 
Adieu  T.  Pickering. 

You  will  connect  this  anecdote  with  the  affair  of  the  secret  ap- 
propriation of  2  millions. 

original  letter  dated  Jany.  28  to  the  two  Houses — in  which  he  mentions  that  he 
shall  soon  apply  for  an  answer.  The  letter  was  returned  to  the  President  ;  the 
doors  were  closed  ;  but  nothing  important  was  announced. 


$IO  KUFUS  KING.  [1806 

R.  King  To  Pickering. 

New  York,  Mar.  25,1806. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  yesterday  received  Mr.  Gallatin's  Report  and  Genl.  Smith's 
proposed  navigation  Law,  which  you  obligingly  sent  to  me,  and 
today  I  have  reed,  the  Report  of  the  Commn.  concerning  the 
Tripolitan  affairs,  and  the  last  part  of  Mr.  Randolph's  speech. 

If  I  may  conjecture  the  conduct  of  Congress  from  what  in  my 
own  opinion  I  think  it  should  be  at  the  present  moment,  they 
will  at  once  suspend  the  Resolutions,  Bills  &  Debates,  until  they 
receive  accounts  from  England  of  the  Temper  and  views  of  the 
new  ministry  towards  the  U.  S.  I  can  suppose  a  system,  which, 
if  adopted  by  the  new  ministry,  would  require  the  best  under- 
standing and  Harmony  with  America,  and  which  would  therefore 
offer  a  most  favorable  opportunity  for  the  satisfactory  adjust- 
ment of  our  intercourse  with  that  country.  In  this  state  of  things, 
it  would  be  impolitic  and  extraordinary,  if  Congress,  instead  of 
giving  the  Executive  an  opportunity  to  effect  such  arrangement, 
should  adopt  any  measures  that  might  defeat  an  advantageous 
settlement  of  our  concerns. 

In  respect  to  the  Bill  offered  by  Genl.  Smith,  were  the  time  a 
proper  one  for  its  discussion,  I  am  by  no  means  satisfied  that  it 
would  be  advantageous.  If,  as  I  conjecture  to  be  the  fact,  England 
at  no  time  imports  into  the  U.  States  any  Goods  not  the  growth 
or  manufacture  of  her  own  Dominions,  it  would  be  of  no  effect  as 
respects  her,  and  in  reference  to  other  countries,  whose  ships 
sometimes  resort  to  our  Ports,  if  they  have  no  such  Regulation, 
our  adoption  of  it  might  suggest  to  them  the  expediency  of  their 
doing  it  also  ;  and  should  this  be  done,  we,  being  carriers  of 
articles  not  produced  nor  manufactured  at  home  in  a  larger  pro- 
portion than  they  are,  should  be  sufferers  in  a  like  proportion. 

Suppose  the  law  generally  adopted,  the  question  between  us 
and  England  will  be  immediately  settled  ;  for  we  shall  not  be 
able  to  import  Sugar,  Coffee,  Teas,  India  Goods,  &c,  which  now 
make  so  considerable  a  share  of  our  exports.  I  must  close,  as  I 
fear  I  may  miss  the  Post. 

Yours  &c 

Rufus  King. 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  51 1 

C.    Gore  To   R.    King. 

Boston,  March  26,  1806. 
My  Dear  Friend  : 

I  was  really  gratified  by  the  Receipt  of  your  last  Letter,  for 
although  I  had  no  apprehensions  that  you  had  acted  incautiously, 
and  knew  that  you  had  communicated  to  the  Government  Intelli- 
gence of  Miranda's  Plan,  yet  it  was  unknown  to  me  that  you 
possessed  their  acknowledgment  of  having  received  this  infor- 
mation. Their  Baseness  and  meanness  seem  only  to  be  ex- 
ceeded by  their  extreme  weakness.  That  any  of  our  Coun- 
trymen can  still  submit  to  remain  the  Dupes  of  such  Imbecillity 
affords  new  evidence  of  the  Degradation  to  which  Democracy  will 
sink  its  adherents.  Another  Testimony  of  the  Contempt  of  our 
Chief  for  Public  Opinion  we  have  in  the  Appointment  of  Mr. 
Armstrong.  [James  Lovel,  some  time  since,  wrote  Mr.  Jefferson  a 
congratulatory  Letter  on  the  appointment  of  Austin  to  the  Loan 
Office  ;  saying  it  was  the  highest  Evidence  that  could  be  offered 
of  the  Supremacy  of  the  Executive  of  the  U.  States  ;  for  a  man 
more  universally  and  more  deeply  despised  than  Austin,  did  not 
exist  in  this  part  of  the  Country,  and  that  a  Government,  which 
could  name  &  keep  in  Office,  a  Character,  known  to  be  so  base, 
must  be  stronger  than  any  Despotism  within  his  knowledge. 

We  are  now  in  the  Fever  Heat  of  our  annual  Election,  and 
such  are  the  Charges  against  Sullivan,  &  so  well  supported,  that 
no  man  who  has  the  least  Regard  to  Property  or  Reputation,  one 
would  think  could  vote  for  him  ;  and  yet  he  will  probably  have 
more  than  30,000  Votes. 

I  shall  endeavour  to  keep  out  of  the  Legislature,  but  I  am  afraid 
it  will  not  be  in  my  Power.  The  last  year  we  obliged  many  to  go 
into  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  had  we  not  chosen  26, 
we  should  have  had  a  Democratic  House,  of  course  a  Democratic 
Senate  and  a  Democratic  council.  I  do  not  know  that  our  chance 
is  better  this  year,  and  that  any  Reason  exists  why  the  same 
means  should  not  be  resorted  to. 

The  Supreme  Court  is  now  in  Session,  and  Sedgwick,  as  usual, 
swearing  he  will  resign  :  possibly  He  has  declared  this  so  fre- 
quently and  so  publickly  that  hewill  be  compelled  to  do  it,  con- 
trary to  his  more  mature  judgment?\ 

The  dreadful  Fate  of  the  Coalition  leaves  nothing  to  be  hoped 


512  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

for  from  the  Continent  of  Europe,  against  the  Despotism  of  Bona- 
parte. The  Views  &  Intentions  of  England,  under  the  new  ad- 
ministrations, for  any  intelligence  we  obtain,  are  the  mere  Subject 
of  Conjecture.  Our  merchants  are  afraid  of  a  Peace  and  well 
they  may  be,  for  notwithstanding  many  Losses  &  Embarrassments, 
their  Voyages  were  generally  prosperous.  Their  Shipments  of 
W.  India  Produce  netted  them  a  profit  of  a  sum  from  25  to  50 
per  cent.     .     .     . 

Ever  and  faithfully  yrs. 

C.  Gore. 

C.  Gore  To  R.  King. 

Boston,  15  April,  1806. 
My  Dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .  While  we  endeavour  to  derive  Consolation  from  reflect- 
ing on  some  Errors  on  the  part  of  the  Federalists,  and  attempt  to 
impute  to  those  the  present  gloomy  Prospect,  it  is  impossible  not 
to  perceive,  in  the  existing  State  of  things,  under  all  the  circum- 
stances of  the  Times  and  the  great  Difference  in  the  Pretensions 
of  the  Candidates  to  the  Confidence  of  Mankind,  the  most 
damning  Proofs  of  the  Triumph  of  Vice  over  Virtue,  and  the 
same  Presages  of  a  total  Prostration  of  the  Rights  of  Freedom  & 
of  Property  to  the  insatiable  Lust  of  abase  &  cowardly  Despotism, 
owing  its  Origin  &  Support  to  the  meanest  and  most  degraded 
Passions  of  the  human  Heart. 

You  may  wonder  that,  with  a  full  view  of  the  present  &  future 
State  of  our  affairs,  I  would  enter  into  public  Life  again.  In  the 
first  Place,  I  conceived  it  would  be  impossible  to  avoid  a  Seat  in 
the  House,  if  I  insisted  in  declining  the  Duty  of  a  Senator.  If  it 
were  possible  for  the  Federalists  to  retain  the  name  and  Forces 
of  the  Government,  in  the  Crisis  which  cannot  be  very  distant,  it 
might  be  of  incalculable  Benefit  to  the  Cause  of  Order  :  and 
it  appeared  to  me  of  great  importance  that  Men  of  Consider- 
ation should  not  resign  the  Government  into  the  Hands  of  a 
different  Class,  unless  they  were  confident  that  great  Good  would 
result  from  suffering  our  Institutions  to  be  destroyed  by  the 
Weakness  of  our  Party,  or  the  Violence  of  the  Democrats.  In 
fine,  and  what  was  perhaps  of  more  weight  in  my  own  mind,  it 
appeared  to  me  that  we  ought  not  by  deserting  our  Friends  & 


1806]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  513 

our  Country  in  the  Hour  of  peril,  to  surrender  a  claim  to  their 
confidence  when  our  Advice  &  Experience  maybe  of  use  to  them 
&  ourselves,  and  by  such  Desertion  reserve  for  a  future  Day  the 
bitter  Reflection  that  had  we  not  shrunk  from  Exertion,  we  might 
have  prevented  or  softened  the  existing  calamities. 

We  see  by  the  Papers  that  the  Govt,  is  base  &  mad  enough  to 
persist  in  persecuting  the  Persons  concerned  in  Miranda's  Enter- 
prise. I  cannot  but  think  this  is  one  of  the  Rocks  on  which  our 
Chief  and  his  aids  are  likely  to  wreck  their  Pretensions  to  Confi- 
dence, and  I  look  with  much  Interest  to  the  Denouement  of  the 
Business.  Congress  affords,  as  the  Stories  are  told  to  us,  a  most 
disgraceful  Picture  of  Imbecillity,  Outrage  &  Meanness  ;  and  what 
is  truly  unfortunate  to  our  Reputation  at  least  no  man  appears 
to  state  to  the  Public,  or  on  the  Floor  of  the  House,  the  Principles 
on  which  our  Conduct  ought  to  be  regulated,  and  to  expose  in  a 
just  &  proper  manner  the  flagitious  and  degrading  Behaviour 
of  our  Government. 

Farewell,  ever  &  truly  yours 

C.  Gore. 


T.  Pickering  to  R.  King. 

Washington,  April  19th,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Some  time  ago  I  promised  to  give  the  information  you  re- 
quested respecting  the  application  of  the  Louisiana  fund  by 
General  Armstrong. 

It  was  stated  by  Genl.  Smith  (while  Armstrong's  nomination 
was  before  the  Senate),  that  our  Government  knowing,  or  ex- 
pecting, that  the  fund  would  not  be  equal  to  all  the  claims  upon 
it,  proposed  to  the  French  Government  that  all  the  claims  should 
be  examined,  and  the  sums  due  ascertained,  before  any  payments 
were  made  ;  and  that  if  the  whole  amount  surpassed  the  fund  of 
$3,750,000,  the  loss  should  be  averaged.  To  this,  he  said,  the 
French  Government  would  not  agree  ;  insisting  that  the  bills 
should  be  drawn  as  fast  as  the  liquidations  were  made,  conform- 
ably to  the  Convention.  This  must  refer  to  the  9th  Article  ;  in 
which  you  will  see  the  English  translation  is  not  of  the  same  im- 
port as  the  French  original;  this  being  "a  mesure  que,"  &c— 

VOL.   IV.— 33 


514  RUFUS  KING,  [1806 

which  is  translated  "  In  proportion."  In  a  variety  of  places  you 
will  observe  it  to  be  a  very  careless  and  faulty  translation.  You 
will  also  notice  the  unpardonable  negligence  of  Livingston  & 
Monroe  in  the  preamble  of  this  Convention,  the  object  of  which 
is  declared  to  be,  to  comply  with  the  second  &  fifth  articles  of 
the  Treaty  of  Sept.  30,  1800,  altho*  the  second  was  expunged  be- 
fore that  Treaty  was  ratified.  By  the  4th  article  of  the  same 
Treaty,  it  was  stipulated  that  "  property  captured  and  not  yet 
definitely  condemned,"  should  be  mutually  restored  ;  but  in  the 
fifth  article  of  the  Louisiana  Convention,  this  stipulation  was 
either  carelessly  neglected,  or  purposely  set  aside  by  this  clause, 
"The  said  5th  Article  (of  the  Treaty  of  1800)  does  not  compre- 
hend prizes,  whose  condemnation  has  been  or  shall  be  confirmed." 

But  notwithstanding  the  refusal  of  the  French  Govt,  to  admit 
the  deficiency  of  funds  to  be  averaged  upon  all  the  claims,  and 
its  determination  that  the  bills  should  be  drawn  as  fast  as  the 
liquidations  were  made,  yet  our  enquiries  produced  the  informa- 
tion, that  Mr.  Livingston  did  not  draw  a.  single  bill ;  and  that 
tho'  Mr.  Armstrong  arrived  in  Paris  in  the  autumn  of  1804,  yet 
he  drew  no  bills  until  May  1805. 

Since  Armstrong's  nomination  to  Spain  has  been  approved,  we 
have  had  laid  on  our  tables  a  document  exhibiting  the  draughts 
he  has  made  and  the  times  of  drawing.  The  supplementary 
documents  showing  the  sums  allowed  for  the  embargoed  vessels, 
you  will  see  was  occasioned  by  the  disagreement  between  Mar- 
bois  and  Armstrong  as  to  the  persons  in  whose  favour  the  bills 
ought  to  be  drawn  ;  in  which  matter  Armstrong  was  doubtless  in 
the  right  ;  the  original  powers  being  given  to  Fenwick  by  the 
masters  of  the  vessels,  at  the  period  when  the  embargoes  took 
place  ;  and  who. or  whose  representations,  ought  not,  at  this  late 
day,  to  receive  the  property  of  the  Merchant  owners.  An  Act  has 
recently  been  passed  to  authorize  the  Sec'y  of  the  Treasury  to 
pay  these  claims.     .     .     . 

It  is  said  Wm.  Pinkney  (late  one  of  our  Commissioners  in 
London)  is  to  be  appointed  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Great 
Britain — Monroe  to  return  in  the  Fall. 

4  p.m.  Mr.  Pinkney  has  been  nominated  in  conjunction  with 
Monroe  to  negotiate  on  our  differences  with  the  British  Govern- 
ment.    I  have  just  got  the  message  and  will  give  you  the  words  : 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  5 15 

Monroe  &  Pinkney  are  nominated  "to  be  Commissioners  Pleni- 
potentiary &  Extraordinary  for  settling  all  matters  of  difference 
between  the  United  States  and  the  United  Kingdoms  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  relative  to  wrongs  committed  between  the 
parties  on  the  high  seas  or  other  waters,  &  for  establishing  the 
principles  of  navigation  &  commerce  between  them." 

5  p.m.  The  Senate  have  struck  out  (on  the  second  reading) 
the  two  sections  of  the  bill  for  repealing  the  duty  on  salt,  and 
allowing  a  bounty  to  our  fisheries  and  salted  provisions.  As  the 
bill  passed  the  House  so  triumphantly  (about  84  to  11)  I  pre- 
sumed it  would,  on  the  same  popular  ground,  be  passed  by  the 
"Senate.     The  votes  16  to  9. 

Very  truly  yours, 

T.  Pickering. 


Noah  Webster  to  R.  King. 

New  Haven,  May  5th,  1806. 
Sir: 

The  circumstances  of  the  United  States  are  critical  and  seem 
to  require  some  union  of  sentiment  &  concert  of  measures  among 
the  real  friends  of  public  safety  &  National  character.  I  have 
seen  the  spirited  &  appropriate  resolution  of  the  federal  gentle- 
men, on  the  occasion  of  the  outrage  lately  committed  by  the 
British  ship  in  N.  York  Harbor,  but  have  not  yet  heard  of  the 
issue  of  the  election  in  the  city — an  issue  which  I  deem  important. 

I  take  the  liberty  however  to  request  your  opinion  on  the  ex- 
pediency of  attempting  to  procure  some  expression  of  the  public 
sentiments  of  this  State.  Our  Legislature  will  meet  next  Thurs- 
day, &  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  their  readiness  to  take  any 
step  in  the  present  crisis,  which  on  deliberate  consultation  shall 
be  deemed  prudent.  The  federal  strength  in  Massachusetts,  if 
not  totally  overwhelmed,  is  extremely  impaired,  &  Connecticut 
alone  stands  firm  with  a  commanding  majority.  The  great  ques- 
tion seems  to  be  whether  the  time  has  arrived,  when  the  current 
of  public  opinion  in  favor  of  the  present  administration  can  be 
arrested  &  turned.  Can  the  folly,  the  imbecility,  &  the  corrup- 
tion which  have  reduced  us  to  a  most  deplorable  condition,  be 
made  to  appear  with  such  evidence  as  to  silence  and  confound 
the  adherents  of  the  present  administration  ?     Is  there  any  thing 


$l6  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

now  existing  which  can  change  or  commence  a  change  of  the 
confidence  of  that  class  of  people  in  their  leader  ? 

As  a  general  rule  it  is  clear  that  the  Legislatures  of  the  States 
should  not  interfere  with  the  measures  of  the  national  Govern- 
ment. But  are  there  not  emergencies  when  such  interference  is 
not  only  right  but  indispensable  ?  And  to  what  point  of  public 
danger  &  national  humiliation  must  we  be  reduced  before  an 
expression  of  the  public  will,  by  the  constituent  members  of  the 
confederation  becomes  expedient  or  justifiable  ? 

I  have  not  time  to  suggest  the  views  I  have  of  the  subject. 
The  opinions  of  gentlemen  here  are  various  on  this  question,  & 
it  deserves  to  be  considered  in  all  its  aspects  before  any  other 
step  is  taken.  I  have  thought  it  so  important  as  to  ask  your 
opinion,  &,  if  you  please,  the  opinions  of  other  influential  gentle- 
men in  New  York,  whether  at  the  approaching  session  of  our 
Legislature,  it  is  best  to  express  the  opinions  of  that  body  on  the 
extraordinary  measures  of  the  general  government,  which  appear 
to  me  to  have  actually  yielded  up  our  Independence — in  violation 
of  the  highest  duty  imposed  on  the  administrators  of  that  Govt, 
by  public  confidence  and  the  constitution.*  Your  answer  ad- 
dressed to  me  at  Hartford  will  oblige 

Sir  your  most  obed.  Servt., 

Noah  Webster. 

*  Endorsed  by  R.  K.  "  Ansd.  that  nothing  should  be  done  without  ap- 
proval by  Ellsworth,  The  Govr.,  &c." 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

Miranda  to  King — Expects  to  embark  for  Trinidad — Asks  for  Help — King  says 
unauthorized — Further  Communications. — King  to  Madison — Communi- 
cates confidentially  Miranda's  Plans — Miranda  sails  for  N.  York — Vansit- 
tart  to  King — England's  Dealings  with  Miranda — Present  Views  of  public 
Men  in  England — King  to  Secretary  of  State,  Sends  him  Vansittart's  Letter 
for  the  President  to  read — Miranda  to  Gore — Account  of  his  Preparations 
to  sail  for  Trinidad — Urging  him  to  assist  him — King  to  Gore — Miranda's 
Arrival  in  N.  York  and  his  Plans — Madison  to  King,  acknowledging 
Receipt  of  his  Letters — Miranda  to  King,  urging  him  to  ask  his  Friends 
to  contribute  Money  for  him — Declined  by  King — Miranda  to  King — He 
sails — Estimate  of  Mr.  King's  Action  in  the  Matter — Help  in  Congress  in- 
voked by  Miranda's  Friends  against  Prosecution — King  to  Gore — How 
his  Name  mixed  with  the  Enquiry — King  to  Vansittart. 

Miranda  wrote  to  Mr.  King,  August  23,  1803,  from 
London  : 

"  La  conduite  ou  la  betise,  mon  chere  ami,  va  son  train  ici — 
de  maniere  que  je  suis  decide  a  partir  par  le  premier  convoi,  avec 
ou  sans  secours  (for  Trinidad).  Leur  conduite  me  parait  a  cette 
heure  suspect,  et  Dieu  scait  si  elle  n'est  pas  perfide  !  Ainsi  je 
vous  conjure  au  nom  de  votre  patrie  et  de  la  mienne  de  nous  faire 
parvenir  des  secours  au  plutdt — Le  point  ou  il  faut  les  diriger 
est  l'isle  de  Trinidad." 

What  he  asked  for  were  ships  loaded  with  flour  and,  most 
urgently,  four  thousand  muskets  with  bayonets,  ammunition 
for  them,  priming  powder,  pikes — and  a  hundred  or  two  hun- 
dred brave  Americans.  On  the  same  sheet  under  date  of 
August  30,  he  says  that  he  has  finally  made  a  definite  arrange- 
ment with  the  Government  to  transport  him  in  a  frigate  to 
Trinidad,  has  received  from  it  a  small  sum  of  money,  and  that 
he  has  had  promised  money  and  men  at  the  Island.  He 
therefore  earnestly  entreats  Mr.  King  to  have  forwarded  to 
him 

517 


518  RUFUS  KING.  [J8o5 

■.  sans  faute  deux  batimens  Americains  pour  le  moins,  avec 
quelques  armes,  et  quelques  dizaines  (sinon  des  Centaines)  de 
braves  enfans  de  Colombia." 

He  encloses  a  statement  of  the  cost  of  5000  men  with 
necessary  arms  &c,  for  one  year,  about  4J  millions  of 
dollars,  &c. 

On  the  back  of  this  letter,  "  Rec.  Oct.  8th  1803,"  is  endorsed. 
N.  B.  The  writer  has  no  authority  to  make  to  me  these  proposi- 
tions ;  nor  have  I  inclination  to  comply  with  them.     Indeed,  I 
could  not  were  I  inclined,  such  supplies  being  contrary  to  Law. 
(Signed)         Rufus  King  Oct.  9,  1803. 

Several  letters  relative  to  Miranda's  affairs  both  from  Mr. 
King  and  Mr.  Gore  will  be  found  on  pages  429  to  435  of  this 
volume.  But  as  nothing  new  occurred  to  change  the  rela- 
tions of  Great  Britain  with  Spain,  Miranda  made  no  new 
communications  to  Mr.  King  until  on  July  13,  1805,  he  writes, 
that  after  "  inconceivable  and  unsupportable  delays  he  was 
about  to  sail  for  New  York,"  and  asking  him  to  inform  those 
who  had  promised  to  assist  him  M  that  the  time  for  action 
had  arrived."  In  a  postscript  dated  August  8th,  he  saysr 
"the  time  for  our  departure  is  fixed  for  the  15th  of  this 
month." 

Mr.  King  communicated  this  letter  "  in  secret  "  to  the 
Secretary  of  State. 

Copy. 
R.  King  to  J.  Madison,  Secy,  of  State. 

Secret. 

Jamaica,  L.  I.,  Oct.  15,  1805. 
Sir: 

You  will  probably  recollect  that  soon  after  my  return  to  Eng- 
land, I  communicated  to  you  the  extract  of  a  letter  that  I  had  re- 
ceived and  which  related  to  an  object  respecting  which  we  cannot 
be  indifferent.  For  some  time  past  I  have  heard  nothing  farther 
on  the  subject.  A  few  days  since,  however,  I  received  a  letter 
from  the  same  person  dated  London  August  8,  the  following, 
extract  of  which  I  have  thought  it  expedient  confidentially  to  com- 
municate to  you. 


:8o5]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  519 


"  Apr£s  des  inconsequences  et  des  retards  inconcevables  et  in- 
supportables,  nous  voila  sur  le  point  de  partir.  .  .  .  Je  compte 
m'embarquer  dans  le  courant  de  ce  mois."  "  P.  S.  C'est  pour  le 
15  de  ce  mois  (A6ut)  que  notre  depart  est  fixe." 

Whether  any  adequate  succour  has  been  furnished  by  England 
or  favorable  expectations  are  derived  from  a  supposed  state  of 
things  between  the  U.  S.  &  Spain  is  what  at  present  I  have  no 
satisfactory  means  of  deciding.  I  may,  however,  shortly  receive 
more  exact  information. 

With  sentiments  of  Respect  &  Esteem  &c. 

Rufus  King. 

Miranda,  tired,  as  has  been  seen,  of  waiting  for  the  assis- 
tance he  had  hoped  to  receive  from  England,  sailed  for 
America,  to  ascertain  there  what  arrangements  he  could 
make  to  forward  his  plans.  He  arrived  in  New  York  on 
Nov.  9,  1805,  bringing  with  him  a  long  letter  dated  Aug.  14, 
from  Mr.  N.  Vansittart  to  Mr.  King,  giving  him  a  general 
view  of  the  past  relations  with  Miranda  and  of  the  state  of 
ministerial  and  public  opinion  in  England  relative  to  the 
liberation  of  the  Spanish  Provinces. 


N.  Vansittart  to  R.  King. 

London,  Aug.  14,  1805. 
My  dear  Sir  : 

I  have  often  blamed  myself  for  my  long  omission  in  writing  to 

you  as  well  as  to  some  other  valuable  friends  who  are  abroad,  but 

have  found  myself  embarrassed,  not  only  by  the  frequent  pressure 

of  business  and  other  avocations,  but  perhaps  in  a,  still  greater 

degree  by  the  uncertainty  of  my  own  situation.     It  would  have 

appeared  reserved  and  perhaps  unkind  to  have  said  nothing  of 

my  own  position  and  views,  and  yet  for  the  last  eighteen  months 

I  could  scarcely  have  given  any  account  of  myself  which  would 

not  have  misled  my  correspondent  at  the  time  the  letter  could 

reach  him.     I  should  have  been  happy  in  writing  to  a  friend 

whose  good  opinion  I  so  much  value  to  have  entered  into  such 

an  explanation  as  to  show  that  this  uncertainty  has  not  arisen  from 

any  unsteadiness  in  my  principles,  or  inconsistency  in  my  conduct, 


520  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

but  has  been  the  unavoidable  result  of  the  circumstances  in  which 
I  have  been  placed,  had  not  the  occasion  of  my  writing  been  of  a 
very  peculiar  kind  and  connected  with  circumstances  of  much 
greater  importance  than  the  fortunes  &  estimation  of  any  individual. 

This  will  be  delivered  to  you  by  our  common  friend,  Genl. 
Miranda,  who  has  at  last  embarked  with  scarcely  any  other  means 
than  the  resources  of  his  own  mind  in  the  execution  of  the  great 
plan  which  for  so  many  years  he  has  meditated  for  the  liberation 
of  his  country. 

You  are,  I  believe,  as  well  acquainted  with  the  prospects  of 
support  held  out  to  him  long  ago  in  this  kingdom  as  well  as  on 
some  occasions  by  certain  continental  powers,  as  well  as  with  the 
preparations  made  for  that  purpose  by  the  English  Government 
for  a  short  time  preceding  the  signature  of  the  last  peace.  But  I 
presume  you  have  not  heard  that  soon  after  the  renewal  of  the 
war,  I  obtained  leave  to  make  a  private  provision  of  Arms,  Cloth- 
ing &  Stores  for  5000  men  as  a  preparation  in  case  a  rupture 
with  Spain  should  take  place.  The  Government  however  enter- 
taining a  hope  (on  grounds  which  never  appeared  satisfactory  to 
me  and  which  I  shall  not  now  discuss)  that  the  neutrality  of 
Spain  might  be  preserved,  directed  the  articles  which  had  been 
collected  to  be  applied  to  other  currrent  services  previous  to  the 
change  of  administration  which  took  place  last  year.  You  will 
learn  from  Genl.  Miranda  what  has  since  passed  between  him  and 
the  members  of  the  present  ministry.  He  had  for  some  time  after 
the  commencement  of  hostilities  with  Spain  reason  to  hope  for 
active  &  cordial  assistance,  but  the  attention  of  the  Government 
has  been  so  much  engaged  with  different,  &  I  fear,  unattainable 
objects  that  he  has  at  last  determined  in  utter  despair  of  their 
taking  any  decisive  steps,  to  try  what  can  be  effected  by  such 
resources  as  America  can  furnish  and  may  be  willing  to  afford 
him  either  as  an  enterprize  sanctioned  by  public  authority  or 
undertaken  by  individual  adventures. 

You  will  be  the  best  judge  what  support  he  will  be  likely  to 
meet  with  in  America,  and  your  influence  will  be  of  the  utmost 
importance  to  him.  You  are  also  by  your  long  residence  in 
England,  and  your  intimacy  with  men  of  different  sentiments  and 
parties,  no  inadequate  judge  how  far  such  a  plan,  supposing  the 
execution  of  it  to  be  successfully  commenced  would  derive  en- 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  52 1 

couragement  and  aid  from  this  country.  But  on  that  subject  I 
will  shortly  state  the  best  opinion  I  have  been  able  to  form.  Our 
mercantile  body  are  naturally  anxious  for  an  extension  of  trade 
and  look  with  great  anxiety  to  a  removal  of  the  restraints  which 
in  a  great  degree  exclude  them  from  the  rich  market  of  S.  Amer- 
ica ;  and  a  great  body  of  our  most  reasonable  and  judicious  men 
consider  a  well  combined  system  of  independence  as  the  best  and 
only  effectual  security  to  preserve  those  immense  territories  from 
falling,  like  the  mother  country,  under  the  dominion  of  France 
and  furnishing  resources  sufficient  to  enable  that  ambitious  and 
domineering  power  to  complete  the  subjugation  of  Europe.  They 
therefore  consider  this  country  as  bound  to  support  such  an 
attempt  not  only  as  a  justifiable  measure  of  hostility  but  on  the 
strictest  principles  of  self  defence. 

On  the  other  hand  there  are  not  wanting  men  of  great  weight 
and  authority,  who  have  such  a  dread  and  abhorrence  of  any 
thing  which  bears  the  name  or  approaches  to  the  semblance  of 
revolution  that  they  think  all  such  ideas  ought  in  the  most  pointed 
manner  to  be  discountenanced,  if  not  directly  resisted.  It  is  vain  to 
argue  with  them,  that  the  natural  and  inevitable  course  of  events 
leads  to  separation  of  populous  and  rapidly  increasing  Colonies 
from  a  feeble,  decrepit  and  degraded  government ;  that  we  might 
as  well  attempt  to  stop  the  tide,  as  to  stop  the  progress  or  long 
secure  the  subjection  of  countries  so  circumstanced,  but  that  it  is 
in  some  degree  in  our  power  to  select  the  time  and  influence  the 
direction  of  their  great  change,  and  by  rendering  it  more  easy  and 
more  beneficial  to  secure  the  gratitude  and  attachment  of  the  new 
Power,  whose  formation  we  could  not  prevent,  for  they  will 
answer  that  the  effects  of  the  change  are  so  uncertain,  and  the 
evils  attending  may  and  probably  will  be  so  terrible  that  we  ought 
on  no  account  incur  the  guilt  and  risque  the  consequences  of  co- 
operating to  produce  it. 

Of  the  great  parties  which  divide  our  State,  I  have  good  reason 
to  believe  that  the  leaders  of  the  present  ministry  incline  to  the 
first  opinion  ;  as  it  appears  from  circumstances  within  my  own 
knowledge,  that  they  had  not  long  since  a  serious  intention  of  fur- 
nishing Genl.  Miranda  with  the  succours  he  required,  and  only 
relinquished  the  plan  from  an  unwillingness  to  divert  the  force 
which  they  judged  to  be  necessary  from  other  objects  which  they 


522  RUFUS  KING.  [1805  1 

considered  more  immediately  important.  The  sentiments  of  the 
late  Administration  sufficiently  appear  from  the  conduct  they 
pursued  at  the  close  of  the  last  war,  but  I  must  do  them  the  jus- 
tice to  add  that  on  the  conclusion  of  Peace  every  idea  inconsistent 
with  the  strictest  discharge  of  the  duties  of  amity  towards  Spain 
was  entirely  relinquished. 

With  the  sentiments  of  the  opposition  parties  I  am  less  inti- 
mately acquainted  ;  but  I  have  always  understood  Mr.  Fox  and 
his  friends  to  be  favorable  to  emancipation  of  S.  America,  and 
it  seems  conformable  to  the  general  tenor  of  their  principles  that 
they  should  be  so.  Lord  Grenville  not  long  since  took  an  oppor- 
tunity in  the  House  of  Lords  to  declare  vehemently  against  it,  to 
the  surprize  of  many  persons  who  had  understood  him  to  express 
different  sentiments  in  private  on  former  occasions. 

But  whatever  may  be  the  sentiments  of  particular  men  previous 
to  the  attempt,  I  have  no  doubt  that  obvious  views  of  great  na- 
tional advantage  will  occasion  nearly  a  general  concurrence  in  its- 
favor  in  case  of  a  prosperous  commencement,  and  that  unless 
Peace  should  be  concluded  and  a  question  of  public  faith  occurr 
the  general  disposition  of  the  country  will  in  a  manner  compel 
almost  any  government  to  give  a  vigorous  support  to  the  enter- 
prize. 

In  one  important  respect  it  will  derive  unavoidable  assistance 
from  our  forces,  viz.  that  both  our  blockading  squadrons  in  Europe 
and  our  fleets  in  the  West  Indies  will  be  nearly  as  vigilant  and 
useful  in  intercepting  any  succours  which  the  Spaniards  or  French, 
may  attempt  to  send  to  the  Colonies  as  if  they  were  stationed  for 
that  express  purpose. 

You  will  perceive,  my  dear  Sir,  that  I  have  addressed  you 
throughout  not  only  with  the  freedom  of  a  friend,  but  the  senti- 
ments of  an  Englishman,  from  a  firm  conviction,  that  in  this  in- 
stance (and  I  believe  if  rightly  understood  in  every  other)  the 
views  and  interests  of  this  Country  and  the  United  States  must 
be  indissolubly  united.     Believe  me,  my  dear  Sir, 

With  great  Esteem,  very  Sincerely  yours, 

N.  Vansittart. 

Mr.  King  has  endorsed  on  this  letter 

"  Reed,  by  Miranda  Nov.  10th,  sent  inclosed  to  Mr.  Madison  for 
the  Pres.  Perusal  Nov.  25,  received  from  Mr.  Madison  Deer.  5th. " 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  523 

Copy. 
R.  King  to  J.  Madison,  Secretary  of  State. 

Private. 

New  York,  Nov.  25,  1805. 
Sir  : 

I  had  the  honour  to  write  to  you  on  the  15th  of  last  month,  since 
when  I  have  received  by  General  Miranda,  who  has  arrived  here, 
a  letter  from  Mr.  N.  Vansittart,  a  member  of  the  British  Parlia- 
ment, and  who  was  likewise  a  member  of  the  late  Administration 
of  Mr.  Addington.  Mr.  Vansittart  being  a  man  of  distinguished 
probity  and  in  a  situation  to  understand  fully  the  subject  on 
which  he  writes,  I  send  you  his  letter  for  the  President's  perusal,, 
requesting  that  it  may  afterwards  be  returned  to  me. 

With  great  respect,  &c. 

R.  King. 


It  will  thus  be  seen  that  whatever  agency  Mr.  King  may 
have  had  in  assisting  Miranda,  there  is  no  evidence  of  his 
willingness  to  engage  in  an  enterprize  undertaken  against  a 
friendly  nation  without  the  knowledge  of  his  own  govern- 
ment. He  was  certainly  warmly  interested  in  the  proposed 
liberation  of  the  Spanish  South  American  Colonies,  and  had 
been  for  years  ;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  he  contemplated 
a  successful  issue  without  the  leadership  of  Great  Britain  to 
cripple  the  resources  of  her  great  enemy  and,  as  Mr.  King 
thought,  of  his  own  country,  which  France  would  obtain 
through  her  power  over  the  Spanish  Colonies — Spain  being 
then  a  mere  puppet  in  the  hands  of  France. 

Miranda  wrote  to  Mr.  Gore  from  New  York  27  Nov., 
1805,  the  first  direct  communication  after  his  arrival  there. 

Vous  avez  appris  sans  doute,  mon  cher  ami,  que  je  suis  arrive 
ici  depuis  le  9  du  courant.  Nous  avons  arrange  deja  nos  affaires 
de  maniere  que  je  puisse  partir  d'ici  vers  le  fin  du  mois  prochain 
sans  faute.  Deux  batimens  armes  et  tres  bien  equipes  sont  prets 
pour  cet  objet  ;  tout  ce  qui  nous  manque  (et  que  j'espere  obtenir 
par  vos  amis  de  Boston)  est  le  compliment  des  armes,  et  un  peu 
d'argent  pour  partir  sans  delai.     Ce  dernier  article  ne  sera  pas 


524  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

meme  necessaire  si  on  nous  offre  le  moindre  assentiment  a  Wash- 
ington ;  puisque  dans  ce  cas  on  nous  promet  dans  cette  ville  ici 
tout  les  secours  pecunieres  qui  sont  necessaires.  Enfin  pour  que 
vous  soyez  parfaitement  instruit  de  ce  que  nous  avons  ici,  et  de 
ce  qui  nous  manque  pour  faire  notre  debut  avec  succes,  nous 
sommes  convenus  (notre  ami  d'ici  et  moi)  que  le  Major  Arm- 
strong, porteur  de  celle-ci  et  un  des  cooperateurs,  personne  mure 
et  discrete,  passe  chez  vous  pour  donner  toux  les  renseignmens  et 
toute  Tinformation  necessaire  sur  cet  objet  arm  que  l'ensemble 
marche  avec  un  accord  parfait. 

Comme  le  risque  est  plus  considerable  et  le  service  bien  plus 
important  dans  cette  premiere  occasion  que  par  la  suite,  il  faut 
aussi  que  les  profits  soient  en  proportion — et  je  croirai  qu'un 
cent  pour  cent  et  meme  d'advantage,  ne  serait  pas  un  trop  haut 
prix.     Vour  ferez  en  tout  cas  comme  vous  jugerez  apropos. 

Voici  une  lettre  pour  mon  ami  le  Genl.  Knox,  qui  pourroit 
peut-etre  seconder  nos  efforts  dans  le  moment  actuel ;  mais  si 
vous  croyez  cette  demarche  inutile  ou  peu  necessaire,  vous 
pourrez  la  supprimer.  C'est  avec  l'avis  de  notre  ami  commun  ici 
que  je  l'ai  ecrite  et  que  je  fais  tout,  desirant  que  la  chose  se  fasse 
avec  sagesse  et  bonne  direction  pour  que  la  necessite  soit  notre 
recompense.  Je  part  demain  pour  Washington,  et  vous  aurez  de 
mes  nouvelles  sans  faute. 

Agissez  en  tout  cas,  je  vous  prie,  avec  promptitude  et  energie 
puisque  le  moment  est  precieux  et  les  avantages  incalculables  ! 

Voici  le  moyen  que  notre  Commodore  propose  pour  envoyer 
les  armes  de  Boston  ici* — et  pour  prevenir  l'effet  de  la  loi  qui 
exige  une  caution,  &c. 

Yours  most  sincerely, 

M A. 


*A  vessel  to  be  cleared  out  from  Boston  for  N.  Orleans  ;  pass  thro'  the  Sound, 
come  to  anchor  in  the  passage  before  arriving  at  Hell  Gate  ;  a  person  dispatched 
from  her  to  N.  Y.  to  inform  of  her  arrival,  &c,  and  then  wait  further  orders. 
No  difficulty  can  possibly  arise.  She  will  pass  through  the  Sound  when  the 
ship  leaves  the  port  of  N.  Y.,  and  join  at  the  Hook.  No  law  exists  to  prevent 
vessels  carrying  the  articles  in  question  from  Boston  to  N.  O.  No  law  exists  to 
prevent  her  passing  through  the  Sound  for  any  reason  which  may  be  given  or 
asked. 

J.S. 


1805]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  52$ 

Rufus  King  to  C.  Gore. 

New  York,  Nov.  29,  1805. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Some  short  time  since  I  reed,  a  letter  from  Mr.  Vansittart,  ex- 
plaining pretty  fully  the  sentiments  of  the  leading  men  of  different 
parties  in  England  concerning  S.  America.  Mr.  Addington's 
friends  were  decided  in  the  event  of  a  Spanish  war  to  afford  G. 
M.  succour  to  attempt  the  long  meditated  Revolution.  Mr.  Pitt 
also  promised  that  assistance  should  be  given  as  soon  as  a  war 
with  Spain  took  place,  and  the  assurances  were  continued  till 
the  new  coalition  was  founded,  when  G.  M.  was  told  that  such 
were  the  engagements  of  England  that  she  was  not  at  liberty  to 
divide  her  attentions  or  her  resources.  G.  M.  immediately  de- 
termined to  embark  for  the  U.  S.  Mr.  Vansittart  believes  that  the 
Revolution  of  S.  Amer.  would  be  highly  popular  in  England, 
especially  among  the  manufacturing  and  commercial  part  of  the 
nation,  and  that  if  a  beginning  were  made,  the  Government, 
whatever  might  be  its  sentiments,  would  be  obliged  to  counte- 
nance, and  even  to  support  the  measure.  Mr.  Vansittart's  reason- 
ing which  leads  to  this  conclusion  appears  to  me  judicious. 

In  this  condition  of  England  G.  M.  has  arrived  here,  altogether 
without  means,  except  his  personal  knowledge  and  talents,  in  order 
to  embark  in  the  enterprize  he  has  so  long  and  so  maturely  con- 
sidered. There  are  three  courses  before  him  one  of  which  he 
seems  resolved  to  pursue. 

1.  To  make  the  attempt  with  the  countenance  and  support  of 
the  U.  S. 

2.  To  make  it  with  the  cooperation  of  individuals. 

3.  To  make  it  without  foreign  succour  wholly  depending  on 
the  disposition  and  aid  of  the  inhabitants. 

The  General  left  town  this  morning  to  sound  the  administration. 
I  have  no  means  of  forming  a  satisfactory  opinion  in  what 
temper  he  will  be  likely  to  find  our  Chiefs.  He  yesterday  showed 
me  the  copy  of  a  letter  he  had  written  to  you,  and  I  have  thought 
it  due  to  the  occasion  as  well  as  to  our  friendship  to  lose  no  time 
in  sending  you  this  communication. 

With  unfeigned  attachment  &c. 

Rufus  King. 


526  RUFUS  KING.  [1805 

J.  Madison  to  R.  King. 

Private. 

Washington,  Deer.  4,  1805. 
Sir: 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  25th  ulto.  inclosing  one  to 

you  from  Mr.  Vansittart,  which  I  now  return  as  you  requested,  after 

having  submitted  it  to  the  perusal  of  the  President.     As  it  is  of 

importance  to  understand  the  way  of  thinking  in  Great  Britain 

with  respect  to  Spanish  America  and  what  the  Government  there 

does  not  at  this  particular  time  mean  to  undertake  as  well  as 

what  under  other  circumstances  it  may  probably  undertake  towards 

the  object  pursued  by  Genl.  Miranda,  the  communication  of  Mr. 

Vansittart's  information  relative  thereto  claims  acknowledgments 

which  I  pray  you  to  accept  with  assurances  of  the  high  respect 

with  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be 

Your  most  obt.  Servt. 

James  Madison. 

Miranda  to  R.  King. 

Private. 

New  York,  ce  30  Deer.,  1805. 

I'ai  vu  mes  Cooporateurs  hier  en  vous  quittant,  et  je  les  ai 
trouve  tous  decides  a  suivre  sans  relache  cette  patriotique  entre- 
prise,  avec  un  zele  vraiment  heroique. 

Mais  comme  la  promptitude,  ainsi  que  V  Vendue  des  apprets, 
tient  en  quelque  sort  dans  ce  moment  aux  supports  que  je  puisse 
leur  procurer  de  mon  cote\  je  vous  supplie  de  ne  pas  negliger 
aujourd'hui  la  d-marche  dont  nous  sommes  convenus  hier  au 
soir,  afin  qu  'ils  puissent  definitivement  fixer  dans  la  journee  le 
nombre  de  batimens  et  la  quantite  des  armes  qui  doivent  etre  pretes 
dans  10  jours. 

Je  ne  vous  fais  point  d'apologie  sur  mon  importunite,  puisque 
vous  connoissez  1'  importance  de  1'  objet  et  la  presse  du  terns. 

A  vous  invariablement 

Miranda. 

P.  S.  Ci-joint  est  le  maximum  de  leur  demande.* 

Cash  5000,  60  D.  5000..  90  D.  5000,  12.0  D  5000. 

"*  I  saw  my  cooperators  yesterday  after  leaving  you,  and  found  them  all  de- 
cided to  carry  on  without  delay  this  patriotic  Enterprize  with  a  zeal  truly  heroic. 
But  as  promptness,  as  well  as  the  extent  of  the  preparations,  depends  in  some 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  527 

On  the  back  of  this  letter  Mr.  King  has  written 

"  Miranda  30  December  1805.  Respecting  succours  ;  ansd. 
verbally,  that  as  our  Govt,  having  an  opening  to  do  so,  had  not 
intimated  to  any  of  my  friends  in  confidence  even  that  the  supplies 
might  be  made  in  discretion,  and  privately,  there  was  a  difficulty 
in  making  the  same  which  would  prevent  it  being  done." 

The  last  letter  from  Miranda  relative  to  his  expedition 
announces  his  departure. 


Miranda  to  R.  King. 

Off  the  Hook,  2  of  Febr.,  9  o'clk.  a.m. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Nous  voila  hors  du  port  et  en  compagnie  de  180  enfans  de  Colom- 
bia— une  meilleure  suite  a  tous  egards  que  celle  qui  accompagnoit 
le  Vainqueur  de  Pompe  quand  Ciceron  lui  donna  a  diner  dans  la 
Ville  de  Formiae.  Que  la  Providence  nous  seconde  et  nous  ferons 
mieux  peut-etre.* 

Ever  yours 

Miranda. 

In  an  appendix,  will  be  found  a  paper  written  by  Mr. 
King  on  March  5,  1806,  detailing  his  intercourse  with 
Miranda  from  the  time  of  his  arrival  in  New  York  until  his 
departure,  and  also  Mr.  King's  examination  before  the  Judge 
of  the  District  Court  of  New  York  by  the  District-Attorney 
relative  to  matters  connected  with  sailing  of  the  Leander  and 
his  connection  with  General  Miranda  before  the  departure 
of  the  vessel. 

degree  at  this  moment  upon  the  assistance  I  can  provide  on  my  side,  I  beseech 
you  not  to  neglect  today  the  steps  we  agreed  upon  last  evening,  in  order  that 
they  may  be  able  to  fix  definitively  during  the  day  the  number  of  vessels  and 
the  quantity  of  arms  that  should  be  ready  in  10  days. 

I  make  no  apoligies  for  my  importunity,  as  you  know  the  importance  of  the 
object  and  the  pressure  of  time. 

P.  S.  Annexed  is  the  maximum  of  their  requirement." 

*  "  Here  we  are  outside  the  harbour,  with  180  children  of  Columbia  in  com- 
pany :  a  better  following  in  all  respects  than  that  which  accompanied  the  Con- 
queror of  Pompey  when  Cicero  entertained  him  at  dinner  in  the  City  of  Formiae. 
May  Providence  help  us  and  we  shall  do  better  perhaps." 


528  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

It  may  be  here  stated  that  relying  upon  the  assertion  of 
Miranda,  that  though  the  Government  would  not  assist,  they 
would  wink  at  what  was  done  provided  that  discretion  were 
used  in  making  preparations  for  the  Expedition,  friends  in 
New  York  advanced  him  money ;  two  small  armed  vessels 
went  out  to  St.  Domingo  to  enlist  men  there,  and  were  fol- 
lowed by  the  ship  Leander,  in  which  Miranda  and  his  men 
with  arms  and  munitions  of  war  embarked.  Messrs.  Ogden 
and  Smith,  who  had  been  his  agents  in  furnishing  the  vessel 
and  providing  the  men  and  arms,  etc.,  were  after  the  sailing" 
of  the  vessel  subjected  to  a  judicial  inquiry  on  the  ground 
of  an  infringement  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States  ;  but 
were  acquitted  by  the  jury,  as  it  was  not  proved  satisfactorily 
that  the  laws  of  the  United  States  had  been  broken.  While 
the  matter  was  pending  in  court,  the  judge  refusing  to  admit 
proof  of  the  connivance  of,  or  the  tacitly  favoring  the  expedi- 
tion by  the  Executive,  an  attempt  was  made  to  obtain  the 
interference  of  Congress  to  arrest  the  proceedings,  by  the 
presentation,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  of  a  memorial, 
on  the  last  day  of  the  Session,  from  Messrs.  Ogden  and 
Smith,  asking  for  relief  from  a  prosecution  in  the  Circuit 
Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  district  of  New  York,  "  for 
an  alleged  infraction  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States  in 
which,  if  guilty,  they  have  been  led  into  error  by  the  con- 
duct of  officers  of  the  Executive  Government,"  etc.,  thus 
distinctly  charging  certain  officers  of  the  Government  with  a 
knowledge  of  the  Leanders  sailing,  time  enough  to  have 
prevented  it,  meaning  more  definitely  the  President.  A 
short  but  sharp  debate  ensued,  the  basis  of  which  was  a 
denial  of  the  charge,  unsupported  by  evidence  and  calculated 
not  only  to  incense  the  country  against  the  administration 
but  against  the  tribunals  of  justice  in  which  the  case  was 
pending.  Let  the  case  be  decided  there  and  not  be  prejudged. 
If  unjustly  decided,  "  then  it  would  be  time  enough  to  in- 
terfere." The  resolutions  below  were  passed  by  an  over- 
whelming vote. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  charges  contained  in  the  memorials  of 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE. 


529 


Samuel  G.  Ogden  and  of  William  S.  Smith  are,  in  the  opinion  of 
this  House,  unsupported  by  any  evidence,  which,  in  the  least  de- 
gree, criminates  the  Executive  Government  of  this  country " 
75  to  8. 

"  Resolved,  that  the  said  memorials  appear  to  have  been  pre- 
sented at  a  time,  and  under  circumstances  insidiously  calculated 
to  excite  unjust  suspicions  in  the  minds  of  the  good  people 
of  this  nation,  against  the  existing  Administration  of  the  General 
Government."  70  to  13.— Annals  of  Congress,  1st  Session,  1805, 
1806,  p.  1092. 

To  close  this  incident  in  the  life  of  Mr.  King,  the  details 
of  which  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix,  the  following  letters 
are  given. 


R.  King  to  C.  Gore. 

--  -  N.  Yk.,  Mar.  9,  1806. 

My  dear  Sir  : 

Observing  the  reports  contained  in  the  Newspapers  respecting 
Miranda's  Expedition,  and  that  the  equipment  of  the  Leander 
has  become  matter  of  judicial  enquiry,  you  may  perhaps  think  it 
irregular  that  I  say  nothing  to  you  on  the  subject,  especially  as  my 
own  name  has  been  mentioned  in  relation  to  the  business. 

It  is  not  new  to  you  that  Miranda  left  England  in  utter  dispair 
of  obtaining  succor  there  to  enable  him  to  carry  into  effect  his  long 
meditated  views  ;  his  hopes  were  that  adequate  assistance  might  be 
had  here,  either  directly  from  Government,  or  thro'  private  indi- 
viduals. As  soon  as  I  understood  directly  his  object,  I  at  once 
told  him  that  no  prudent  individuals  would  engage  with  him,  at 
least  that  I  could  not  recommend  to  any  of  my  friends  to  do  so, 
without  the  countenance  and  protection  of  Government,  and  there- 
fore advised  him  to  proceed  to  Washington,  and  to  lay  his  whole 
views  before  the  Govt.  This  he  concluded  to  do  ;  and  in  order 
that  the  Government  might  be  fully  acquainted  with  the  temper  of 
England  and  her  Government  on  the  subject  of  Miranda's  plan, 
as  well  as  with  Miranda's  views  in  coming  to  the  Secretary,  I  trans- 
mitted to  Mr.  Madison  a  letter  that  I  had  received  from  England 
fully  disclosing  the  same,  with  a  request  that  after  being  laid  be- 
fore the  President,  it  might  be  returned  to  me.     This  was  done 

VOL.    IV. — 34 


530  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

with  acknowledgments,  &c,  before  Miranda  arrived  at  Washing- 
ton. On  his  arrival  there  he  took  an  early  opportunity  of  opening 
his  whole  plan  to  the  Government  and  concluded  by  asking  their 
assistance,  &c.  Time  being  taken  to  consider  the  subject,  he  was 
answered  that  Govt,  could  or  would  not  grant  the  succour  he 
demanded,  but  that  private  persons  might.  What  is  here  stated 
of  what  passed  between  the  Govt,  and  Miranda  rests  solely  upon 
his  report  to  me,  which  however  I  fully  credit :  my  understanding 
being  that  Govt,  would  not  act,  but  that  it  would  wink  at  the 
things  being  done  by  individuals.  This  report  being  transmitted 
by  Miranda  to  Ogden,  Smith  and  Lewis,  the  Leanderwas  equipped 
and  Miranda  sailed  about  the  2nd  of  February.  While  the  busi- 
ness was  going  on,  he,  M.,  urged  me  to  engage  my  friends  to  assist 
by  a  loan  of  money,  which  I  decidedly  declined,  because  I  be- 
lieved that  Govt,  would  betray  those,  who  should  act  in  the  per- 
suasion that  they  did  not  disapprove  the  measure.  He  wished 
me  to  converse  with  his  associates,  which  I  also  refused.  About 
a  week  before  Miranda  sailed,  he  wrote  two  letters,  one  to  the 
Prest.  the  other  to  Mr.  Madison,  which  assure  them  that  he  had 
in  all  things  acted  according  to  the  intention  of  Govt,  which  he 
hoped  he  had  duly  or  correctly  understood  &c.  Of  these  letters  he 
left  copies  with  me.  Three  or  four  weeks  after  the  date  of  these 
letters,  and  when  Miranda  was  fairly  off,  an  enquiry  has  been  in- 
stituted and  Smith  and  Ogden  have  been  arrested,  as  agents  in 
this  transaction.  In  the  course  of  the  examination,  Smith  having 
stated  to  the  Judge  that  Miranda  told  him  that  he  had  communi- 
cated to  me  his  project,  as  well  as  what  had  passed  at  Washington 
I  was  called  as  a  witness.  My  examination  was  short  and  pointed 
to  Miranda's  communication  of  the  expedition.  I  with  others  was 
recognized  to  attend  the  next  court  as  a  witness.  The  affair  has 
created  much  attention.  I  understand  the  general  impression  is 
unfavourable  to  the  honour  of  Govt.  I  felicitate  myself  that 
the  sentiments  I  entertain  of  our  Chief  have  kept  me  within  the 
limits  of  extreme  caution.  I  cannot  with  honour  be  a  volunteer 
on  this  occasion  agt.  Govt.,  but  if  I  am  called  as  a  witness  on  the 
prosecution  they  institute,  all  reserve  will  be  at  an  end  ;  the  whole 
must  be  told,  and  being  told  cannot  leave  any  doubt  of  the  un- 
worthy conduct  of  Govt,  in  this  affair.  This  is  entirely  confi- 
dential. 


i8o6]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  53 1 

R.  King  to  T.  Pickering. 

New  York,  March  13,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Mr.  Wolcott  some  days  ago  told  me  that  he  would  write  to  Mr. 
Tracy  on  the  subject  of  the  Leander  &  Miranda's  expedition,  and 
as  I  presume  you  would  see  this  letter,  and  preferred  for  particu- 
lar reasons,  not  to  write  myself,  I  have  said  nothing  to  you  of  this 
project.     .     .     . 

C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  March  26,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  was  really  gratified  by  the  receipt  of  your  last  letter,  for  al- 
though I  had  no  apprehension  that  you  had  acted  incautiously, 
and  saw  that  you  had  communicated  to  the  Government  intelli- 
gence of  Miranda's  plan,  yet  it  was  unknown  to  me,  that  you  pos- 
sessed their  acknowledgment  of  having  received  this  information. 
Their  baseness  and  meanness  seem  only  to  be  exceeded  by  their 
extreme  weakness.     .     .    . 


C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  April  15,  1806. 

.  .  .  We  see  by  the  papers  that  the  Government  is  base  and 
mad  enough  to  persist  in  persecuting  the  persons  concerned  in 
Miranda's  Enterprise.  I  cannot  but  think  this  is  one  of  the  rocks 
on  which  our  chief  and  his  aids  are  likely  to  wreck  their  preten- 
sions to  confidence  ;  and  I  look  with  much  interest  to  the  de- 
nouement of  the  business.     .     .     . 


R.  King  to  N.  Vansittart. 

Sept.  30.,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

It  is  a  long  time  since  I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  hearing  from 
you,  tho'  I  often  see  your  name  in  the  Proceedings  of  Parliament. 
I  wrote  to  you  after  Miranda  left  this  Country,  acknowledging  the 
receipt  of  your  Letter  by  him,  and  informing  you  that  I  had  taken 
the  Liberty  of  communicating  it  confidentially  to  the  President. 


532  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

In  consequence,  it  is  believed,  of  complaints  to  our  Govt,  respect- 
ing Miranda's  Expedition,  a  prosecution  was  ordered  to  be  insti- 
tuted against  two  persons,  charged  with  having  assisted  him  in 
preparing  the  same.  After  a  long  trial,  both  were  acquitted  ;  the 
accused  are  understood  to  have  justified  or  excused  themselves 
by  offering  to  prove  that  Govt,  was  privy  to  their  conduct.  But 
the  Court  declared  the  Statute  to  be  the  only  Rule  for  its  decision 
and  (without  enquiring  into  the  allegation  of  privity)  were  the 
approbation  even  of  Govt,  proved,  declared  it  would  neither  jus- 
tify nor  excuse.  Whether  the  Jury  dissented  from  this  interpre- 
tation of  the  law,  or  were  moved  by  good-will  in  favour  of 
Miranda's  Enterprize,  or  deemed  the  proofs  insufficient  is  matter 
of  conjecture.  The  Business  has  excited  a  good  deal  of  attention, 
and  Govt,  has  not  wholly  escaped  censure. 

As  to  the  Expedition,  after  various  disappointments,  and  sev- 
eral unsuccessful  attempts,  it  still  continues  to  be  the  fruitful 
source  of  contradictory  Rumours.  After  getting  possession  of 
Coro,  Miranda  evacuated  it  and  reimbarked  early  in  August. 
Yesterday  we  had  a  Report  that  he  had  relanded  and  was  joined 
by  a  large  body  of  the  Inhabitants.  The  inconsiderable  force 
under  Miranda's  Command,  is  not  sufficient  to  inspire  confidence, 
and  however  well  disposed  toward  him,  the  Inhabitants  may  be, 
they  seem  afraid  to  risk  the  consequences  of  joining  him.  If 
your  negotiations  for  Peace  fail,  I  cannot  but  believe  that  your 
administration  will  turn  its  attention  seriously  and  efficaciously  to 
this  great  object.  Were  I  an  English  Minister  I  would  not  rest 
till  the  Resources  of  S.  America  were  wrested  from  the  hands  of 
France,  for  they  can  no  longer  be  regarded  as  those  of  Spain. 
With  sincere  regard  your  faithful  servt. 

Rufus  King. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

Tudor  to  King — Carrying  Ice  to  the  W.  Indies — Dr.  Romeyn  to  King — Elec- 
tion as  Manager  of  the  American  Bible  Society — King  to  Romeyn — De- 
clines the  Office,  though  approving  the  Object  of  the  Society — Action  of 
the  Episcopal  Church  to  circulate  the  Bible  with  the  Common  Prayer 
Book — Gore  to  King — Pinckney  to  London  to  assist  Monroe — King  Re- 
ceives Degree  of  LL.D.  from  Dartmouth,  Williams,  and  Harvard  Colleges 
— Trustee  of  Columbia  College — S.  Smith  to  King — Death  of  his  Son — 
Tudor  to  King — Failure  of  Application  relative  to  Ice  Monopoly — Specu- 
lations on  European  Affairs — Williams  to  King — British  and  American 
Commissioners  said  to  have  made  a  Treaty — King  on  an  Outrage  against 
Personal  Liberty,  in  the  Case  of  Alexander,  a  Lawyer  in  N.  Orleans 
arrested  by  Gen'l  Wilkinson. 

Wm.  Tudor,  Jr.,  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  June  12,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Expecting  to  embark  in  the  course  of  ten  days  for  England,  I 
am  very  desirous  to  obtain  some  letters  from  you,*  of  what  kind 
and  for  what  purpose  I  cannot  better  describe  than  by  asking 
your  indulgence  while  I  retail  as  briefly  as  possible  the  motives 
of  my  voyage. 

About  a  year  since  my  Brother  &  myself  agreed  to  attempt  to 
transport  Ice  to  the  West  Indies.  Various  circumstances  had  for 
some  time  previous  given  rise  to  this  scheme,  and  we  gradually 
convinced  ourselves  that  with  proper  precautions  we  might  suc- 
ceed. ...  It  will  be  readily  supposed  that  no  small  difficulty 
was  encountered  in  persuading  the  Governments  of  the  various 
colonies  to  listen  to  a  plan  considered  at  first  as  the  wildest  ex- 
travagance. Indeed  I  found  but  three  persons  in  all  the  Islands 
I  visited,  who  at  the  first  moment  embraced  the  idea  and  con- 
ceived it  practicable.  These  were  Genl.  Ennouf,  the  Gov.  of 
*  Endorsed,  "  Ans'd,  enclosing  letter  to  W.  Windham." 
233 


534  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

Guadaloupe,  Lord  Lavington  at  Antigua  and  a  planter,  a  man  of 
science,  at  Jamaica. 

We  have  obtained  from  the  Govt,  of  Martinique,  Guadaloupe 
&  St.  Domingo  the  exclusive  privilege  of  importing  &  selling  Ice 
and  fresh  provisions  packed  in  the  same  for  the  term  of  ten  years. 
In  the  English  colonies  we  have  made  only  three  applications  at 
Barbadoes,  Antigua  &  Jamaica.  At  Antigua  ...  I  had  the 
honor  of  conversing  with  Lord  Lavington  fully  on  the  subject ; 
he  gave  me  &  the  project  a  flattering  reception  &  told  me  did  not 
doubt  I  should  obtain  an  act  in  my  favour,  but  as  it  must  be 
passed  with  a  "  suspending  clause,"  coming  under  the  head  of  a 
"  new  and  extraordinary  nature,"  he  would  follow  it  home,  to  the 
Board  of  Privy  Council,  with  a  particular  letter  in  its  favour. 

At  Jamaica  I  conversed  with  the  most  influential  members  of 
the  Govt,  of  the  Island.  My  friends  had  procured  for  me,  a  let- 
ter from  Mr.  Merry  to  Sir  Eyrecoote,  who  received  me  with  much 
politeness,  though  he  thought  it  a  "strange  thing."  As  I  had 
just  received  advices,  it  was  in  my  power  to  inform  him  of  the 
safe  arrival  of  a  cargo  of  Ice  and  provisions  at  Martinique,  and 
of  course  that  the  experiment  was  decided.  He  told  me  it  would 
be  a  matter  of  consultation  and  that  he  saw  no  objections.  He 
made  many  enquiries  about  America  and  asked  me  particularly 
after  you,  telling  me  he  had  had  the  pleasure  of  dining  with  you 
frequently  in  London. 

I  saw  the  most  influential  members  of  the  Jamaica  Assembly 
and  they  all  thought  I  might  confide  in  the  good  will  of  the 
Island  towards  our  enterprise.  They  doubted,  at  least  one  of 
them  did,  whether  I  should  obtain  the  act  I  wanted  because  it 
could  not  be  passed  without  the  suspending  clause,  and  as  the 
Gov't  of  the  Island  deny  to  the  mother  country  the  right  of  con- 
troul,  which  is  given  by  this  clause,  they  were  extremely  cautious 
about  passing  any  act  that  would  agitate  the  question.  They  told 
me  I  should  without  doubt  obtain  a  resolution  of  the  Assembly 
in  favour  of  the  enterprise,  and  a  second  instructing  the  agent  of 
the  Island  to  back  any  application  I  should  make  at  home.  .  .  . 
By  the  exclusive  privilege,  I  mean  exclusion  of  all  individuals  & 
vessels  except  those  of  the  nation  by  whom  it  is  granted  ;  so  that 
while  we  open  a  new  branch  of  commerce  to  their  own  subjects, 
we  make  no  interference  with  their  rights,  but  only  ask  exclusive 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  535 


favour  as  regards  all  others.  We  undertook  this  novel  enterprise 
at  the  hazard  of  considerable  pecuniary  loss,  and  eternal  ridicule 
if  we  did  not  succeed,  and  we  ask  of  each  Govt,  as  our  reward,  a 
privilege  for  a  certain  term  over  foreigners  alone.     .     .     . 

From  what  has  been  said  (I  beg  leave  to  add  confidentially), 
you  know  better  than  myself  what  would  serve  me  in  my  applica- 
tion to  government.  I  know  I  could  carry  no  letters  which  would 
be  of  so  much  service  to  me.     .     .     . 

With  great  respect,  yr.  humb.  Servt., 

William  Tudor,  Jr. 

Dr.  Romeyn  to  Honble.  Rufus  King. 

New  York,  July  17,  1806. 

Dr.  Sir  : 

In  compliance  with  the  direction  of  the  Board  of  Managers  of 
the  American  Bible  Society,  I  have  the  honour  to  inform  you 
that  the  Convention  which  formed  that  Society  elected  you  one 
of  the  Managers. 

The  Board  fondly  cherish  the  hope  that  this  National  Institu- 
tion meets  with  your  approbatton,  &  that  you  will  unite  with  them 
in  their  labour  of  love  and  work  of  faith.  I  need  not  add  that 
your  acceptance  of  the  office  will  be  highly  gratifying  to  the 
Board  &  afford  a  powerful  stimulus  to  their  zeal  and  activity  in 
forwarding  the  great  and  good  cause  of  furnishing  the  destitute 
with  the  Word  of  Life. 

I  am  Dr.  Sir  your  obedt.  Servt., 

M.  P.  Romeyn,  Secy  &c 


R.  King  to  Rev.  Doctr.  Romeyn,  Sec. 

Sir: 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  17th  instant,  which  informs 
me  that  I  have  been  elected  a  manager  of  the  American  Bible 
Society ;  and  calls  on  me  to  make  known  whether  I  accept  the 
appointment.  The  object  of  the  Society's  labours  well  deserves 
and  receives  my  approbation  ;  but  as  I  am  connected  with  the 
Body  of  Episcopalians,  and  the  Bp.  to  whose  opinions  in  matter 
of  order  and  discipline  I  am  inclined  to  defer,  has  signified  to  us, 
that  the  object  whose  attainment  is  the  common  desire  of  all 


536  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

may  be  more  fitly  promoted  in  the  mode  he  has  been  pleased  to 
indicate,  I  think  it  expedient  to  observe  his  counsel  and  to  de- 
cline the  charge  of  a  manager  of  the  American  Bible  Society.* 
With  great  respect  &  Regards  I  am,  Sir,  yr.  obed.  Servt. 

Rufus  King. 


Dr.  Romeyn  to  Hon.  Rufus  King. 

New  York,  July  31,  1806. 
Sir  : 

The  Managers  of  the  American  Bible  Society  most  sincerely 
regret  that  any  considerations  should  have  existed  to  deprive 
them  of  the  aid  of  your  co-operation,  &  the  honour  and  influence 
of  your  name,  as  a  member  of  their  Board.  Their  disappoint- 
ment has  its  relief,  however,  in  the  assurance  that  "  the  object  of 
the  Society's  labours  well  deserves  and  receives  your  entire 
approbation."     I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir  your  obed.  Servt. 

M.  P.  Romeyn,  Sec  D.  C. 

*  In  explanation  of  the  above  correspondence  and  of  the  position  taken  by 
Mr.  King,  it  may  be  stated  that  Bishop  Moore  was  then  contemplating  and 
urging  the  establishment  of  a  Society  in  Connection  with  the  Episcopal  Church 
whose  purpose  should  be  to  print  and  circulate  the  Bible  and  with  it  the  Prayer 
Book.  This  society  was  actually  formed  in  1809,  and  the  First  Report  of  its 
proceedings  was  made  in  18 11.     In  it  occurs  the  following  paragraph  : 

"  We  would  beg  leave,  however,  to  express  the  opinion  that  Episcopalians, 
in  their  charitable  efforts  to  diffuse  the  blessings  of  Christianity,  should  unite 
the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  with  the  Bible.  It  is  certainly  the  best  summary 
of  the  doctrines  and  precepts  of  the  Bible  that  ever  was  produced  :  and  in  the 
spirit  of  true  piety,  equally  untinctured  by  enthusiasm  on  the  one  hand,  and 
lukewarmness  on  the  other,  it  is  superior  to  all  the  productions  of  the  human 
mind."     p.  II. 

In  the  list  of  subscribers  to  this  Society,  given  in  this  Report  is  found  the 
name  of  Rufus  King,  as  an  annual  subscriber  of  $50. 

Asst.  Bishop  Hobart  in  an  address  before  the  Auxiliary  New  York  Bible  and 
Common  Prayer  Book  Society  in  March  8th,  1816,  says. 

"We,  who  unite  the  distribution  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  with  the 
Bible,  advance  a  step  further  in  this  work  of  Christian  Benevolence.  We  desire 
to  make  known  to  all  men,  not  only  the  Word  of  God,  but  the  Church  of  God, 
which  we  think  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  sets  forth  in  evangelical  and 
primitive  purity  both  in  respect  to  doctrines,  ministry  and  worship.  In  this 
union  of  the  two  objects,  so  far  from  being  influenced  by  narrow  prejudice  and 
illiberal  views,  we  think  we  follow  the  method  which  the  Scriptures  point  out, 
and  to  which  common  sense  and  the  natural  course  of  things  lead." 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  537 

C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

Waltham,  August  24,  1 806. 

My  Dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .  When  Pinckney  was  named  for  London,  I  presumed  it 
was  merely  to  assist  Mr.  Monroe  in  his  Negotiation,  but  I  shortly 
after  was  told,  that  He  made  an  agreement  with  the  President,  to 
be  the  resident  Minister.  Knowing  the  Number  of  Dependants 
on  him  for  Subsistence,  and  having  heard,  that  his  Business  was 
extremely  profitable  (some  say  to  the  amount  of  15,000  dollars 
per  annum)  I  concluded  that  the  motives,  which  could  lead  him 
to  forego  such  Claims,  in  so  fair  a  way  of  being  gratified,  for  the 
narrow  Support  of  his  present  Office,  must  be  very  strong  :  and 
probably  stronger  would  not  be  required  to  induce  an  Abandon- 
ment of  those  Principles  &  that  Conduct  which,  He  must  be  con- 
vinced, afford  the  only  rational  Ground  for  the  Freedom,  Honour 
&  Interest  of  the  Country. 

I  can  form  no  conjecture  what  the  British  Ministry  will  be  dis- 
posed to  do,  under  the  Circumstances  that  our  weak  &  pitiful 
Administration  have  been  pleased  to  place  the  two  Nations. 
Should  Mr.  Fox  adopt  the  Course,  which  would  seem  most  natural, 
there  can  be  little  Doubt,  but  our  government  would  as  meanly 
retract,  as  they  have  unadvisedly  hazarded  their  present  system. 
Our  Merchants  are  now  trembling  at  the  Expectation  of  a  general 
Peace,  which  would  greatly  derange  their  Plans  and  Enterprizes, 
as  these  are  founded  on  the  Basis  of  a  continued  War  in  Europe 
for^several  years. 

\JThe  Conduct  of  the  Democrats  in  the  Legislature,  on  the 
Governor's  Election,  was  such  as  to  do  them  some  Disservice  in 
the  public  opinion.  Sullivan  &  Austin  are  endeavouring  to  avail 
themselves  of  the  Death  of  the  Son  of  the  latter  to  blacken  the 
Federalists  and  promote  their  political  Views,  but  I  cannot  per- 
mit myself  to  doubt  that  when  a  public  Trial  shall  disclose  every 
Fact  of  the  Transaction,  which  led  to  that  event,  every  man  will 
be  satisfied,  that  it  was  the  individual  meanness,  and  base  lying 
spirit  of  old  Austin,  with  respect  to  Selfridge's  professional  con- 
duct, wherein  Politics  or  Party  were  no  way  interested,  that 
produced  the  Quarrel  between  these  two  ;  and  to  the  same  false 
&  dastardly  Temper  of  old  Austin,  joined  to  a  malignant  Desire 


538  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

of  Revenge  at  any  Expence,  but  his  own  personal  Safety,  will  be 
imputed  the  Destruction  of  his  Son.*     .     .     .~~* 

Your  faithful  Friend 
C.  Gore. 

The  Govr.  of  H.  College,  on  Commencement  Day,  confer'd  the 
Degree  of  L.L.D.  on  Judges  Marshall,  Patterson,  &  yourself. 

The  announcement  made  by  Mr.  Gore,  that  Mr.  King  had 
had  the  Degree  of  L.L.D.  conferred  on  him  by  Harvard 
College,  gives  an  opportunity  here  to  say  that  a  similar 
honor  had  been  bestowed  upon  him  by  the  Corporation  of 
Dartmouth  College  in  1802,  and  by  Williams  College  in  1803, 
as  the  following  correspondence  shows  : 

Eben'r.  Fitch  to  Rufus  King,  Esq.,  L.  L.  D. 

Williams  College,  Williamston,  Sept.  28,  1803. 
Sir: 

I  have  the  pleasure  officially  to  inform  you  that  the  Corporation 
of  Williams  College,  at  their  late  Commencement,  conferred  on 
you  the  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws.  Our  regulations  require  that 
a  Gentleman  on  whom  a  Doctorate  in  any  of  the  learned  profes- 

*  C.  Gore  to  R.  King. 

Boston,  Aug.  5,  1806. 

My  Dear  Friend  : 

.  .  .  Yesterday  a  Mr.  Self  ridge,  a  Lawyer  of  this  Town,  having  had 
some  Difference  with  Benjn.  Austin,  in  which  He  had  acted  with  his  Charac- 
teristic Baseness  and  Falsehood,  published  in  the  Paper,  that  this  Benj.  Austin 
was  a  Scoundrel,  Liar,  &c.  Austin's  Son,  a  stout  young  man,  armed  Himself 
with  a  Club  and  went  to  attack  Selfridge  ;  the  latter  shot  the  former  through 
the  Body,  and  He  died  almost  instantly.  There  are  various  Stories,  as  you 
will  suppose,  relative  to  the  Transaction,  and  unfortunately  those  only  which 
made  against  Selfridge  were  detailed  to  the  Jury  of  Inquest,  which  were  that 
Selfridge  fired  at  Austin  before  He  struck  or  offered  to  strike  ;  while  others 
say  that  Selfridge  received  two  or  three  blows,  and  actually  retreated  to  the 
wall,  warning  his  Antagonist,  that  he  would  shoot  Him,  if  He  persisted,  before 
He  discharged  his  Pistol.  Endeavour  will  not  be  wanting  to  make  this  a  Party 
Affair,  but  I  think  after  the  first  Passions  have  subsided,  it  will  not  be  attended 
with  the  effect  expected  ;  for  Ben.  Austin's  Conduct  was  base  and  mean  in  the 
extreme,  and  the  Son  was  undoubtedly  set  on  by  the  Father  to  beat  this  man, 
who  was  feeble  and  in  no  degree  a  Match  for  the  Son  at  cudgelling. 

Yours  truly 

C.  Gore. 


i8o6]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  539 

sions  is  conferred,  should  have  been  nominated  at  a  previous  meet- 
ing of  the  Board.  You  were  duly  nominated  at  our  Commence- 
ment in  Sept.  1802.  Soon  after  it  came  to  our  knowledge  that 
the  Corporation  of  Dartmouth  College  had  anticipated  us  in  our 
intentions.  But  the  Corporation  of  this  College,  duly  appreciat- 
ing the  eminent  services  rendered  to  your  Country  in  your  late 
important  Embassy  to  the  Court  of  London,  and  your  acquired 
reputation  for  general  jural  and  political  science,  were  unwilling 
not  to  give  you  this  small,  but  unequivocal  testimony  of  their  high 
esteem,  repect  and  friendship. 

With  great  respect  and  consideration,  I  am,  Sir,  your  most 
obedient  &  very  humble  servt., 

Eben'r  Fitch. 

To  this  Mr.  King  responded  : 

R.  King  to  Eben'r.  Fitch. 

Williams  College,  New  York,  Oct.  12,  1803. 
Sir: 

I  have  had  the  honour  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  28th,  of  Sept., 
and  I  entreat  the  favour  of  you  to  present  to  the  Corporation  of 
Williams  College  my  most  respectful  acknowledgment  and  thanks 
for  the  honour  it  has  been  pleased  to  confer  upon  me  :  an  honour 
which  I  must  altogether  ascribe  to  the  indulgent  partiality  of  the 
Corporation,  rather  than  to  any  acquirements  that  give  to  me  a 
title  to  this  distinction. 

Be  pleased,  Sir,  to  accept  my  thanks  for  the  polite  and  friendly 
terms  in  which  you  have  communicated  this  act  of  the  Corpora- 
tion, and  to  be  assured  of  the  respect  and  esteem  with  which  I 
have  the  honour  to  be 

Sir,  your  obedt.  &  faithful  Servt., 

Rufus  King. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Beach  wrote  to  Mr.  King,  that  on  August 
4,  1806,  he  was  elected  a  Trustee  of  Columbia  College.  He 
continued  to  act  as  such  until  the  year  1824,  when  he  resigned. 

S.  Smith   to  R.  King. 

Baltimore,  24  Nov.,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

The  shock  arising  from  the  loss  of  my  beloved  son  has  been 

severely  felt ;  indeed,  my  Dr.  friend,  I  find  it  difficult  to  find  com- 


540  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

fort  in  my  own  mind.  Your  letter  has  been  a  balm  to  my  afflic- 
tion. It  has  afforded  that  consolation  which  cannot  fail  to  gratify. 
It  gives  to  my  son  that  character,  from  a  stranger,  which  his  Parents, 
had  too  fondly  cherished  as  their  consolation  in  their  advanced 
age  and  as  the  protection  to  six  daughters.  They  have  now  only 
one  brother,  young,  lively,  amiable,  but  as  all  youths  of  twenty 
are,  less  steady  than  when  more  advanced  ;  so  is  he  less  than  his 
brother. 

By  the  advice  of  those  who  have  suffered  similar  losses  (for  this 
is  my  first)  I  am  endeavoring  to  chase  away  Grief  by  an  attention 
to  Business— the  mind  whenever  unoccupied  reverts  to  its  loss. 
But  I  will  be  comforted,  I  will  find  it  in  the  friendship  of  men 
such  as  you  are,  my  friend,  and  in  the  good  qualities  of  my  re- 
maining family.  I  pray  you  to  present  me  respectfully  to  your 
amiable  Lady  and  to  believe  me 

your  friend, 

S.  Smith. 


W.  Tudor,  Jr.,  to  Hon.  R.  King. 

London,  December  3,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

The  letter  of  introduction  you  did  me  the  honour  to  give  me 
to  Mr.  Windham,  I  left  with  a  card  soon  after  my  arrival.  The 
apprehension  you  mentioned  in  the  letter  to  me,  that  I  should 
find  some  difficulty  in  engaging  their  attention  to  my  application, 
occupied  as  they  were  by  the  events  of  the  war,  I  have  realized 
in  some  degree.  I  had  one  interview  with  Ld.  H.  Petty,  which 
was  attended  with  a  great  deal  of  politeness  on  his  part,  but  ter- 
minated with  the  interview.  Mr.  Windham,  I  have  never  heard 
from.  I  found  it  necessary  to  make  my  application  to  the  Board 
of  Trade,  and  had  two  or  three  conversations  with  Lord  Auckland 
and  Sir  Joseph  Banks  on  the  subject  and  obtained  my  wish  from 
that  Board  to  carry  on  the  enterprise  in  the  form  of  an  order  of 
Council.  In  addition  to  the  events  of  the  war,  they  have  had  strong 
contested  elections  to  carry  on,  so  that  it  would  have  been  un- 
reasonable indeed  to  have  expected  their  attention  to  a  subject 
of  a  private  nature. 


1806]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  54 1 

W.  Tudor  to  R.  King. 

London,  December  5,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

.  .  .  I  could  not  find  a  person  who  believed  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  war  that  Prussia  would  be  successful,  but  that  she 
should  be  overthrown  in  one  battle,  that  her  whole  army  should 
be  captured,  her  towns  taken,  her  kingdom  ravaged  and  her 
power  annihilated  in  the  space  of  one  month,  is  a  calamity  that 
no  one  contemplated.  Indeed  even  for  the  account  of  these  dis- 
asters, they  are  indebted  to  the  enemy.  Lord  Morpeth  whom 
they  sent  to  the  Prussian  headquarters  found  the  army  retreating 
after  the  first  battle  and  he  never  stopped  running  not  even  to 
look  behind  him,  till  he  got  fairly  onto  the  Island.  In  conse- 
quence they  have  only  had  the  French  Bulletins  for  information, 
and  they  have  never  certainly  known  to  this  day,  where  the  King 
of  Prussia  is,  or  what  are  his  intentions.  As  to  the  King  person- 
ally, perhaps  no  man  in  Europe  pities  him,  and  he  furnishes  a  use- 
ful lesson  of  what  is  the  result  of  such  conduct  as  he  has  pursued 
and  such  counsels  as  those  of  Count  Haugwitz  and  Mr.  Lombard. 
The  total  want  of  information  from  the  Continent  leaves  the  pub- 
lic nothing  but  conjecture  about  the  future  movements  of  the 
King  of  Prussia,  of  Austria  and  Russia.  In  the  meantime  the 
"  Gingerbread  Baker,"  as  the  caricaturists  have  called  him,  is  pre- 
paring a  new  batch  of  Kings  &  Knights. 

The  dissolution  of  Parliament  has  produced  a  larger  majority 
for  the  Ministry.  Mr.  Percival  and  Lord  Castlereagh  are  the 
leaders  of  the  opposition.  It  is  not  generally  believed  that  the 
present  "  broad-bottomed  "  administration  can  hold  together  very 
long.  Since  the  death  of  Mr.  Fox  the  Grenvilles  have  had  the 
decided  superiority.  Fortunately  this  nation  are  at  present  war- 
like in  their  humour.  The  capture  of  Buenos  Ayres  elated  them 
excessively.  The  recent  seizure  of  property  at  Hamburg  has 
made  them  shrink  a  little.  So  long  as  they  continue  to  keep  Na- 
poleon at  bay,  there  are  hopes  for  the  future.  But  in  a  free 
nation,  the  materials  of  faction  always  exist,  and  a  free  and  rich 
nation  have  an  unequal  contest  with  the  power,  the  ambition,  the 
talents  and  the  despotism  of  their  enemy.  They  are  too  easily 
depressed,  tho'  they  are  unwilling  to  allow  it  themselves,  and  it 


542  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

makes  one  fearful  of  the  event  when  so  great  an  effect  was  pro- 
duced by  the  late  business  at  Hamburg.  If  B.  dictates  a  peace  to 
them,  we  must  take  our  turn,  and  there  must  be  different  charac- 
ters at  the  helm,  from  what  now  hold  it,  to  save  us  from  destruc- 
tion.    .     .     . 

With  the  greatest  respect  yr.  mt.  hble.  Servt., 

W.  Tudor,  Jr. 


S.  Williams  to  R.  King. 

London,  io  Dec,  1806. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  have  your  letters  of  26  &  30  Sep.  The  Exportation  of  Grain 
is  prohibited,  and  it  is  with  difficulty  that  leave  is  obtained  to 
ship  seed  oats  to  Ireland  ;  but  I  shall  endeavour  to  ship  yours  in 
2  or  3  of  the  New  York  Ships,  as  Ship's  stores  or  as  Clover  Seed. 
The  Hives  &c  are  not  to  go  at  present.  I  sent  Mr.  Lyman  simi- 
lar Hives  a  few  years  ago,  which  I  bought  of  Wildman  in  Holborn. 
Mr.  L.  had  them  in  his  Garden  at  Waltham,  one  or  two  years,  but 
he  found  that  the  Bees  ate  or  stung  his  fruit  so  much  that  he  was 
induced  to  give  away  the  Hives. 

The  Newspapers  will  shew  you  the  rapid  Flight  of  Bonaparte 
to  Universal  Empire.  He  may  march  to  China,  if  he  desires  it 
and  would  soon  visit  you,  if  John's  Ships  were  not  on  the  route 
or  if  John  would  lend  him  a  few,  as  he  intimated  to  Ld.  Lauder- 
dale. Ld.  L.  was  told  at  Paris  that  Bonae.  wd.  furnish  soldiers  if 
England  wd.  Ships  to  conquer  the  U.  S. 

I  send  you  a  Pamphlet  "  The  State  of  the  Negotiation,"  which 
at  first  was  supposed  to  have  been  published  under  the  Sanction 
of  the  Ministers.     They  say  it  was  not. 

It  was  reported  yesterday  that  the  B.  and  A.  Commissioners 
had  agreed  upon  the  terms  of  a  Treaty.  They  had  not  on  Sunday 
when  I  saw  Mr.  Monroe.  The  B.,  as  you  may  suppose,  do  not 
readily  consent  to  a  relaxation  of  the  rule  of  1756.  It  is  said  they 
may  relax  so  far  that  the  landing  of  colonial  produce,  securing 
the  Duty,  &  re-shipping  it  in  other  bottoms,  shall  be  considered 
as  a  termination  of  the  voyage,  and  allow  the  Importer,  or  any 
other,  to  export  it  to  Europe.  They  may  insist  upon  a  Duty 
being  laid  on  the  Exports.      Entre  nous,  Mr.  M.  &  Mr.  P.  asked 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  543 

me  last  week  whether  the  Amern.  Merchants  would  be  willing  to 
pay  2  or  2  J  pr.  cent,  on  the  Export  of  Colonial  Produce  in  case 
they  could  not  otherwise  agree  with  the  B.  Commrs. 

Understanding  from  them  that  the  Deduction  of  the  Draw- 
back, which  amounts  to  about  1  pr.  cent,  would  not  be  made  if 
Congress  chose  to  discontinue  it,  I  told  them  that  I  thought  it 
would  not  be  a  material  objection,  as  it  would  be  a  charge  of 
only  1  or  1 J  pr.  ct.  more  than  the  produce  now  pays  on  Exporta- 
tion. 

Should  they  agree  to  the  Duty,  Congress  will  I  suspect  continue 
the  Deduction  in  order  to  get  as  much  as  they  can  from  the 
Merchants. 

The  India  Trade  may  remain  as  fixed  by  Mr.  Jay. 

The  impressment  of  Seamen  &  compensation  (costs  and  Dam- 
ages) for  the  detention  of  our  Ships  may  rest  in  statu  quo,  or  be 
reserved  for  future  discussion — a  dutch  ad  referendum. 

The  Blockade  of  the  British  Isles  by  Nap's  Decrees  will  have 
no  other  effect  than  giving  4  or  5  pr.  ct.  to  the  British  Under- 
writers. 

If  the  British  can  venture  to  spare  so  many  Troops,  they  will 
endeavour  to  take  Spanish  So.  America.  You  may  have  to  settle 
the  Bound,  of  Louisiana  with  them.     .     .     . 

I  am,  Dr.  Sir.  your  faithful  Servt., 

S.  Williams. 

Aaron  Burr's  plot  to  establish  an  independent  government 
west  of  the  Alleghanies,  to  include  a  part  or  all  of  Mexico, 
was  brought  to  a  close  by  the  action  of  General  Wilkinson 
in  New  Orleans.  He  had  been  looked  upon  as  one  of  the 
leaders  and  was  cognizant  of  all  the  plans,  but  at  the  last 
moment,  whether  through  fear  or  loyalty,  he  caused  the 
arrest  of  Bollman  and  other  agents  of  Burr.  A  writ  of 
habeas  corpus  was  sued  out  in  the  Superior  Court,  but  Gen- 
eral Wilkinson  stated  that  he  "  had  arrested  them  as  a  step 
towards  the  defense  of  the  city,  on  a  charge  of  misprision  of 
treason,"  refused  to  give  them  up  and  sent  them  as  prisoners 
to  Washington.  One  of  the  lawyers,  James  Alexander,  who 
had  been  instrumental  in  obtaining  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus, 


544  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

by  which  one  of  the  accused  had  been  liberated,  was  arrested 
for  the  act  and  held  as  a  prisoner.*  Under  what  circum- 
stances, Mr.  King  was  led  to  express  an  opinion  on  these  high- 
handed measures,  other  than  as  a  general  disclaimer  against 
them,  does  not  appear.  But  among  his  papers,  is  found  the 
article  which  follows,  and  which  clearly  shows  his  view  of  the 
outrages  against  personal  liberty. 

The  baneful  effects  of  Faction  are  in  few  cases  more  manifest 
than  in  the  ease  and  safety  with  which  the  most  important  prin- 
ciples of  a  free  government  may  be  violated  by  the  Idols  of  popu- 
lar worship.  That  unprincipled  and  ambitious  Demagogues 
should  endeavour  to  stir  up  and  alarm  the  prejudices  of  the  Peo- 
ple, for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the  reputation  of  their  political 
competitors  and  advancing  themselves  to  Stations  of  trust  and 
honor,  is  what  no  man  acquainted  with  the  history  of  past  times 
will  be  surprized  at.  But  that  these  same  men,  after  attaining 
the  object  of  their  immoral  ambition,  should  openly  dare  to  com- 
mit the  very  offences,  which  they  had  falsely  imputed  to  their 
opponents,  would  seem  to  be  incredible,  did  we  not  from  day  to 
day  behold  the  proofs  of  the  profligate  inconsistency. 

All  may  not,  but  many  will,  remember  the  criticisms  and  ob- 
jections, the  doubts,  the  anxiety  and  the  fears  expressed  by  the 
Antifederalists,  who  now  call  themselves  Republicans,  on  the  publi- 
cation of  the  Constitution  of  the  U.  S.  In  this  State,  especially, 
the  deepest  solicitude  was  manifested  lest  by  the  creation  of  a 
federal  city,  a  federal  judiciary,  a  federal  army  and  other  federal 
powers,  the  civil  Rights  of  the  Citizens  should  be  abridged. 
Great  and  unwearied  exertions  were  made  by  the  Federalists  to 
answer  these  objections  and  remove  these  impediments  to  the 
adoption  of  the  federal  constitution,  and  as  the  spirit  of  Faction 
had  not  at  that  period  acquired  the  ascendency  over  men's  minds, 
which  it  now  unhappily  possesses,  these  exertions  of  the  Federal- 
ists prevailed  and  the  sober  understanding  of  the  American  Peo- 
ple approved  and  adopted  the  Constitution,  which  went  into 
immediate  operation  under  the  auspices  of  its  Framers  and 
Friends.     To  soothe  the  mortified  pride  of  the  Antifederal  Lead- 

*  Hildreth's  Hist,  of  U.  S.  2d  Series,  vol.  ii.,  p.  612-13.  Genl.  Wilkinson's 
Affidavits  Annals  of  Congress,  1806-7,  p.  1013. 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE,  545 

ers,  to  promote  harmony  amongst  the  States,  sundry  amendments 
of  the  Constitution  in  the  nature  of  a  Bill  of  Rights  were  pro- 
posed and  afterwards  adopted. 

The  5th  Article  of  these  amendments  declares  "  that  no  person 
shall  be  deprived  of  his  liberty,  without  due  process  of  Law." 

The  4th  Article  declares  that  the  persons  of  the  Citizens  shall 
be  secure  from  unreasonable  seizure  ;  and  that  a  warrant  of  arrest 
shall  not  issue,  but  on  probable  cause  and  supported  by  an  oath." 

The  6th  Article  declares  that  in  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the 
accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  of  a  speedy  and  public  trial  by  an 
impartial  jury  of  the  State  and  district  in  which  the  crime  shall 
have   been  committed,  and  shall  have  the  assistance  of  counsel 


transferred  the  administration  from  the  real  friends  of  Liberty 
and  their  Country  to  the  men  who  now  so  unworthily  possess  the 
Government. 

It  is  earnestly  desired  that  the  eyes  of  the  motley  and  stupid 
worshippers  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  if  for  a  moment  they  can  be  turned 
from  the  Idol  of  their  false  adoration,  may  be  fixed  upon  the  late 
Executive  Proceedings,  in  the  arrest,  imprisonment,  transportation 
and  severe  secret  military  confinement  of  Alexander,  Swarthout 
and  Bolman  ;  proceedings  of  the  Executive,  unprecedented  in  the 
annals  of  a  free  country,  that  breaks  down  the  tallest  and  strongest 
barriers  of  our  Liberties,  at  the  same  time  that  it  shews  an  ineff- 
able contempt  for  the  Constitution,  the  rights  and  the  under- 
standing of  the  Citizen,  inasmuch  as  the  same  has  passed  at  the 
very  seat  of  Government  and  under  the  noses  of  the  Representa- 
tives, and  Judges  of  the  nation. 

VOL.   IV.— 35 


544  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

by  which  one  of  the  accused  had  been  liberated,  was  arrested 
for  the  act  and  held  as  a  prisoner.*  Under  what  circum- 
stances, Mr.  King  was  led  to  express  an  opinion  on  these  high- 
handed measures,  other  than  as  a  general  disclaimer  against 
them,  does  not  appear.  But  among  his  papers,  is  found  the 
article  which  follows,  and  which  clearly  shows  his  view  of  the 
outrages  against  personal  liberty. 

The  baneful  effects  of  Faction  are  in  few  cases  more  manifest 
than  in  the  ease  and  safety  with  which  the  most  important  prin- 
ciples of  a  free  government  may  be  violated  by  the  Idols  of  popu- 
lar  worship.      That   unprincipled   and   ambitious    Demagogues 


For  Swarthout  read  here  and  elsewhere  Swartwout. 


cation  or  tne  Constitution  of  the  U.  S.  In  this  State,  especially, 
the  deepest  solicitude  was  manifested  lest  by  the  creation  of  a 
federal  city,  a  federal  judiciary,  a  federal  army  and  other  federal 
powers,  the  civil  Rights  of  the  Citizens  should  be  abridged. 
Great  and  unwearied  exertions  were  made  by  the  Federalists  to 
answer  these  objections  and  remove  these  impediments  to  the 
adoption  of  the  federal  constitution,  and  as  the  spirit  of  Faction 
had  not  at  that  period  acquired  the  ascendency  over  men's  minds, 
which  it  now  unhappily  possesses,  these  exertions  of  the  Federal- 
ists prevailed  and  the  sober  understanding  of  the  American  Peo- 
ple approved  and  adopted  the  Constitution,  which  went  into 
immediate  operation  under  the  auspices  of  its  Framers  and 
Friends.     To  soothe  the  mortified  pride  of  the  Antifederal  Lead- 

*  Hildreth's  Hist,  of  U.  S.  2d  Series,  vol.  ii.,  p.  612-13.     Genl.  Wilkinson's 
Affidavits  Annals  of  Congress,  1806-7,  P«  1013. 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  545 

ers,  to  promote  harmony  amongst  the  States,  sundry  amendments 
of  the  Constitution  in  the  nature  of  a  Bill  of  Rights  were  pro- 
posed and  afterwards  adopted. 

The  5th  Article  of  these  amendments  declares  "  that  no  person 
shall  be  deprived  of  his  liberty,  without  due  process  of  Law." 

The  4th  Article  declares  that  the  persons  of  the  Citizens  shall 
be  secure  from  unreasonable  seizure  ;  and  that  a  warrant  of  arrest 
shall  not  issue,  but  on  probable  cause  and  supported  by  an  oath." 

The  6th  Article  declares  that  in  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the 
accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  of  a  speedy  and  public  trial  by  an 
impartial  jury  of  the  State  and  district  in  which  the  crime  shall 
have  been  committed,  and  shall  have  the  assistance  of  counsel 
for  his  defence." 

These  provisions  which  were  already  established  and  recognized 
as  law  throughout  the  U.  S.,  if  not  expressed  in  the  new  Constitu-v 
tion,  were  in  no  respect  impaired  by  it ;  and  so  long  as  the  Gov- 
ernment continued  in  the  hands  of  the  Federalists,  these  were 
like  every  other  provision  of  the  Constitution  preserved  inviolate. 

The  present  chiefs  and  favorites  of  the  People,  by  the  aid  of 
foreigners,  imputed  many  errors  to  the  federal  administration, 
and  amongst  other  false  charges,  ascribed  to  them  a  deliberate 
purpose  to  abridge,  by  the  sedition  Laws,  the  personal  liberty  of 
the  Citizen.  These  charges  united  with  others  equally  unjust 
excited  jealousies  and  fears  among  the  People,  who  in  the  end 
transferred  the  administration  from  the  real  friends  of  Liberty 
and  their  Country  to  the  men  who  now  so  unworthily  possess  the 
Government. 

It  is  earnestly  desired  that  the  eyes  of  the  motley  and  stupid 
worshippers  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  if  for  a  moment  they  can  be  turned 
from  the  Idol  of  their  false  adoration,  may  be  fixed  upon  the  late 
Executive  Proceedings,  in  the  arrest,  imprisonment,  transportation 
and  severe  secret  military  confinement  of  Alexander,  Swarthout 
and  Bolman  ;  proceedings  of  the  Executive,  unprecedented  in  the 
annals  of  a  free  country,  that  breaks  down  the  tallest  and  strongest 
barriers  of  our  Liberties,  at  the  same  time  that  it  shews  an  ineff- 
able contempt  for  the  Constitution,  the  rights  and  the  under- 
standing of  the  Citizen,  inasmuch  as  the  same  has  passed  at  the 
very  seat  of  Government  and  under  the  noses  of  the  Representa- 
tives, and  Judges  of  the  nation. 

VOL.   IV.— 35 


546  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

Of  right  and  according  to  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution, 
Alexander,  Swarthout  and  Bolman,  admitting  even  that  they  had 
committed  Treason,  could  be  arrested,  tried  and  punished  only 
in  the  district  where  the  treason  was  committed.  The  Federal 
Town  is  a  territory  over  which  Congress  have  exclusive  Jurisdic- 
tion ;  its  inhabitants  are  without  political  rights,  being  governed 
by  laws,  in  the  making  of  which  they  have  no  representation  or 
influence.  Alexander,  Swarthout  &  Bolman  committed  no  treason 
at  Washington  and  are  not  liable  to  be  carried  from  New  Orleans 
to  Washington  for  trial,  for  a  crime  committed  at  N.  O.  As  well 
might  the  inhabitants  of  New  York  be  taken  up  by  the  federal 
officer  at  Ft.  Jay,  put  on  board  a  Gun  Boat  and  sent  by  sea  to 
Baltimore  and  from  thence  to  Washington,  and  be  there  tried  for  a 
breach  of  the  Revenue  Law,  or  any  other  offence  against  the 
U.  S.  The  one  is  not  a  greater  nor  grosser  violation  of  the  per- 
sonal Rights  and  Liberty  of  the  Citizen  than  the  other  ;  and  any 
argument  that  would  justify  the  one  will  justify  the  other  ;  none 
however  can  be  offered  to  excuse,  much  less  justify,  either. 

Instead  of  the  persons  (charged  with  treason  in  a  vain,  ridicu- 
lous nugatory  military  declaration)  being  arrested  and  pro- 
ceeded against  at  N.  Orleans,  where  the  judiciary  is  completely 
competent  and  free  from  all  suspicion  of  disloyalty,  and  where 
alone  they  can  be  lawfully  tried,  what  has  been  the  course,  and 
what  have  been  the  sentiments  and  language  of  the  Centinels  of 
freedom  on  this  occasion  ?  As  nearly  the  same  proceedings  were 
adopted  in  all  three  cases,  a  statement  of  the  case  of  Mr.  Alex- 
ander, which  is  the  last  of  the  three,  will  be  sufficient  to  furnish 
an  adequate  knowledge  of  them  all.  It  is  possible  that  in  some 
immaterial  circumstance  there  may  be  some  inaccuracy,  the 
business  having  been  transacted  with  much  secrecy  and  great 
pains  taken  to  hide  it  from  the  public  eye. 

Mr.  Alexander  is  a  young  man  of  very  considerable  talents, 
who,  if  not  born,  received  his  education  in  this  City,  and  is  known 
to  many  of  its  respectable  inhabitants.  Being  here  admitted  to 
the  Bar,  he  commenced  his  practice  with  reputation  and  would 
without  doubt  have  arrived  at  eminence  in  his  profession,  had  he 
continued  to  reside  in  this  City  ;  from  which  he  removed  to  N.  O. 
soon  after  its  cession  to  the  U.  S.  There  his  talents  and  learn- 
ing gave  him  distinction  and  he  is  ranked  among  the  first  lawyers 
who  practice  in  the  Courts  of  that  District. 


1806]  LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE.  547 

Genl.  Wilkinson,  without  the  slightest  evidence  of  guilt,  but 
with  the  view,  as  it  would  seem  of  removing  this  gentleman,  who 
was  known  to  be  an  able  lawyer  and  whose  principles  would 
oblige  him  to  offer  his  assistance  to  protect  the  civil  rights  of  his 
fellow  Citizens  against  the  tyranny  and  oppression  of  the  military, 
caused  Mr.  Alexander  to  be  arrested,  not  by  civil  process,  but  by 
the  military  force  acting  under  a  vain,  ridiculous,  unprecedented 
and  illegal  military  order,  and  thus  having  him  in  his  custody 
transported  him  by  sea,  and  in  a  course  that  carried  him  out  of 
the  limits  of  the  country,  to  Baltimore,  where  by  a  military  force, 
he  was  precluded  from  vindicating  his  rights  by  an  appeal  to  the 
Laws,  and  from  Baltimore  secretly  sent  in  military  custody  thro' 
the  State  of  Maryland  to  Washington,  and  there,  by  authority 
derived  from  the  President,  confined  in  the  Marine  Barracks, 
guarded  by  a  military  force,  and  denied  all  intercourse  and  com- 
munication with  the  faithful  friends  of  Liberty  and  law.  While 
this  outrageous  scene  was  passing,  an  effort  was  made,  and  it  is 
religiously  believed  at  the  instigation  of  the  President,  to  pass  an 
act  to  suspend  the  Habeas  Corpus,  not  within  the  District  of 
Orleans,  not  in  the  Western  Country  alone,  but  throughout  the 
U.  S. — a  measure,  had  it  passed,  that  would  have  put  every  man 
in  the  U.  S.,  who  is  not  ready  to  fall  down  and  worship  the  Idol 
of  Democracy,  in  the  power  of  the  Executive,  which  might  by  an 
order  from  the  Secretary  of  War,  or  other  automaton  Minister, 
have  seized  any  Citizen  in  any  of  the  States,  however  virtuous, 
however  innocent,  transport  him  to  Washington  and  there  con- 
fine him  in  Barracks  or  Bastiles,  without  bail  or  mainprize — 
without  communication  with  his  friends,  without  any  other  of  the 
supports  of  life,  than  those  which  were  scantily  afforded  to  the 
persecuted  or  to  the  Mysterious  Man  in  the  Iron 

Mask. 

How  the  Senate  of  the  U.  S.  could  have  passed  an  Act  which 
would  have  permitted  such  deeds  of  tyranny,  is  strange  and 
incomprehensible.  That  body  with  all  its  weakness,  meanness, 
and  subserviency,  contains  men  devoted  to  the  freedom  of  their 
country  and  worthy  of  its  highest  confidence.  The  Bill  failed 
in  the  H.  of  Reps.,  who  in  checking  this  act  of  tyranny,  have 
atoned  for  much  imbecility  and  folly  that  had  before  been  exhib- 
ited. 


543  RUFUS  KING.  [1806 

By  some  means  Mr.  Chas.  Lee,  the  late  Attorney  General  had 
become  acquainted  with  Mr.  Alexander's  situation,  and  went  to 
confer  with  him  in  his  dungeon  ;  but  the  myrmidons  charged 
with  his  custody  refused  to  admit  the  Minister  of  the  Law  to 
visit  or  speak  with  the  prisoner,  and  insolently  supported  the 
denial  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  These  facts  were  reported 
to  the  Supreme  Court,  and  being  about  to  become  matter  of 
investigation,  a  letter  was  despatched  from  the  Sec'y  of  War,  by 
whose  direction  may  be  guessed,  directed  to  the  Officer  charged 
with  the  military  custody  of  Mr.  Alexander,  and  instructing  him 
to  carry  Mr.  Alexander  before  Mr.  Justice  Ducket,  one  of  the 
Judges  of  the  local  court  of  the  federal  City.  This  mandate 
was  obeyed,  and  as  the  letter  contained  no  charge  against  Mr. 
Alexander,  instead  of  discharging  Mr.  Alexander,  as  it  was  his 
duty  to  have  done,  the  complaisant  Judge  endorsed  upon  the 
letter  that  the  officer  had  obeyed  his  orders  ;  whereupon  the  offi- 
cer, well,  understanding  his  part,  informed  Mr.  Alexander  that 
since  the  Judge  declined  renewing  or  giving  any  orders  concern- 
ing him,  he  would  no  longer  be  troubled  with  his  custody  at  the 
Marine  Barracks,  and  accordingly  left  Mr.  Alexander  once  more 
a  freeman. 

The  confinement  of  a  citizen  without  due  process  of  Law  is, 
false  imprisonment.  Due  process  of  Law  in  cases  of  imprison- 
ment is  a  warrant  in  writing,  under  the  hand  and  seal  of  a  com- 
petent civil  magistrate,  expressing  the  cause  of  commitment,  in 
order  that  the  same  may  be  examined  into,  if  required,  by  a  writ 
of  Habeas  Corpus.  In  England  by  the  31  Chap.  2,  C.  2,  to  send 
a  prisoner  to  Scotland,  Ireland,  or  beyond  the  Sea,  is  illegal ; 
and  whosoever  commits  a  person  contrary  to  that  Statute,  is  dis- 
abled from  bearing  any  office,  incurs  the  penalties  of  a  premunire,, 
and  is  incapable  of  receiving  the  King's  pardon  :  and  the  person 
injured  has  his  suit  agt.  the  offender  and  all  his  aiders  and  abet- 
tors ;  and  shall  recover  treble  costs,  besides  damages,  which  no 
jury  shall  assess  at  less  than  ^500.  sterling. 

If  Mr.  Alexander  does  not  pursue  his  gaolers  and  all  their 
aiders,  advisers,  and  abettors,  he  merits  the  scorn  of  his  country 
in  addition  to  all  he  has  suffered.  He  owes  it  to  himself  as  a 
freeman,  and  what  is  more,  he  owes  to  liberty  and  his  country 
the  vindictive  pursuit  of  his  detested  oppressors.     For,  says  the 


1806]  LIFE  AND  CORRESPONDENCE.  549 


learned  Blackstone,  if  once  it  were  left  in  the  power  of  any,  the 
highest  magistrate,  to  imprison  arbitrarily  whomever  he  or  his 
officers  thought  proper,  there  would  soon  be  an  end  of  all  other 
rights  and  immunities.  Some  have  thought  that  unjust  attacks 
even  upon  life,  or  property,  at  the  arbitrary  will  of  the  magis- 
trate, are  less  dangerous  to  the  Commonwealth,  than  such  as  are 
made  upon  the  personal  liberty  of  the  subject.  To  bereave  a 
man  of  life,  or  by  violence  to  confiscate  his  estate,  without  accu- 
sation or  trial,  would  be  so  gross  and  notorious  an  act  of  despot- 
ism, as  at  once  to  convey  the  alarm  of  tyranny  throughout  the 
whole  kingdom  ;  but  confinement  of  the  person,  by  secretly 
hurrying  him  to  gaol,  when  his  sufferings  are  unknown,  or  for- 
gotten, is  a  less  public,  or  a  less  striking  and,  therefore,  a  more 
dangerous  engine  of  Arbitrary  Movement. 

It  is  evident  that  this  paper  must  have  been  written  dur- 
ing the  discussion  in  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  an  act  to  suspend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  for  three 
months,  probably  to  meet  these  cases,  an  act  passed  by  the 
Senate  in  secret  session,  but  rejected  almost  unanimously  by 
the  House.  Messrs.  Bollman  and  Swarthout  were  dis- 
charged by  the  Supreme  Court  on  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus, 
and  Mr.  Alexander  "  without  any  opposition  on  the  part  of 
the  government," 

This  paper,  therefore,  properly  belongs  to  the  history  of 
!  807— as  these  discussions  arose  during  the  early  months  of 
that  year.* 

*  Hildreth  Hist,  of  U.  S.,  vol.  ii.,  2d  Series,  pp.  625-6. 


APPENDIX  I. 

BRIBERY  IN  POLITICS. 

Although  there  are  no  records  in  the  way  of  letters  or 
diary  of  the  time  passed  by  Mr.  King  in  Paris,  there  are 
some  notes  which  have  been  preserved  and  may  be  found 
interesting.  They  are  taken  from  Mr.  King's  Memorandum 
Book,  and  are  headed  "  BRIBERY  IN  POLITICS."      He  says  : 

Sir  Jno.  Dalrymple  asserts  that  Louis  14,  by  Barillon,  his 
Ambassador  in  England,  bribed  Sidney,  Russell,  Hampden  and 
other  illustrious  Patriots  of  the  Reign  of  Charles  II.  Mr.  Fox 
went  from  London  to  Paris  in  1802,  for  the  purpose  as  he  avowed 
of  examining  the  Documents  in  the  Scotch  College  (Barillon's 
Correspondence)  to  wh.  Sir  John  Dalrymple  refers  a*nd  on  wh.  he 
grounds  his  assertions. 

While  at  Paris  he  told  me  that  he  had  examined  the  corres- 
pondence and  was  convinced  that  the  Patriots  did  receive  Baril- 
lon's money,  and  added  that  he  thought  them  justifiable  in  doing 
so.  Charles  II.  wished  war  with  France  in  hopes  that  this  state 
of  the  nation  wd.  better  assist  him  in  recovering  the  Prerogatives 
lost  in  the  civil  war.  The  Patriots  seeing  his  views  opposed  the 
war  and  the  King  of  Fr.  did  not  wish  it.  In  this  state  of  things, 
it  was  fair  for  Barillon  to  offer  &  them  to  take  French  money  to 
be  used  not  for  their  private  purposes,  but  applied  in  acquiring 
an  influence  agt.  a  war  with  France.  Mr.  Fox  declared  that  he 
did  not  believe  that  a  penny  was  applied  to  the  private  use  of 
the  Patriots,  but  that  the  whole  was  employed  in  opposing  the 
views  of  the  Crown,  and  the  opposition,  being  patriotic,  he 
thought  the  receiving  French  money  justifiable.  R.  K. 

In  connection  with  this,  and  in  corroboration  of  the  re- 
ceived opinion  that  there  was  truth  in   the  statements  of 

55i 


552      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

Dalrymple,  there  is  an  entry  in  Mr.  King's  Memorandum 
Book  under  date  of  Dec.  28,  1801,  which  relates  to  this, 
and  also  contains  a  statement  of  a  somewhat  similar  circum- 
stance in  the  War  of  the  Revolution  of  the  United  States. 
It  is  headed : 

CORRUPTION — SYDNEY  AND   BARILLON — Dec.    28,    l8oi. 

Dined  with  Wilberforce — Mr.  Otto,  myself,  with  Mr.  Wilber- 
force  the  whole  party — Conversation  Miscellaneous — Among 
topics,  the  Papers  respecting  the  time  of  Charles  I.  &  II.  which 
are  in  the  Scottish  College  Paris  were  mentioned.  Dalrymple 
has  given  an  account  of  some  of  these  and  particularly  of  Barillon's 
letters  and  of  the  money  he  paid  to  the  great  patriots  of  England. 
Mr.  Wilberforce  said  Mr.  Fox  was  employed  in  composing  the 
history  of  that  period  and  purposed  going  soon  after  the  Definitive 
Treaty  to  Paris  to  examine  these  papers.  I  suggested  some 
doubt  of  the  truth  of  Dalrymple's  account.  Mr.  Wilberforce 
said  no  doubt  was  entertained  in  Eng.,  that  his  report  was  a  faith- 
ful one,  but  some  persons  doubted  whether  Barillon,  the  Fr. 
Ambassador,  really  paid  the  money  to  the  persons  to  whom  he 
charged  it,  thinking  it  more  likely  that  he  put  it  in  his  own  pocket  ; 
that  for  his  own  part  he  was  disposed  to  believe  that  Sydney  and 
the  others  did  receive  money  from  France,  not  for  their  private 
purposes,  but  to  support  their  opposition  to  the  Court,  as  the 
King  certainly  did  procure  money  from  abroad  to  enable  himself 
to  oppose  them.  Otto  said  he  could  entertain  no  doubt  that 
such  was  the  fact  ;  (addressing  himself  to  me  in  a  low  voice  as 
Mr.  W.  slipped  into  an  adjoining  room)  even  some  of  your 
patriots  did  the  same  thing.  They  applied  to  us  (the  Fr.  Embassy 
in  America)  in  this  way — we  can  go  on  no  farther  without  suc- 
cour— our  party  will  fail  or  lose  ground  unless  supported,  &c, 
and  what,  continued  Otto,  can  a  minister  do  in  such  circum- 
stances ?  he  has  but  one  course,  he  must  give  money,  &c.  I  did 
not  push  the  conversation  any  farther,  intending  to  take  a  more 
convenient  opportunity  to  renew  it  with  Otto. 

It  does  not  appear  that  this  conversation  was  renewed. 
But  it  was  apparently  deemed  of  credibility — for  Mr.  King, 
as  he  has  several  times  said,  had  a  high  regard  for  the  in- 
tegrity and  trustworthiness  of  Mr.  Otto. 


APPENDIX.  553 


APPENDIX  II. 

INTERVIEW   BETWEEN   GALLATIN  AND   KING — 1803. 

Mr.  Jefferson,  writing  on  Aug.  1803,  from  Monticello  to 
Mr  Gallatin*  says  among  other  things : 

I  hope  you  will  make  every  possible  occasion  of  getting  infor- 
mation from  Mr.  King  as  to  the  views  and  dispositions  of  Eng- 
land, and  of  satisfying  him  of  the  perfect  friendship  of  this 
administration  to  that  country.  The  impressment  of  our  seamen, 
and  the  using  our  harbors  as  stations  to  sally  out  of  and  cruise 
on  our  own  commerce,  as  well  as  on  that  of  our  friends,  are  points 
on  which  he  can  perhaps  give  useful  advice. 

Mr.  Gallatin  on  Aug.  18,  1803,  the  same  day,  not  in  answer  to 
the  above,f  writes  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  giving  an  account  of  an 
interview  with  Mr.  King  which  shows  that  he  was  seeking  such 
information  as  was  asked  for. 

.  .  .  Mr.  King  seems  to  think  that  he  might  have  renewed 
the  commercial  treaty  on  conditions  satisfactory  to  America. 
Great  Britain  has  not  made  any  approach  of  late  on  that  subject ; 
he  thinks  the  Government  has  not  even  thought  on  the  limitation 
by  which  it  will  expire,  and  that  Mr.  Merry  will  have  no  instruc- 
tions on  the  subject.  He  is  of  opinion  that  in  the  East  Indies 
the  want  of  a  treaty  will  not  place  us  on  a  worse  footing  ;  that 
there  is  no  danger  to  be  apprehended  on  the  subject  of  provisions 
being  considered  as  contraband  ;  and  that  the  improvement  in 
the  West  India  courts  of  admiralty  will  relieve  us  from  many  of 
the  embarrassments  experienced  by  our  trade  during  the  last  war. 
The  only  ground  on  which  he  feels  any  apprehension  is  that  of 
impressments  ;  and  had  he  not  been  on  the  eve  of  his  departure, 
he  might,  he  thinks,  have  succeeded  in  making  some  arrange- 
ment ;  the  greatest  obstacle  to  this  resulted  from  the  prejudices 
of  Earl  St.  Vincent.  Mr.  King  considers  the  present  administra- 
tion in  England  as  the  most  favorable  that  has  existed  or  can 
exist  for  the  interests  of  the  United  States,  but  he  does  not  rely 
much  on  their  permanence  ;  the  members  who  compose  it  are  re- 
spected men  of  integrity,  but  have  not  the  perfect  confidence  of  the 

*  Writings  of  Albert  Gallatin,  by  Henry  Adams,  vol.  i.,  p.  139. 
f  Ibid,  vol.  i.,  140-143. 


554     LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KINu. 

people,  nor  particularly  of  London  ;  their  abilities  being  consid- 
ered as  unequal  to  the  crisis.  Mr.  King  himself,  speaking  of 
them,  whilst  conversing  of  the  British  manifesto,  called  them 
"  little  men."  He  asked  me  who  was  to  be  his  successor  ;  I 
answered  I  presumed  either  Mr.  Livingston  or  Mr.  Monroe. 
He  said  that  Mr.  L.  would  do  very  well,  his  deafness  excepted, 
which  was  a  strong  objection.  His  British  Majesty  asked  him 
twice  who  would  be  sent,  and  expressed  satisfaction  in  case  Mr. 
L.  were  the  man  ;  but  when  he  saw  Mr.  Monroe's  name  an- 
nounced in  the  newspapers  for  the  mission,  he  inquired  particu- 
larly of  his  character  and  asked  Mr.  King  whether  he  had  not 
been  opposed  to  him  in  politics.  Upon  being  answered  that 
those  differences  of  politics  had  only  been  shades  of  opinion  and 
that  Mr.  Monroe  was  a  man  of  great  probity  and  integrity, 
"  Well,  well,  if  he  is  an  honest  man  he  will  do  very  well,"  was 
the  reply  ;  and  Mr.  Hammond  assured  afterwards  Mr.  K.  that 
Mr.  M.,  if  appointed,  would  be  perfectly  received.  Yet  Mr.  K. 
seems  to  apprehend  that  there  is  still  some  prevention  which  may 
render  his  situation  less  comfortable  and  his  services  less  useful 
than  those  of  another  person. 

I  repeated  to  him  verbatim  the  commercial  article  of  the  treaty* 
expressed  my  wish  that  it  had  been  communicated  to  him  when 
he  made  his  communication  to  the  British  government,  and  asked 
whether  he  thought  that  the  article  could  possibly  create  any 
difficulty.  He  answered,  without  the  least  hesitation,  that  it 
could  not,  that  it  was  perfectly  defensible,  must  be  considered 
as  part  of  the  purchase  money,  and  expressed  his  full  conviction 
that  the  British  government  would  not  cavil  at  it.  He  observed 
that  Messrs.  Livingston  &  Monroe  had  in  their  letter  to  him  used 
the  word  "claim  "  to  which,  in  his  letters  to  Lord  Hawksbury, 
he  had  substituted  the  word  "  right."  I  was  almost  tempted  to 
believe  from  his  conversation  that  Mr.  L.  had  communicated  the 
treaty  to  him.     .     .     . 

On  the  subject  of  Louisiana  generally,  Mr.  King's  opinions 
both  as  relating  to  New  Orleans  and  the  upper  Country  west  of  the 
Mississippi,  seem  to  coincide  with  yours.  He  hinted,  however, 
that  more  advantageous  terms  might  have  been  obtained,*  and 

*Mr.  Cutter  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Torrey,  Washington,  Oct.  31,  1803,  says 
"  The  purchase  of  Louisiana  may  prove  a  good  thing,  and  it  may  be  attended 


APPENDIX,  555 


openly  said  that  if  our  ministers  did  not  think  it  safe  to  note 
the  object  by  insisting  on  a  reduction  of  the  price,  they  had  it  at 
least  in  their  power  to  present  the  mode  of  payment  ;  that  money 
might  have  been  raised  in  England  on  much  more  advantageous 
terms  if  the  mode  had  been  left  open  to  us  ;  that  Cazenove 
who  was  Talleyrand's  privy  counsel  and  financier  must  have 
suggested  the  species  of  stock  which  was  adopted,  &c.  He  then 
asked  me  what  could  have  been  the  reason  which  induced  our 
ministers  to  agree  to  make  an  immediate  cash  payment  for  the 
American  debts,  instead  of  paying  them  in  stock  or  more  con- 
venient instalments,  as  the  creditors  would  have  been  perfectly 
satisfied  to  be  paid  that  way,  and  //W object  at  least  did  not  seem 
to  be  one  on  which  the  French  government  would  insist.  I  told 
him  that  I  really  could  not  tell,  for  I  knew  that  mode  or  some 
similar  one  had  been  contemplated  by  the  administration,  and  I 
had  not  understood  that  any  explanation  on  that  subject  had 
been  received  from  our  ministers.  On  my  mentioning  that  the 
French  Cabinet  seemed  to  have  believed  that  the  question  of 
peace  or  war  was  in  their  power,  and  that  our  ministers  being 
naturally  under  a  similar  impression,  might  have  been  induced 
to  yield  to  more  unfavorable  terms  than  if  they  had  contem- 
plated war  as  certain,  he  observed  that  on  the  arrival  of  every 
messenger  from  France  the  correspondence  of  Lord  Whitworth 
and  Mr.  Talleyrand  had  been  communicated  to  him  by  the 
British  Ministry,  and  that  by  the  return  of  every  messenger  he 
had  communicated  its  substance  to  Mr.  Livingston,  as  well  as 
his  opinion  of  the  certainty  of  war.  We  both  concluded  our  con- 
versation on  that  subject,  by  agreeing  that  Mr.  Livingston's  pre- 
cipitancy had  been  prejudicial  to  the  United  States.  And  he 
observed  that  Florida  must  necessarily  fall  into  our  hands,  and 
that  he  hoped  too  much  impatience  would  not  be  evinced  on  that 
subject. 

Mr.  King  lent  me  the  rescript  of  the  Emperor  of  Russia  offer- 
ing his  mediation.  It  is  too  long  to  be  transcribed.  Although 
he  says  in  one  place,  "  qu'il  avait  deja  charge  une  fois  son  min- 
istre  de  communiquer  ses  sentiments    au  Gouvernement  Fran- 

with  very  serious  evils.  I  consider  the  price  much  too  high,  and  find  that  it  is 
Mr.  King's  opinion  (our  late  minister  at  London)  that  it  might  have  been 
obtained  for  a  much  less  price." — Ed. 


556      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

eais  sur  la  n£cessit£  qu'il  y  aurait  de  faire  diverses  causes 
d'  inquietude,  qui  agitaint  les  Cabinets  de  V  Europe,"  I  should 
think  from  the  whole  tone  of  that  document,  that  he  will  not 
approve  the  grounds  on  which  England  has  placed  the  renewal 
of  the  war. 


APPENDIX  III. 

This  letter  would  have  had  a  better  place  among  those 
of  its  date,  but  it  contains  a  number  of  interesting  details, 
given  by  Mrs.  King,  which  to  her  family,  at  least,  will  be  a 
valuable  contribution  showing  the  happy  relations  of  the 
home  life. 

Mary  King  to  Charles  King,  Harrow,  England. 

Broadway,  New  York,  December  6,  1803. 
My  Dear  Charles  : 

We  yesterday  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  John's  letter  of 
17th  Sept.  written,  as  I  suppose,  to  come  by  Mr.  Merry,  but 
which  was  probably  too  late  for  him  and  was  forwarded  by  the 
October  Packet.  I  observe  that  you  are  again  at  Harrow  and 
continue  as  well  pleased  as  ever  with  Dr.  &  Mr.  H.  Drury's 
treatment.  I  hope  nothing  will  occur  to  interrupt  this  harmony. 
Pray  tell  me  candidly  how  you  were  pleased  with  the  Abb6,  and 
whether  you  think  you  gained  anything  while  there  ;  by  the  con- 
clusion of  the  approaching  holidays,  I  expect  you  will  be  able 
to  speak,  if  not  write,  French.  We  often  wish  that  it  was  among 
the  list  of  possibilities  for  you  to  pass  the  Christmas  holidays 
with  us,  and  return  again  to  Harrow.  We  shall  feel  your  ab- 
sence on  this  occasion  very  sensibly,  as  I  may  add  we  do  on 
every  other.  Often  indeed  in  my  rambles  do  I  miss  the  beau, 
who  used  so  patiently  and  willingly  accompany  me  in  my  long 
walks  to  Kensington  Garden  &c.  It  is  not  much  the  fashion  for 
ladies  to  walk  here,  and  I  cause  great  astonishment  in  walking 
so  much  and  alone.  Pug  sometimes  goes  with  me,  but  thro'  the 
summer,  it  interfered  so  much  with  his  school  hours,  and  I  was 
compelled  to  walk  alone  or  stay  at  home.  I  don't  find  that  your 
Papa's  desire  of  moving  has  increased  much.  On  an  average 
twelve  out  of  the  sixteen  hours  he  is  up,  are  generally  passed  upon 


APPENDIX.  557 


his  chair  ;  as  his  knee  has  given  him  no  trouble,  I  have  advised 
his  using  it  a  little  more,  and  occasionally  he  has  walked  for  an 
hour  or  two,  but  not  often.  He  has  try'd  it  more  while  we  were 
moving  than  for  a  long  time  before.  I  believe  I  mentioned  to 
you  that  we  had  taken  Mr.  Livingston's  house  in  Broadway, 
where  we  removed  last  Monday  week,  and  are  just  beginning  to 
feel  ourselves  a  little  at  home. 

Our  City  again  enjoys  good  health  ;  the  frost,  as  usual,  put  an 
end  to  yellow  fever  ;  and  I  wish  we  could  flatter  ourselves  with 
the  hope  that  it  would  never  return.  The  weather  for  the  last 
two  months  has  been  uncommonly  fine,  and  the  sun  and  un- 
clouded sky  in  the  month  of  November,  were  rather  a  novelty 
to  me,  who  from  so  long  an  absence  had  almost  forgotten  its 
appearance  :  the  Fall  in  our  country  is  undoubtedly  the  finest 
season,  and  more  delightful  weather  could  not  be  experienced  in 
any  climate  than  we  have  enjoyed  and  are  still  enjoying  at  this 
moment;  it  is  more  like  May  than  December;  very  little  frost 
and  not  a  flake  of  snow  has  yet  fallen.  Edward  has  been  long 
anticipating  the  pleasure  of  a  ride  in  a  Sleigh  ;  for  as  yet  he  has 
no  idea  of  what  it  is.  We  have  had  the  supreme  felicity  of  a 
visit  from  Jerome  Bonaparte — that  is  our  City — for  myself  I  have 
not  had  the  satisfaction  of  a  single  peep  at  him  ;  and  he  was 
pleased  to  express  great  delight  at  the  attention  he  received 
here  ;  so  much  so  that  he  intended  to  make  it  his  residence  for 
the  winter  ;  but  yesterday  I  understood  he  had  embarked  in  one 
of  our  Merchantmen  bound  to  France. 

Whenever  you  hear  from  James  pray  communicate  it  to  us,  for 
I  see  no  other  chance  of  ever  receiving  any  intelligence  from 
him  ;  what  the  cause  is  I  cannot  imagine.  Mr.  &  Mrs.  Payne 
are  gone  to  pass  the  winter  at  Washington,  they  did  us  the  favor 
of  staying  two  nights  with  us  in  the  country  on  their  way  thither. 
She  is  well  looking  and  agreeable  and  he  seems  perfectly  happy. 
The  lady  was  a  widow  &  had  a  daughter  by  her  first  marriage  ; 
she  is  about  five  or  six  years  old  and  a  more  interesting  child  I 
never  met  with.  Mrs.  Gore's  natural  fondness  is  such  for  chil- 
dren, that  I  am  sure  she  will  attach  herself  strongly  to  this  little 
girl. 

I  have  written  to  Mrs.  Gore  repeatedly  but  have  not  received 
one  line  from  her  since  July.     I  intended  writing  again  by  this 


558      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

Packet,  but  I  find  I  shall  not  have  time  ;  you  must  therefore 
offer  her  our  most  sincere  remembrances  and  best  wishes  for  the 
re-establishment  of  her  health,  which  with  some  concern  we 
learned  had  been  interrupted  by  a  violent  attack  of  Influenza. 
You  cannot  confer  a  greater  obligation  on  me  than  to  evince  by 
a  scrupulous  attention  to  all  Mrs.  Gore's  requests,  a  strong  sense 
of  her  maternal  kindness  ;  for  in  my  absence  it  must  be  con- 
sidered as  such. 

We  had  thoughts  of  sending  you  some  apples  and  cranberries  ; 
but  on  reflection  your  Papa  thinks  the  latter  may  be  bought  in 
Oxford  Street  for  less  money  than  the  duty  and  Custom  House 
fees  would  amount  to  ;  and  the  great  uncertainty  of  the  former 
reaching  you  good  for  anything,  in  addition  to  the  expense 
alluded  to  above,  has  prevented  our  fulfilling  that  intention. 
You  must  therefore  endeavor  to  console  yourselves  with  the 
golden  pippin  instead  of  those  from  Newtown. 

Frederick,  or  little  Fitty  as  he  calls  himself,  has  become  a  great 
chatterbox  ;  every  word  he  hears,  he  repeats  and  he  really  speaks 
much  plainer  now  than  Edward  did  at  three  years  old.  I  am 
sure  you  would  give  one  week's  allowance  to  have  a  kiss  of  the 
blessed  one  ;  regularly  night  and  morning  he  blesses  his  Uncle 
and  Aunt  Gore  with  his  dear  brothers.  Edward  talks  of  finish- 
ing this  letter  ;  but  least  he  should  not,  begs  to  join  us  in  the 
most  affectionate  remembrances  to  you  &  John. 

Always  unfeignedly  your  M.  K. 


APPENDIX   IV. 

By  an  oversight  the  following  letter  has  been  left  out  of 
its  proper  position  on  page  352.  It  is  important  as  showing 
that  Mr.  King  positively  declined  to  be  a  candidate  for'  the 
office  of  Governor  of  New  York. 

R.  King  to  A.  Hamilton. 

New  York,  March  1,  1804. 
Dear  Sir  : 

Since  my  letter  of  the  24th  (February)  I  have  received  yours 
of  the  same  date  ;  and  after  maturely  reflecting  upon  the  subject, 


APPENDIX.  559 


and  consulting  one  or  two  of  our  friends  here,  I  am  confirmed  in 
the  sentiment  that  I  ought  not  to  consent  to  be  a  candidate  for 
the  Governorship,  should  the  federalists  think  of  offering  me. 

This  being  my  determination,  it  is  right  that  I  should  apprize 
you  of  it,  in  order  that  our  friends  may  not  make  an  offer  which 
I  should  be  obliged  to  decline. 

If  you  consider  to  what  the  office  of  Governor  has  been  cur- 
tailed, and  what  in  the  actual  state  of  parties  must  be  his  con- 
dition, if  a  man  of  virtue  and  independence,  I  cannot  but 
persuade  myself  that  you  will  see  insuperable  objections  to  my 
consenting  to  be  thus  disposed  of. 

With  sentiments  of  Regard,  &c, 

Rufus  King. 


APPENDIX  V. 

LOUISIANA. 

RIGHTS  UNDER  THE  CONVENTION  OF  PURCHASE. 

In  the  year  168-  Monsr.  La  Salle  coming  from  Canada  em- 
barked at  the  confluence  of  the  Illinois  &  the  Mississippi,  and 
descended  the  latter  River  to  its  mouth.  In  virtue  of  this  voy- 
age a  large  tract  of  Country  on  each  side  of  the  Mississippi  was 
claimed  and  afterwards  possessed  by  France  under  the  name  of 
Louisiana.  The  villages  of  St.  Louis  &  St.  Genevieve  on  the 
west  bank,  and  Kaskaskia  &  Kahoka  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
Mississippi  were  planted  in  the  close  of  the  17th  Century.  In 
lower  Louisiana,  upon  the  sea  coast  &  its  vicinity,  French  posts 
&  settlements  were  early  established  as  far  east  as  the  Apalachi- 
cola,  and  as  far  west  as  Natchitoches.  The  boundary  between 
Florida  &  Louisiana  was  for  a  series  of  years  matter  of  contro- 
versy between  France  &  Spain,  but  is  understood  to  have  been 
settled  between  them  about  the  year  1748,  by  agreeing  upon  the 
River  Perdido  &  a  line  from  its  source  to  the  Alleghany 
Mountains. 

Such  was  the  State  of  Possessions  &  claims  respecting  Louis- 
iana at  the  commencement  of  the  7  years  war  ;  In  the  prelimina- 
ries at  the  conclusion  of  which,  by  the  Treaty  of  1763,  France  & 


560      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF  RUFUS  KING. 

Spain  ceded  &  guaranteed  to  England  all  the  Territories  belong- 
ing and  claimed  by  them  respectively  upon  the  continent  of 
Amer.  &  East  of  the  Mississippi  ;  so  that  in  addition  to  Canada 
&  its  Dependencies — a  subject  distinct  from  that  of  the  present 
investigation — France  ceded  to  Eng.  all  that  part  of  Louisiana 
wh.  was  on  the  East  side  of  the  Mississippi  (the  City  and  Island 
of  New  Orleans  excepted)  and  Spain  in  like  manner  ceded  to 
Eng.  Florida.  Whatever  therefore  were  the  Rights  of  France 
and  Spain  in  relation  to  these  Territories,  and  whatever  may 
have  been  their  boundaries,  England  thenceforth  became  the 
owner  &  possessor  of  the  whole  country  (the  City  and  Island 
of  N.  O.,  East  of  the  Mississippi  excepted).  But  on  the  day  of 
the  date  of  the  Preliminaries,  Nov.  3,  1762,  by  which  France 
ceded  East  Louisiana  to  Eng.,  she  also  by  another  Act  ceded  the 
whole  country  of  Louisiana,  together  with  N.  O.  &  the  Island  in 
wh.  the  City  is  placed  to  Spain.  By  turning  to  the  Preliminary 
Treaty  of  1762  between  F.,  S.,  &  G.,  it  will  be  seen  that  these 
cessions  to  England  are  correctly  stated,  and  by  reading  the 
King  of  Fr.'s,  letter  dated  April  21,  1764,  to  Mr.  D'Abadie,  his 
Director  Genl.  &  Commandant  in  Louisiana,  it  will  also  be  found 
that  the  cession  to  Spain  is  also  correctly  stated.  This  letter  will 
be  found  in  the  Annual  Register  Vol.  8.,  p.  271. 

Suffice  it  to  observe  in  this  place,  that  the  Territories  ceded  to 
England  and  to  Spain  belonged  to  France  on  the  3  of  Nov.  1762, 
the  day  of  both  cessions.  All  Louisiana  was  owned  &  possessed 
by  France  ;  by  two  acts  of  the  same  date,  and  to  each  of  which 
Spain  was  a  party,  France  divided  Louisiana,  ceding  and  guar- 
antying the  Eastern  Part  thereof  clearly  &  distinctly  to  England, 
and  the  Western  Part  thereof,  including  the  city  &  Isl.  of  N.  O. 
to  Spain.  As  Fr.  owned  the  whole  of  Louisiana,  if  she  conveyed 
&  with  the  privity  of  Spain  too,  a  part  thereof  by  metes  and 
bounds  to  Engd.,  however  vague  and  comprehensive  the  Terms 
may  have  been  by  which  she  at  the  same  time  conveyed 
Louisiana  to  Spain,  France  could  not  convey  nor  could  Spain 
acquire  more  than  the  Residue  of  Louisiana,  after  deducting, 
what  was  contemporaneously  conveyed  to  England.  As  this  con- 
clusion seems  too  plain  to  require  the  production  of  authorities 
or  further  illustration,  I  pass  on.  The  ceded  Territories  upon 
the  East  side  of  the  Miss,  were  afterwards  taken  possession  of  by 


APPENDIX.  561 


England.  The  4<  Special  Act "  by  wh.  West  Louisiana  was  ceded 
to  France  has  never  been  published.  According  to  the  letter 
from  the  K.  of  Fr.  to  Mr.  D'Abadie,  a  copy  of  this  Instrument 
was  sent  to  N.  O.  with  orders  that  it  sho.  be  there  enregistered. 
Whether  this  was  done,  and  whether  the  Record  still  remains,  are 
matters  concerning  wh.  we  have  no  information  ;  tho'  doubtless 
our  Govt,  must  have  ascertained  these  facts. 

By  referring  to  Hutchins'  Historical  Narrative  and  topographi- 
cal Description  of  Louisiana  &  West  Florida,  pub.  at  Phila.  in 
1783,  as  well  as  to  an  extraordinary  Publication,  entitled  Memoire 
Historique  &  politique  sur  La  Louisiane,  (printed  at  Paris  in  the 
year  1802,  when  France  had  prepared  an  Expedn.  to  take  Posses- 
sion of  Louisiana)  it  will  appear  that  there  was  something  unusual, 
not  to  say  mysterious,  in  the  delays  as  well  as  in  the  manner  in 
which  Spain  took  possession  of  Louisiana,  and  one  might  from 
these  circumstances,  as  well  as  from  the  want  of  publicity 
of  the  Act  of  Cession,  be  lead  to  entertain  Doubts,  as  it  appears 
from  Mr.  H's.  Memoire,  that  the  Inhabitants  of  Louisiana  did, 
concerning  the  Date  as  well  as  the  authenticity  of  this  Act  of 
Cession. 

Soon  after  the  Treaty  of  Peace  in  1763,  and  while  France  still 
remained  in  possession  of  New  Orleans,  and  West  Louisiana, 
England  took  possession  of  all  the  French  Posts  upon  the  East 
side  of  the  Mississippi,  as  also  of  the  Span.  Posts  in  Florida.  It 
was  in  the  Summer  of  1763,  that  East  Louisiana  &  Florida  were 
delivered  up  by  France  and  Spain  to  England,  but  it  was  not 
until  Genl.  O'Reilley's  arrival  with  4m.  Spanish  Troops  at  N.  O. 
July  23  1769,  that  N.  O.  and  Louisiana  were  taken  possession  of 
by  Spain  ;  so  that  N.  O.  and  W.  Louisiana  remained  6  years  in 
the  possession  of  France  after  East  Louisiana  &  Florida  had 
been  delivered  up  to  &  possessed  by  England.  These  facts  are 
established  by  Hutchins'  Narrative,  as  well  as  by  other  authentic 
publications.  . 

By  the  Proc.  of  Oct.  7,  1762,  England  established  two  Provinces 
by  the  name  of  E.  &  W.  Florida,  Georgia  being  the  northern 
Limits  of  E.  Florida  &  the  31st  degree  of  lat.  the  Northern  Lim- 
its of  W.  Florida,  and  the  Apalachicola  River  the  division  line 
between  them.  It  may  aid  the  purpose  of  this  Disquisition  to 
observe  that  the  Territory  of  West  Florida  consisted  of  that  part 

VOL.  IV— 36 


562      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

of  Louisiana,  lying  south  of  the  320  of  Lat.  and  between  the 
Mississippi  and  the  waters  east  of  the  Island  of  N.  Orleans  the 
West,  and  the  River  Perdido  and  a  line  from  its  head  to  the 
Allegany  on  the  east,  together  with  that  part  of  Spanish  Florida 
lying  between  the  last  mentioned  line  and  the  River  Apalachicola. 
It  may  further  assist  in  this  Elucidation  to  remark  that  the  Proc. 
of  Oct.  7,  1763,  above  referred  to,  restrained  the  Colonies  from 
granting  any  part  of  the  lands  lying  upon  the  East  bank  of 
the  Mississippi  and  to  the  North  of  W.  Florida — the  same  being 
reserved  with  other  lands  for  the  future  disposition  of  the  Crown. 

During  the  American  War,  Eng.  being  in  possession  of  the 
Floridas,  Gen.  Guloeg  the  Span.  Govr.  of  Louisiana  conquered 
the  Province  of  W.  Florida,  and  at  the  conclusion  of  that  War, 
the  Floridas  were  ceded  by  Engl,  to  Spain,  &  the  Mississippi  on 
the  West  &  the  Floridas  on  the  S.  were  made  the  boundaries  of 
the  U.  S. 

It  should  be  here  remarked  that  the  Territory  on  the  East  bank 
of  the  Mississippi,  once  included  in  Louisiana,  ceased,  after  its 
cession  to  Eng.,  to  be  known  or  described  by  that  name.  From 
that  Period  New  Orleans  &  the  Territory  west  of  the  Missis- 
sippi have  been  called  and  known  as  Louisiana  ;  and  no  Diplo- 
matic or  other  public  act  has  from  that  date  given  the  name  of 
Louisiana  to  any  portion  of  the  Territory  ceded  by  Fr.  &  Sp.  to 
Eng.  by  the  Treaty  of  1763  ;  but  on  the  contrary  that  since  the 
year  1763,  an  unbroken  series  of  diplomatic  and  other  public 
Acts,  comprehending  every  public  Act  of  the  U.  S.,  which  has 
had  relation  to  the  subject,  have  uniformly  ascribed  to  Louisiana 
the  eastern  Boundary  assigned  to  it  by  the  Treaty  of  1763,  and 
with  equal  uniformity  have  recognized  &  described  the  adjacent 
Territory  east  of  that  Boundary  by  other  names.  By  the  2nd 
Article  of  the  Treaty  between  Sp.  &  the  U.  S.  it  is  provided 
"  that  the  Southern  Boundy.  of  the  U.  S.,  which  divides  yr.  Ter- 
ritory from  the  Span.  Colonies  of  E.  &  W.  Florida  shall  be  a  line 
beginning  at  the  River  Mississippi  at  the  31st  degree  of  No.  Lat. 
&c.  The  5th  Art.  again  speaks  of  the  boundaries  of  the  two 
Floridas.  Furthermore,  It  is  understood  (tho'  we  cannot  state 
our  information  as  completely  authentic)  that  the  Govt,  of  the 
Floridas  has  been  confided  to  the  Govr.  of  Cuba  and  not  to  the 
Gov.  of  Louisiana  ;  so  that  not  only  in  name  but  local  Govt., 


APPENDIX.  563 

the  Floridas  have  been  maintained  as  a  Territory  distinct  from 
that  of  Louisiana. 

How  far  the  Laws  of  the  U.  S.  may  have  at  any  time  taken 
notice  of  or  mentioned  the  Floridas,  we  have  not  examined ;  but 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  Instructions  &  Acts  of  the  Old 
Congress,  as  well  as  the  Instructions  and  other  Acts  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  U.  S.,  for  a  series  of  years  past,  have  described  the 
Territory  south  of  the  southern  Boundary  of  the  U.  S.  as  E.  & 
W.  Florida.  In  a  Memoir  respecting  Louisiana  drawn  up  by 
Chan  Livingston,  printed  in  the  French  language,  and  presented 
to  the  French  Govt.,  while  he  was  our  Minister  at  Paris,  he  ob- 
serves p.  16,  "  la  possession  de  la  Louisiane  est  neanmoins  tres- 
importante  pour  la  France,  si  elle  en  tire  le  seul  parti  que  la  saine 
politique  semble  lui  dieter.  Je  parle  de  la  Louisiane  propre, 
dans  laquelle  je  ne  comprends  point  les  Florides,  parceque  je 
pense  qu'  elles  ne  font  pas  partie  de  la  Cession."  * 

By  the  Treaty  of  1763  between  E.  F.  &  Sp.,  the  navigation  of 
the  River  Mississippi  from  its  source  to  the  ocean  was  declared 
common  to  England  and  France — by  the  Treaty  of  Peace  between 
England  &  the  U.  S.  the  navigation  of  the  River  Miss,  was  also 
declared  common  to  Eng.  &  the  U.  S. ;  but  as  by  the  Treaty  of 
1783,  between  England  &  Spain,  the  former  ceded  to  the  latter 
East  &  West  Florida,  France  having  before  ceded  Louisiana  to 
Spain,  She  became  mistress  of  both  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
asserted  a  Right  of  closing  its  mouth  against  the  American  navi- 
gation. It  is  needless  to  do  more  than  merely  to  recall  this  sub- 
ject, to  the  public  Recollections,  and  to  add  that  the  Treaty  of 
1783  between  the  U.  S.  and  Spain  removed  this  obstruction  & 
secured  to  the  U.  S.  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  to- 
gether with  a  Right  of  Deposit  at  New  Orleans  for  3  years,  and 
afterwards  either  there  or  elsewhere  on  the  Banks  of  the  Missis- 
sippi. 

At  the  Expiration  of  the  Term  of  Deposit  at  N.  O.,  new  diffi- 
culties arose  on  that  subject  &  negotiations  respecting  it  were 
confided  to  Mr.  C.  P.,  the  Amer.  Minister  at  Madrid.     While  the 

*  "  The  possession  of  Louisiana  is  nevertheless  very  important  to  France, 
if  she  pursues  respecting  it  the  only  course  which  a  wise  policy  appears  to  sug- 
gest to  her.  I  speak  of  Louisiana  proper,  in  which  I  do  not  comprehend  the 
Floridas,  because  I  think  they  make  no  part  of  the  Cession." 


564     LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

Point  remained  undetermined,  Sp.  ceded  back  to  Fr.  Louisiana, 
including  the  City  &  Island  of  N.  O  ;  and  Fr.  in  the  beginning 
of  1802  prepared  an  Expedition  to  take  possession  of  the  Country. 
Negotiations  were  now  transferred  from  Madrid  to  Paris,  and  Mr. 
Monroe  was  joined  to  Chancellor  Livingston  for  the  purpose  of 
purchasing  the  City  &  Island  of  N.  O.  This  venture  was  termi- 
nated by  the  cession  of  Louisiana  to  the  U.  S. ;  and  the  decision 
of  the  question  whether  any  part  of  the  Territory  ceded  by  France 
&  Spain  to  Eng.  by  the  Treaty  of  1763,  was  ceded  by  Fr.  to  the 
U.  S.  by  the  Convention  of  1802,  must  determine  the  validity  of 
our  claim  to  West  Florida,  and  the  justice  of  the  present  pro- 
ceedings to  occupy  that  Country  as  the  Property  of  the  U.  S. 

To  determine  this  Question,  we  must  refer  to  the  Act  of  cession 
from  Fr.  to  the  U.  S.  ;  which  again  refers  us,  not  to  the  Act  of 
Cession  of  Spain  to  France,  which  is  not  communicated  to  us, 
but  to  a  paragraph  of  that  Act  stated  to  be  dated  Oct.  1,  1800,  by 
which  Spain  retrocedes,  or  cedes  back  again  to  Fr.  Louisiana 
"  with  the  same  extent  that  it  then  had  in  the  hands  of  Spain,  and 
that  it  had  when  France  possessed  it,  and  such  as  it  should  be 
after  (pursuant)  the  Treaties  subsequently  entered  into  between 
Spain  and  other  States." 

The  description  of  Limits  is  a  triple  one,  and  in  order  to  give 
to  it  a  just  and  definite  interpretation,  the  several  parts  must  be 
reconciled  ;  for  it  is  wholly  inadmissible  that  the  members  of  the 
Description  of  Limits  are  irreconcilable,  or  in  other  words,  that 
the  extent  of  one  is  greater  than  that  of  another.  This  would  be 
to  assert  that  Louisiana  had  two  limits,  the  one  greater  than  the 
other,  which  would  be  absurd ;  as  it  would  be  to  assert  that  a 
Territory  may  be  greater  or  less  than  it  actually  is.  Three  points 
are  then  to  be  ascertained  and  reconciled. 

1.  What  were  the  Limits  of  Louisiana  in  the  hands  of  Spain  in 
Oct.  1800  ? 

2.  What  were  its  Limits  when  in  the  hands  of  France  ? 

3.  What  ought  to  be  its  limits  pursuant  to  Treaties  between 
Spain  and  other  States  after  it  became  her  Property  ? 

It  has  been  already  stated  that  before  the  year  1763  Louisiana 
comprehended  a  large  Territory  on  the  east  Bank  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, extending  from  its  mouth  to  the  Illinois  Country  inclusive 
&  belonged  to  Fr — by  that  Treaty,  this  part  of  Louisiana,  includ- 


APPENDIX.  565 


ing  the  Territory  of  W.  Florida,  was  separated  from  it  &  ceded 
by  Fr.  to  Eng. ;  contemporaneously  with  this  Cession,  Fr.  ceded 
Louisiana  including  the  City  &  Island  of  N.  O.  to  Spain  :  taking 
these  two  Acts  of  Cession  together— wh.  we  are  bound  by  the 
maxims  of  Construction  to  do,  both  having  relation  to  one  sub- 
ject, being  of  like  date  and  the  same  parties— it  is  manifest  that 
the  Eastern  Boundary  of  Louisiana  is  established  to  be  the  River  of 
the  Mississippi   from  its  source  to  the  Ocean.     Louisiana  thus 
denned  upon  its  Eastern  Boundary,  altho'  the  Act  of  its  Cession  to 
Spain  bears  the  date  of  Nov.  3,  1762,  remained  in  the  possession 
and  under  the  Govr.  of  France  almost  7  years  afterwards,  Count 
O'Reilley  not  having  arrived  until  July  1769.      At  this  epoch 
Louisiana  thus  bounded  upon  the  Mississippi  was  taken  posses- 
sion of  and  passed  under  the  Govt,  of  Spain— the  adjacent  Terri- 
tory to  the  East  thereof  being  at  that  time  in  the  possession  & 
under  the  Govt,  of  Eng.,  and  the  southern  part  thereof  having 
been  included  within  the  British  province  of  W.  Fl.     This  State 
of  possession  &  of  Names  continued  until  the  American  War,  in 
the  course  whereof  Spain  conquered   W.  Florida,  and  by  the 
Treaty  of  Peace  in  1783,  England  ceded  East  &  W.  Florida  to 
Spain,  the  Territory  to  the  Northward  thereof  and  adjacent  to  the 
Mississippi,  having  been  ceded  by  Eng.  to  the  U.  S. 

Spain  took  possession  of  East  &  W.  Florida  in  the  year 
and  instead  of  incorporating  them  or  any  part  of  either  of  them 
with  Louisiana,  placed  them  both  under  the  Havannah.  For  this 
Fact  we  refer  to  a  Document  in  the  possn.  of  our  Govt.— a  letter 
from  the  Spanish  Minr.  Cevallos  to  Messrs.  Monroe  &  Pinckney. 
This  Fact  is  moreover  acquired  from  other  sources  of  informa- 
tion, as  well  as  from  the  general  Notoriety  of  the  Measure.  If 
W.  Florida  has  at  no  time  since  its  cession  by  England  to  Spain 
been  reunited  to  Louisiana— as  must  be  the  fact,  inasmuch  as  it 
has  been  placed  under  a  difft.  Govt,  and  preserved  its  new  name 
—it  follows  that  at  the  date  of  its  retrocession  to  Fr.  Spain  pos- 
sessed it  with  the  same  Limits  which  it  had  when  she  first  acquired 
it— that  is  to  say,  with  the  Limits  assigned  to  it  by  the  Treaty  of 
I763_and  consequently  with  the  exclusion  of  W.  Florida. 

The  second  clause  furthermore  provides  that  the  Limits  of 
Louisiana  shall  also  be  the  same  as  it  had  when  possessed  by 
France.     Nov/  it  has  been  shown  that  Louisiana  while  in  the  pos- 


566      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

session  of  France  had  different  Limits  before  the  Treaty  of  1763 
— Louisiana  covered  both  Banks  of  the  Mississippi,  after  that 
Treaty  it  contained  nothing  except  the  City  Island  of  N.  O. 
upon  its  eastern  Bank.  France,  as  has  also  been  shown,  pos- 
sessed &  governed  Louisiana  after  as  well  as  before  the  cession 
of  the  East  Bank  to  England. 

As  no  particular  period  in  the  possession  of  France  is  named, 
according  to  the  Rules  of  Interpretation  in  such  cases,  that  time 
of  possession  must  be  adopted,  by  which  the  two  clauses  may  be 
reconciled.  Now  as  we  have  shown  that  the  Mississippi  formed 
the  Eastern  Limits  of  Louisiana  at  the  time  of  its  retrocession  by 
France  after  the  Treaty  of  1763,  it  accords  with  the  Rules  of 
sound  Construction  to  take  this  period  of  the  French  Possession 
as  that  referred  to  in  the  Act  of  Cession.  By  doing  so  we  recon- 
cile the  two  clauses  ;  whereas  by  adopting  a  Period  antecedent  to 
the  Treaty  of  1763,  when  both  Banks  of  the  Mississippi  were 
included  in  Louisiana,  we  not  only  render  the  two  clauses  incon- 
sistent, but  moreover  establish  a  construction  by  wh.  Spain  cedes 
to  Fr.  what  does  not  belong  to  her,  but  to  the  U.  S.  ;  for  the 
Kaskaskias  &  Kahokia,  with  the  Eastern  Bank  of  the  Miss,  from 
the  highest  of  these  Villages  to  the  southern  Boundary  of  the 
U.  S.  were  indisputably  within  the  Limits  of  Louisiana  before  the 
Treaty  of  1763 — and  as  indisputably  ceded  by  Fr.  to  England  & 
by  England  to  the  U.  S.  Such  a  construction  would  be  odious  ; 
since  we  are  not  at  liberty  to  suppose  that  one  Nation  can  grant 
what  belongs  to  another.  Furthermore  the  Treaty  cedes  with 
the  same  Limits  as  Louisiana  actually  had  in  the  hands  of  Spain, 
and  also  with  the  same  Limits  it  had  when  possessed  by  France  ; 
now,  if  the  Limits  are  to  be  in  both  cases  the  same,  one  cannot 
be  greater  than  the  other  ;  this  would  be  to  contend  that  equal 
quantities  could  be  unequal,  which  is  absurd. 

Having  given  what  we  have  seen  to  be  the  just  Construction  of 
the  1  &  2  clauses  of  this  article,  we  proceed  to  examine  the 
Import  of  the  3d  clause.  The  Limits  are  to  be  as  they  ought  to 
be  according  to  the  subseqt.  Treaties  between  Spain  &  other 
Powers,  France  possessed  Louisiana  till  1769 — the  subsequent 
Treaties  are  the  Treaties  of  1783  between  Sp.  and  England  and 
of  1795  between  Spain  &  the  U.  S.  By  the  Treaty  of  1785  Spain 
acquired  W  F.  :   to   be  as  they  ought  to  be  according  to  that 


APPENDIX.  567 


Treaty  W  F.  cannot  be  included.  By  the  Treaty  of  1795  tne 
W.  Limits  of  the  U  S.  are  fixed,  and  the  Northern  Boundary  of 
W.  Florida  :  to  be  as  they  ought  to  be  according  to  this  Treaty 
W.  Florida  is  in  like  manner  excluded,  both  Treaties  naming  and 
deciding  upon  W.  Florida  as  a  Territory  distinct  from  Louisiana. 
Then  as  the  Treaty  of  180 1  did  not  affect  the  Rights  of  the  U.  S. 
acquired  under  the  Treaty  of  1795,  in  like  manner  it  would  not 
affect  the  Rights  of  Spain  acquired  under  the  Treaty  of  1803. 


APPENDIX  VI. 

LOUISIANA. 

VALUE   OF  THE  ACQUISITION   &   EFFECT   ON  THE 
POLITICAL  UNION. 

Nations  are  not  always  sensible  of  those  changes  which  in  some 
sort  control  and  fix  their  destiny  :  indeed  these  consequences  are 
rarely  foreseen  or  understood,  for  so  limited  and  imperfect  is  the 
understanding  of  even  the  most  enlightened  men  that  it  is  not 
always  easy  for  them  to  distinguish  events  of  ordinary  import 
from  those  which  overrule  and  decide  the  character  and  fortunes 
of  States.  Notwithstanding  we  live  in  perilous  times,  and  are 
almost  indifft.  witnesses  of  the  most  extraordinary  &  important 
changes  in  human  affairs,  we  cannot  be  wholly  inattentive  to 
what  immediately  regards  our  own  immediate  interest.  Situation 
as  well  as  the  Policy  adopted  by  our  Govt,  clothe  with  indiffer- 
ence the  Politics  of  Europe,  but  we  all  possess  a  lively  regard  and 
vigilant  attention  to  what  concerns  our  own  country. 

We  have  recently  been  informed  from  the  seat  of  Govt,  that  a 
Treaty  has  been  concluded  with  France,  by  which  not  only  New- 
Orleans  but  all  Louisiana,  as  ceded  by  Spain  to  France,  has  been 
ceded  to  us.  This  information  is  of  greater  significance  than 
seems  to  be  commonly  imagined.  The  entire  and  exclusive 
control  over  the  navigation  of  the  Missi.  is  indispensable  to  our 
political  union  ;  a  treaty  which  secures  this  great  object  is  there- 
fore justly  regarded  with  favour.  It  is  proposed  to  examine  the 
merits  of    the  opposite  opinions,  which  have  been  entertained 


568      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

concerning  the  best  mode  of  attaining  this  End.  Neither  is  it  of 
importance,  in  respect  to  the  object  of  this  paper,  to  inquire 
whether  the  treaty  \vh.  has  been  concluded,  has  been  brought 
about  pursuant  to  the  preconceived  views  and  instruction  given  to 
the  negotiators,  nor  whether  it  may  not  have  been  owing  almost 
exclusively  to  a  state  of  things  which  could  not  have  been  fore- 
seen, and  which  is  altogether  foreign  and  independent  of  the 
views  of  our  own  Cabinet. 

Laying  these  inquiries  wholly  aside,  it  is  of  importance  to  look 
at  the  acquisition  we  have  made  and  to  consider  at  the  outset  its 
extent,  its  use,  and  its  probable  effect  upon  our  politi.  union. 

i  st.  The  newly  acquired  Territory,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Island  of  N.  O.,  is  wholly  on  the  west  side  of  the  Miss.  &  is 
bounded  southerly  by  the  Gulph  of  Mexico,  easterly  by  the  Miss, 
in  its  whole  length,  and  northerly  and  westwardly  by  unascer- 
tained lines,  separating  Louisiana  from  Canada  in  the  north  and 
the  Spanish  Territories  to  the  west. 

The  two  Floridas  bounded  northwardly  by  the  southern  line  of 
the  U.  S.  and  eastwardly  and  southwardly  by  the  Ocean,  and 
westwardly  by  the  Miss.  &  the  Lakes  Maurepas  &  Ponchar- 
train,  were  never  included  in  Louisiana,  were  not  ceded  with  it 
to  France  and  still  remain  Provinces  of  Spain.  As  we  have  now 
added  Louisiana  to  our  Territories,  the  Floridas  are  now  sur- 
rounded by  us  &  the  ocean  on  every  side.  The  Region  west  of 
the  Miss.,  which  has  been  claimed  as  within  Louisiana  is  prob- 
ably as  considerable  as  the  whole  of  the  U.  S.  and  is  reported  to 
be  superior  in  soil  &  climate  to  the  country  East  of  the  Miss. 

2nd.  The  object  we  desired  and  were  bound  to  acquire  in  order 
to  maintain  the  Union  of  our  Country,  was  the  control  over  the 
mouth  of  the  Miss.  ;  in  other  words,  we  wanted  the  Dominion  of 
N.  Orleans.  Without  this  the  people  living  on  our  Western 
waters  must  have  been  under  the  control  of  the  Masters  of  New 
Orleans,  and  to  avoid  greater  difficulties  might  have  been  obliged 
to  withdraw  from  our  Union  &  become  subjects  to  another 
Power.  If  New  Orleans  and  the  Floridas  had  been  acquired 
and  nothing  more,  this  object  would  have  been  attained  :  in- 
deed the  acquisition  of  N.  Orleans  wd.  have  been  sufficient,  for 
the  Floridas  would  have  soon  followed,  and,  without  trouble  or 
expense,  fallen  into  our  hands.     It  was  not  Territory  for  the 


APPENDIX.  569 


sake  of  Territory,  wh.  we  wanted  ;  New  Orleans  in  this  respect 
is  of  small  consequence,  but  as  the  Nation,  wh.  must  possess  the 
Domin.  over  the  trade  and  Navigation  of  the  Miss.,  its  ac- 
quisition by  us  was  indispensable.  At  a  future  day  the  Floridas, 
and  especially  W.  Florida  which  commands  the  mouths  of  sev- 
eral Rivers  ascending  far  within  the  limits  of  the  U.  S.,  wd.  have 
become  necessary  additions  to  our  Territory.  At  present  the 
acquisition  was  not  wanted,  and  before  it  wd.  be,  Events  will 
inevitably  occur  wh.  must  change  entirely  the  state  of  the  Amer- 
ican Continental  Colonies,  and  wh.  would  naturally  unite  the 
Floridas  to  our  Territories.  The  inference  from  this  remark  is 
that  New  Orleans  alone,  or  at  the  most  New  Orleans  and  the 
Floridas  were  all  we  required  to  give  us  the  control  over  the 
Trade  and  Navign.  of  the  Miss.  But  we  have  all  Louisiana  in 
addn.  What  is  the  value  or  advantage  of  this  acquisition,  to 
what  use  shall  we  apply  it,  may  it  not  prove  pernicious  instead  of 
beneficial  ? 

The  Region  is  extensive  and  possesses  properties  wh.  may  ren- 
der it  more  inviting  to  settlers  than  the  country  within  our  former 
limits.  Will  you  open  land  offices  &  sell  it  or  any  part  of  it,  will 
you  lay  it  out  in  new  States,  will  you  sell  only  to  yr.  own  Citi- 
zens, or  only  to  Foreigners,  or  indifferently  to  both,  will  you 
divide  the  Country  into  Departments,  and  appt.  indt.  Superin- 
tendents and  trading  houses,  will  you  place  Garrisons  there  to 
protect  the  settlements  wh.  have  been  made  since  the  time  of 
Louis,  the  XIV,  will  you  carry  on  indian  wars  with  tribes  whose 
names  and  numbers  you  are  yet  unacquainted,  will  you  in  this 
respect  do  what  neither  the  Conquerors  of  Mexico,  nor  their  Pos- 
terity have  yet  been  able  to  do,  reduce  to  submission  the  Sav- 
ages within  Louisiana,  who  for  more  than  two  Centuries  have 
maintained  a  war  with  the  Spaniards  ?  Or  will  you  by  law  pro- 
hibit the  migration  to  and  settlement  of  the  People  beyond  the 
Miss.  :  are  you  willing  to  do  so,  and  if  so,  will  you  (be)  able  to 
adhere  to  this  System  ?  Will  you  post  a  cordon  of  Troops  upon 
the  Bks.  of  the  River  with  orders  to  stop  emigration  and  to 
remove  the  settlers  who  shall  pass  ? 

It  is  true  that  the  Proprietors  of  new  Lands  in  every  part  of 
the  Union  may  be  in  favour  of  this  Prohibition,  as  the  opening 
of  new  and  better  Lands  West  of  the  Miss.,  and  in  the  vicinity 


570      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

of  the  Spanish  mines,  may  depreciate  the  Lands  which  wd.  other- 
wise be  sold  and  settled  within  the  U.  S. 

But  you  encourage  emigration,  and  invite  the  unhappy  of  other 
countries  to  fly  hither  for  repose.  Will  they  be  content  with 
these  prohibitory  laws,  operating  in  favor  of  the  few  ;  will  not 
these  be  joined  by  others  whose  voices  may  be  as  loud  as  those 
of  the  landholders,  &  will  not  the  spirit  of  speculation,  to  which 
neither  lands  nor  seas  afford  limits,  be  awakened  to  fix  itself 
upon  this  Western  region  ?  In  short  so  long  as  this  Region  be- 
longs to  us,  shall  we  not  be  engaged  in  a  perpetual  conflict  con- 
cerning its  defense  or  its  settlement  ? 

The  Territory  is  of  value  for  settlement  or  solitude,  or  we 
ought  not  to  possess  it.  Of  what  value  can  it  be  as  a  solitude  ? 
As  long  as  it  is  our  Territory  we  can  prevent  its  settlement,  if 
deemed  advisable  :  if  it  be  of  no  worth  to  settle,  it  is  an  affair 
of  importance  that  we  can  prevent  its  settlement  by  others.  If 
the  country  be  such  as  it  is  represented,  either  France  or  Eng- 
land might  plant  colonies  there  deriving  the  greater  part  of  the 
settlers  out  of  the  U.  S.  Our  population  would  not  only  be 
drawn  away  but  it  wd.  contribute  to  raise  up  a  dangerous  Rival 
on  our  Borders.  Two  remarks  may  be  made  by  way  of  reply  : 
first  no  European  Nation  will  long  maintain  a  Colony  on  the 
Continent  of  America ;  were  it  necessary  to  adduce  the  grounds 
of  this  assertion,  they  could  be  readily  exhibited. 

2nd.  Were  it  otherwise,  no  colony  can  be  planted  upon  the 
Waters  of  the  Miss.  wh.  wd.  not  be  controlled  by  the  Power 
commanding  the  mouth  of  the  River.  The  same  embarrassment 
wh.  we  lately  experienced  wd.  be  felt  by  any  such  colony  wh. 
would  bear  the  same  relation  to  the  Power,  which  should  be 
Master  of  N.  Orleans,  that  our  Western  states  wd.  have  borne 
towards  France  had  she  prosecuted  her  Louisiana  colony. 

The  result  is  that  little  or  no  danger  could  have  been  appre- 
hended from  the  colonization  of  Louisiana  by  any  for.  Power, 
the  U.  S.  being  Masters  of  New  Orleans,  and  consequently  that 
the  Dominion  of  the  Country,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  its 
settlement,  is  of  no  value. 

But  why  should  we  not  settle  the  country  ?  A  single  or  simple 
Govn.  can  exist  only  over  a  confined  Territory  ;  but  our  federal 
system   may  suit  extensive  and  remote  Regions.     The  experi- 


APPENDIX.  571 


ment  has  already  combined  distant  Territories  and  may  unite 
regions  still  more  distant ;  who  can  mark  the  limits  of  the  fed- 
eral system  ?  Or  say  it  may  not  be  carried  far  beyond  any 
notions  that  we  have  entertained  in  reference  to  political  associ- 
ations of  a  character  materially  different  ? 

This  Enquiry  opens  too  wide  a  range  for  present  discussion. 
Suffice  it  to  remark  that  Experience  alone  is  the  safe  guide  in 
human  affairs  and  wanting  that,  if  want  we  do,  prudence  should 
restrain  us  from  rash  experiments.  A  little  common  sense  and 
common  experience  will  be  our  best  monitors.  These  admonish 
us  that  we  have  already  a  sufficiently  extensive  Empire  ;  our 
new  settlements  have  been  created  out  of  the  Resources  of  the 
old,  as  well  as  protected  and  defended  by  their  power.  Perhaps 
we  have  seen  the  worst  of  Indian  wars  and  those  Burthens  un- 
avoidably incident  to  these  remote  and  detached  settlements — 
nurtured  by  the  old  States,  the  new  ones  begin  to  taste  the  bless- 
ings of  order  and  Govt.,  and  are  growing  willing,  as  well  as  able, 
to  contribute  to  their  support :  property  is  acquiring  a  fixed  and 
reasonable  value,  founded  upon  the  neutrality  of  supply  and 
demand.  But  if  in  this  promising  state  of  things  you  throw 
open  the  acquired  Territory  of  Louisiana,  and  thereby  invite  to 
its  settlement,  the  scene  is  changed  ;  new  lands  throughout  the 
U.  S.  will  become  of  little  value  ;  those  which  have  been  sold  to 
settlers  will  be  given  up  &  never  paid  for,  and  the  Purchasers 
will,  from  a  spirit  that  has  shewn  itself  from  the  earliest  settle- 
ment of  the  Country,  march  westward  in  pursuit  of  Regions 
better  than  those  they  leave  behind  or  pass  over.  Is  this  no 
injury  to  the  present  landholders,  will  this  work  no  change  in 
our  social  condition  ? 


APPENDIX  VII. 

CESSION   OF  LOUISIANA. 

THE  PRICE,   MERITS   OF  NEGOTIATING   MINISTERS,   AND 
POLICY   OF  PURCHASE. 

Certain  reflexions  are  suggested  by  the  temper  with  wh.  the 
Country  has  received  the  information  of  the  Cession  of  Louisiana 
to  the  U.  S.,  a  measure  that  in  no  point  of  view  in  which  it  may 
be   considered,    can   be   regarded    as    indifferent.     The    Public 


572      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

seems  to  have  stopped  short  of  the  most  import,  considn.  in 
relation  to  the  cession  and  to  have  employed  itself  with  inquiries 
respecting  the  Price  of  the  Cession,  the  respective  merits  of  the 
Ministers  employed  to  effect  it  and  the  Policy  of  the  Govt,  in 
resorting  to  negotiation  in  preference  to  another  course  that  was 
recommended.  These  points  tho'  of  secondary  consequence 
deserve  examination,  each  of  them  with  a  reference  to  the 
avowed  Principles  of  our  Executive.     Beginning  with  the  last, 

It  is  the  natural  result  of  a  plan,  having  regard  to  the  existing 
state  and  probable  course  of  affairs,  which  ought  to  decide  its 
merits.  The  interposition  of  a  cause,  wholly  unforseen,  which 
operates  favorably,  adds  no  merit  to  the  plan,  any  more  than 
the  like  cause  operating  unfavorably  wd.  detract  from  it.  The 
Peace  of  Europe  had  been  recently  concluded  when  Mr.  Mon- 
roe's mission  was  projected,  and  it  may  with  confidence  be 
asserted  that  no  expectation  was  entertained  either  here  or 
abroad,  that  it  wd.  be  so  soon  interrupted.  On  the  contrary  it 
is  known  that  the  whole  scope  of  the  Instructions  was  founded 
upon  the  presumed  continuance  of  Peace  in  Europe  and  the 
opinion  that  France  thus  at  peace,  our  Envoys  wd.  be  able  to 
affect  the  Relinquishment  of  the  Project  of  colonizing  Louisiana, 
and  the  cession  of  New  Orleans  and  the  Floridas  to  us. 

The  question  of  the  merits  of  the  Project  being  therefore  on 
this  point,  wd.  or  wd.  not  the  Envoys  have  obtained  the  Relin- 
quishment of  the  Expedition  and  the  cession  of  New  Orleans  & 
the  Floridas,  had  the  peace  between  Fr.  &  Eng.  continued  ;  in 
other  words,  would  the  Expedition  which  was  about  sailing  from 
Holland  to  Louisiana  have  remained  in  Port,  had  not  the  fear  of 
the  Eng.  fleet  kept  it  there. 

As  some  criterion  to  form  a  right  Judgment  on  this  point  we 
may  be  assured  that  the  mission  of  Mr.  Monroe  was  known  in 
France  several  months  before  his  arrival  there  ;  the  Despatches 
of  Mr.  Pynchon  have  seasonably  and  fully  apprised  his  Govt,  of 
its  object  as  well  as  of  the  means  by  which  it  was  expected  to  be 
attained  ;  that  reiterated  and  vigourous  remonstrances  agt.  the 
Expedition  were  made  by  our  Ambassador,  Mr.  Livingston,  be- 
fore Mr.  M.'s  arrival ;  that  the  memorials  and  memorialists  were 
alike  disregarded,  and  equally  so  in  any  former  missions  to 
France,  that  the  idea  of  selling  Louisiana  to  the  U.  S.  was  treated 


APPENDIX.  573 


with  ridicule  and  contempt  and  likened  to  what  was  termed  the 
base  conduct  of  Charles  the  2nd  who  sold  Dunkirk  to  France  ; 
that  the  Expedition  was  hurried  on,  Mr.  Livingston  was  plainly- 
told  that  it  wd.  proceed  and  that  in  regard  to  our  claims  of  a 
Deposit  at  N.  O.,  Bernadotte  wd.  be  immediately  despatched  as 
Envoy  to  Washington  ;  and  that,  as  soon  as  the  Prefect  of  Louis- 
iana and  the  Envoy  had  reached  their  posts,  made  the  requisite 
Enquiries  on  the  spot  respecting  our  claims,  and  sent  their  Re- 
port to  Paris,  an  answer  would  be  given  to  us  ;  and  until  the  war 
with  Engd.  became  inevitable  no  single  circumstance  occurred 
to  afford  the  slightest  ground  of  hope  that  France  would  listen 
for  a  moment  to  the  Proposal  of  our  Envoy. 

Upon  these  facts  all  impartial  men  must  perceive  that  had 
peace  continued,  the  mission  would  have  totally  failed,  and  that 
the  relinquishment  of  the  French  Expedition  to  Louisiana  and 
its  cession  to  us,  is  solely  to  be  ascribed  to  the  war  with  England. 

In  regard  to  the  respective  merits  of  the  Envoys,  in  negotiating 
and  signing  the  Treaty,  the  statement  already  made  seems  suffi- 
ciently to  point  out  the  influence  that  prevailed  with  France  to 
give  her  Consent ;  and  when  it  is  added  that  the  overture  to  cede 
Louisiana  came  from  France  and  not  from  our  Envoys,  it  can- 
not be  difficult  to  settle  the  partition  of  Praise  between  them. 
Yet  it  is  due  to  the  character  of  Mr.  L.,  whose  zeal  upon  this 
subject  had  prompted  him  to  use  unwearied  and  various  exer- 
tions to  convince  France  of  the  impolicy  of  the  Expedition  to 
Louisiana,  to  declare  that  their  business  was  so  far  settled  before 
Mr.  M.'s  arrival  at  Paris,  that  nothing  remained  for  him  to  do 
when  he  appeared  there,  but  to  give  his  consent  and  signature 
to  the  contract. 

As  to  the  price,  tho'  perhaps  this  also  is  open  to  fair  objections 
— and  to  very  strong  ones  on  the  avowed  principles  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive respecting  the  increase  of  the  public  Debt — it  must  be 
admitted  in  regard  to  the  Public  welfare  that  these  objections 
are  inferior  to  all  others  that  arise  in  the  examination  of  this 
important  transaction. 

If  France  was  compelled  by  the  war  with  Eng.  to  suspend  or 
relinquish  the  projected  Expedition,  this  circumstance  secured 
to  us  almost  every  advantage  we  could  desire  in  pressing  France 
and  Spain  to  consent  to  such  an  arrangement  respecting  New 


574     LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

Orleans  and  the  free  navigation  of  the  Miss.,  as  we  had  a  right 
to  demand. 

The  Debates  of  the  Br.  Parliament  upon  the  Treaty  of  Amiens 
had  shown  the  strong  aversion  of  Eng.  to  the  occupation  of 
Louisiana  by  France,  and  must  have  satisfied  both  France  and 
America  that,  unless  vanquished,  Eng.  wd.  not  consent  to 
Louisiana  being  colonized  by  her  Rival. 

So  far  as  Title  was  the  object,  we  already  had  it  by  the  Treaties 
with  G.  B.  &  Spain  ;  for  the  Right  of  Deposit  at  N.  O.,  obtained 
by  the  Span.  Treaty,  reserved  a  power  to  Spain  within  a  limited 
time  to  discontinue  this  Right  at  N,  O.,  assigning  an  equivalent 
Deposit  at  another  place,  yet  the  time,  within  which  this  change 
might  have  been  made,  elapsed  without  its  being  done,  and  in 
consequence  thereof  the  Right  of  Deposit  became  absolute  and 
unchangeable  ;  so  that  France  who  reed,  the  cession  from  Spain 
posterior  to  the  Treaty  with  us,  took  it  subject  to  our  Rights 
under  an  elder  treaty. 

So  far  then  as  respects  the  Right  of  Deposit  at  New  Orleans, 
and  the  navigation  of  the  Miss.,  the  case  stood  thus  :  we  had  as 
complete  a  title  to  the  enjoyment  of  these  Rights,  as  to  the  De- 
posit at  New  York  and  to  the  Navigation  of  the  Hudson  ;  but 
being  menaced  with  an  interruption  of  the  Right  of  Deposit,  we 
sent  a  mission  to  effect  a  removal  of  unjust  Impediments,  and 
the  question  of  how  much  or  how  little  money  ought  to  be  given 
upon  a  mere  mercenary  calculation — (laying  aside  wholly  the 
principle  of  honour,  the  only  one  worthy  of  being  consulted  in 
*  regard  to  the  invasion  of  an  important  natural  Right)  is  perhaps 
on  the  view  of  the  subject  we  have  taken  not  very  difficult  to  be 
determined,  as  it  is  believed  that  very  few  wd.  be  found  who 
under  the  known  &  favourable  circumstances  of  the  negotiation 
wd.  have  consented  to  a  larger  sum  than  Congress  deemed  suffi- 
cient when  those  Circumstances  were  unforseen. 

Whether  it  wd.  not  have  been  more  natural  as  well  as  econom- 
ical to  have  given  money  to  France  and  six  per  cent,  to  our  own 
citizens  whom  we  are  to  pay  what  France  owed  them  instead  of 
the  inversion  of  this  course,  can  admit  of  no  sort  of  doubt  :  that 
the  mode  which  has  been  preferred  is  both  bad  economy  and  in 
other  respects  injudicious  might  be  easily  demonstrated. 

The  observations  made  in  a  former  Paper  were  calculated  to 


APPENDIX.  575 


shew  that  the  Cession  of  Louisiana  (regarded  as  a  confirmation 
of  our  Right  to  navigate  the  Mississippi,  and  as  a  conveyance  of 
New  Orleans  in  Sovereignty  instead,  as  a  confirmation  of  our 
Right  to  use  it  as  a  free  Port)  ought  not  to  be  considered  as 
what  men  of  Business  call  a  good  Bargain  on  our  side  ;  that  the 
overture  to  sell  came  from  France,  when  by  reason  of  the  war 
which  had  become  inevitable,  she  was  obliged  to  relinquish  her 
plan  of  colonization,  and  consequently  that  the  respective  friends 
of  the  Envoys  have  no  room  to  contend  for  an  unequal  division 
of  credit  between  them  ;  and  that  the  cession  which  has  been 
made  so  far  from  conforming  the  Policy  of  the  Mission  to  France, 
may,  if  considered  in  reference  to  the  condn.  of  France  at  the 
date  of  the  Negotiation,  be  regarded  as  proof  of  the  Superior 
wisdom  of  those  who  recommended  a  different  course. 

Before  we  proceed  in  the  examination  of  the  Policy  of  our  ac- 
cepting the  Cession  of  Louisiana  it  may  be  proper  to  enquire 
whether  the  President's  views  and  Ins.  to  the  Envoys  were  direct- 
ed to  the  acquisition  of  the  country  beyond  the  Miss.,  or  whether 
the  proposal  to  annex  this  immense  Region  to  the  U.  S.  did  not 
for  obvious  or  concealed  reasons  originate  with  France.  Altho' 
we  have  not  seen  the  Instructions  to  the  Envoys,  nevertheless 
sufficient  has  elapsed  to  disclose  in  various  ways  whatever  may 
have  been  the  President's  private  sentiments  (of  which  we  profess 
to  be  ignorant)  that  the  Envoys  had  neither  Instructions  nor 
Power  to  ask  for  or  receive  an  acre  of  Land.* 


APPENDIX  VIII.  {to  Page  4.07.) 

HAMILTON'S   ESTATE. 
O.  Wolcott  to  R.  King,  Hartford. 

New  York,  July  12,  1804. 
My  Dear  Sir  : 

I  addressed  a  line  to  you  yesterday,  but  I  suppose  it  to  be  my 
duty  to  inform  you  that  our  friend  Hamilton  expired  to-day  about 
2  o'clock.  The  feelings  of  the  whole  community  are  agonized 
beyond  description  ;  for  the  first  time  Envy  is  silent ;  all  remem- 
ber with  gratitude  the  talents  and  services  of  the  deceased  Hero, 

*  This  ends  abruptly — The  Sequel  is  not  among  the  papers. — Ed. 


576      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

and  mourn  the  untimely  end  of   the  pride  and  ornament  of  our 
Country. 

Our  friend  fell  by  the  first  fire.  The  ball  passed  through  one 
side  and  lodged  in  or  near  the  spine.  He  was  brought  to  his 
friend  Mr.  Wm.  Bayard's  house  and  the  few  hours  of  life  and 
reason  which  remained  were  chiefly  spent  in  religious  Exercises. 

Present  my  condolence  to  Judge  Benson  and  rest  assured  of 
the  high  esteem  and  attachment  of  Dr.  Sir 

Your  faithful 

O.  W.  Wolcott. 

O.  Wolcott   to  R.   King,  Boston. 

New  York,  Aug.  14,  1804. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  inclose  a  memorandum  of  the  subscription  here  :  no  person 
has  been  solicited  and  many  persons  who  will  doubtless  subscribe 
are  out  of  town.  I  have  heard  it  said  by  those  who  know  the 
opinion  of  the  city  that  about  $30,000  may  be  expected. 

A  diversity  of  opinion  exists  in  Phila.  respecting  the  course 
proper  to  be  pursued.  Mr.  Lewis,  Mr.  Rawle,  Mr.  Tilghman,  Mr. 
Wain,  and  Mr.  Girard  are  a  committee  of  a  select  number  of  gen- 
tlemen to  consider  and  recommend  what  they  ought  to  do.  I 
know  nothing  of  the  nature  of  their  difficulties.  From  Baltimore 
nothing  of  consequence  is  to  be  expected. 

This  is  certain  that  it  will  require  considerable  management  to 
render  Genl.  Hamilton's  Estate  Solvent.  Genl.  Schuyler  can 
doubtless  borrow  money,  but  of  what  advantage  would  it  be  to 
increase  a  mass  of  unproductive  property  and  diminish  the  sources 
of  immediate  income  ?  But  it  is  unnecessary  to  reason  on  a 
question  of  this  nature.  Those  who  are  to  consider  it  are  good 
judges  of  what  is  proper. 

I  shall  leave  this  place  in  a  few  days  for  Connecticut  to  attend 
upon  Mrs.  W.  whose  health  is  feeble.  If  you  have  occasion  to 
write  on  this  subject,  a  letter  to  Mr.  Gracie  or  Genl.  Clarkson  will 
be  immediately  attended  to. 

With  high  esteem  &c, 

O.  W.  Wolcott. 

In  a  postscript,  Mr.  Wolcott  sends  a  list  of  the  subscribers  all 
well  known  New  Yorkers,  with  the  amount  each   contributed — 


APPENDIX.  577 


There  are  eight  for  $1000,  each,  among  whom  is  Mr.  King,  one 
for  $750,  eleven  for  $500  each,  a  number  for  smaller  sums, 
amounting  in  all  to  $16,100. — These  names  are  all  of  leading  citi- 
zens and  friends  of  Genl.  Hamilton. 


O.  Wolcott  to  R.  King. 

New  York,  Aug.  14,  1804. 
Dear  Sir  : 

I  wrote  you  yesterday,  but  having  since  had  an  interview  with 
Genl.  Clarkson  and  Mr.  Gracie,  I  am  able  to  state  further  par- 
ticulars. Genl.  Schuyler's  property  has  probably  been  overrated. 
It  is  certain  he  owes  money  and  has  no  funds  at  command.  Every 
vestige  of  our  friend's  earnings  will  vanish  unless  the  proposed 
contribution  is  successful.  The  country  seat  is  secured  for  the 
indemnity  of  the  endorsers  of  discounted  paper,  which  amounts 
to  $20,000.  Mrs.  Hamilton's  attachment  to  this  country  seat  you 
well  know.  The  necessity  of  selling  it  would  excessively  distress 
her.  I  am  now  assured  that  the  suggestions  which  some  persons 
have  made  that  the  family  would  be  offended  are  utterly  without 
foundation  :  that  on  the  contrary  they  will  consider  pecuniary 
assistance  under  their  present  circumstances  as  in  justice  they 
ought,  merely  as  a  manifestation  of  the  gratitude  and  respect  of 
the  contributors  to  the  character  of  the  Deed. 

Alexander,  son  of  the  Genl.  was  graduated  the  first  of  this 
month.  He  was  destined  by  his  father  for  a  merchant.  On  many 
accounts  it  will  be  best  that  he  receive  his  education  for  this  pro- 
fession out  of  the  city.  I  pray  you  to  inquire  whether  a  respecta- 
ble place  can  be  obtained  for  him  in  Boston.  He  is  now  about 
18  years  of  age.  I  make  this  request  on  the  suggestion  of  the 
family. 

With  highest  esteem  &c, 

O.  W.  Wolcott. 


APPENDIX  IX.  TO  P.  485. 

MIRANDA  AND  THE  SAILING  OF  THE  LEANDER. 

There  is  among  Mr.  King's  papers  an  account  of  his  relations 
with  Miranda,  in  reference  to  his  plans  and  conduct  in  arranging 
for  and  carrying  out  his  Expedition,  which   as  is  well  known 

VOL.    IV. — 37 


578      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE  OF  RUFUS  KING. 

sailed  from  New  York,  and  for  many  reasons,  (one  of  the  chief 
of  which  was  Miranda's  unfitness  to  command  such  a  venture) 
failed  and  was  disastrously  broken  up.  There  was  published  in 
Boston,  (a  second  edition  in  1810),  an  account  of  the  Expedition 
in  a  series  of  letters,  written  by  a  member  of  the  expedition,  de- 
tailing the  daily  events,  the  causes  of  failure  and  the  capture  of 
most  of  those  engaged  in  it.     Mr.  King's  account  is  as  follows  : 

General  Miranda  arrived  at  New  York  from  England  Nov.  9th 
1805,  and  the  next  day  called  on  Mr.  King,  whom  he  had  known 
in  London,  and  delivered  to  him  a  letter  from  a  respectable  Eng- 
lish gentleman  dated  Aug.  14,  1805,  of  which  the  following  are 
extracts.* 

The  General's  communications  to  Mr.  King  corresponded  with 
the  tenour  of  the  foregoing  extracts  ;  and  he  further  stated  that 
the  Province  of  Caraccas,  his  native  country,  was  suffering  be- 
neath the  most  oppressive  tyranny,  that  the  Inhabitants,  were 
generally  disaffected,  that  they  were  ready  to  throw  off  the  Span- 
ish Government  and  invited  him  to  return  and  co-operate  with 
them  in  asserting  their  liberty  and  independence,  and  that  he  had 
come  to  the  U.  S.  to  obtain  the  requisite  succours  to  enable  him 
to  effect  the  Revolution. 

Mr.  King  told  Gen.  Miranda  that  private  persons,  whatever 
might  be  their  sentiments  concerning  the  enterprize  in  which  he 
was  engaged,  could  not  with  safety  afford  him  the  assistance  he 
wanted,  as  the  U.  S.  was  at  peace  with  Spain,  and  the  laws  pro- 
hibited the  setting  on  foot  of  an  Expedition  of  this  nature,  and 
recommended  to  him  without  delay  to  proceed  to  Washington 
and  lay  open  his  views  to  the  Government. 

At  a  future  interview  General  Miranda  informed  Mr.  King  that 
he  had  disclosed  his  object  to  Commodore  Lewis  and  Col.  Smith 
who  had  made  him  acquainted  with  Mr.  S.  G.  Ogden  ;  that  Og- 
den  and  Lewis  owned  two  or  three  stout  armed  ships,  that  they 
entertained  sentiments  favourable  to  his  purpose,  that  if  he  had 
friends  he  could  soon  procure  the  men  ancl  arms  he  wanted,  and 
with  this  succour  that  he  should  command  a  force  superior  to 
that  which  Dion  possessed  when,  with  Plato's  approbation  he  re- 
turned to  Syracuse,  his  native  City,  and  overthrew  the  Tyrants. 
Mr.  King  repeated  to  Gen.  Miranda  that  he  ought  to  consult  the 

*  These  are  omitted  as  they  are  from  Mr.  Vansittart's  letter. 


APPENDIX.  579 


Government  before  he  attempted  anything  ;  that  however  true 
it  was,  that  all  Greece  applauded  the  enterprize  of  Dion,  and  its 
wisest  citizens  assisted  or  accompanied  him,  neither  men,  nor 
States,  nor  the  discipline  and  devotedness  of  Freedom  were  the 
same  now  as  then  ;  that  we  possessed  as  little  of  the  purity  of 
ancient  Patriotism  as  of  its  invincible  courage  aud  tho'  there  was 
a  time  when  it  might  have  been  both  safe  and  honourable  to 
have  erred  with  Plato,  those  days  were  gone,  and  a  mere  regard 
to  personal  safety  with  the  coldest  and  lowest  calculations  of 
prudence  had  become  virtues  of  higher  rank  than  those  which 
once  animated  the  Sages  of  antiquity. 

General  Miranda  afterwards  informed  Mr.  King  that  he  had 
concluded  to  go  to  Washington  and  to  lay  open  his  intentions  to 
Government,  and  asked  Mr.  King  to  give  him  a  letter  of  intro- 
duction to  the  Secretary  of  State,  which  was  declined. 

General  Miranda  having  determined  to  ask  the  countenance 
and  succour  of  Government,  with  the  view  of  apprizing  the  Pres- 
ident of  the  General's  actual  situation,  as  well  as  of  the  purpose 
for  which  he  came  to  the  U.  S.,  Mr.  King  transmitted  to  the  Sec- 
retary of  State  for  the  President's  perusal,  the  original  letter  that 
he  had  from  England  disclosing  Miranda's  views.  Mr.  King's 
letter  was  dated  Nov.  26,  1805,  the  Secretary  of  State's  letter 
returning  the  enclosure  after  the  same  had  been  perused  by  the 
President  was  dated  Dec.  4,  1805. 

General  Miranda  left  N.  Y.  for  Washington  Nov.  28,  arrived 
there  Dec.  6,  left  it  Dec.  20,  and  returned  to  N.  Y.  Dec.  23,  1805. 
He  informed  Mr.  King  that,  immediately  after  his  arrival  at 
Washington,  he  visited  the  President ;  after  which  he  visited  the 
Secy,  of  State,  and  left  his  address  with  a  letter  of  introduction 
from  Dr.  Rush  of  Philadelphia  ;  that  at  the  interview  which  fol- 
lowed he  informed  the  Secy,  of  State  that  he  had  desired  to 
make  an  important  and  confidential  communication  to  the  Gov- 
ernment as  soon  as  the  President  should  permit  it  to  be  received  ; 
that  at  a  future  interview  the  Secy,  of  State  informed  him  that 
having  consulted  the  President  he  had  been  authorized  to  receive 
his  communications ;  that  General  Miranda  then  opened  to  the 
Secretary  of  State  his  object  in  coming  to  the  U.  S.,  exposed  the 
condition  of  the  Province  of  Caraccas,  the  general  discontent  of 
its  Inhabitants  and  the  ease  with  which  it  might  become  indepen- 


580     LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

dent,  and  concluded  by  asking  the  countenance  and  succour  of 
the  Government.  The  manner  and  tenour  of  the  observations 
made  by  the  Secretary  of  State  on  this  occasion  were  considered 
by  M.  as  encouraging  and  satisfactory. 

That  at  a  subsequent  interview  the  Secretary  of  State,  who" 
seemed  more  reserved  than  before,  informed  Gen.  Miranda  that 
he  had  communicated  to  the  President  what  had  passed  in  their 
preceding  conference,  that  the  President's  sentiments  could  not 
be  doubted,  but  that  Government  could  afford  neither  sanction 
nor  succour  to  the  enterprize  in  which  he  was  engaged. 

General  Miranda  remarked  that  without  the  countenance  of 
Government  individuals  might  be  unwilling  to  assist  him  ;  the 
Secretary  replied  that  the  U.  S.  was  a  free  country,  where  every 
one  may  do  what  the  laws  do  not  forbid.  Genl.  Miranda  ob- 
served that  the  Bill  then  depending,  prohibiting  the  exportation 
of  arms  and  ammunition,  might  impede  his  measures.  The 
Secretary  answered  that  the  Bill  might  not  become  a  Law. 

General  Miranda  said  he  had  conferred  with  certain  persons  in 
New  York  respecting  his  views  and  if  Government  would  pri- 
vately make  him  a  small  advance,  he  might  with  their  assistance 
find  the  supplies  he  wanted.  The  Secretary  replied  that  the 
merchants  would  advance  money  whenever  they  became  satisfied 
that  they  had  an  interest  in  doing  so,  and  enquired  what  supplies 
he  might  want,  and  who  were  the  Persons  with  whom  he  had 
conferred.  General  Miranda  answered  that  he  wanted  a  few 
officers,  a  small  number  of  privates,  together  with  a  quantity  of 
arms  and  ammunition,  and  that  he  had  conferred  with  Commo- 
dore Lewis,  Col.  Smith  and  Mr.  S.  G.  Ogden.  The  Secretary 
expressed  himself  favourably  concerning  the  fitness  of  these  per- 
sons for  the  Expedition,  adding  in  reference  to  Lewis  and  Ogden, 
that  it  would  be  better  than  the  St.  Domingo  trade,  and  that  Col. 
Smith  was  more  qualified  for  military  service  than  for  the  Cus- 
tom House,  f  General  Miranda  said  that  Col.  Smith  would  go 
with  him,  if  he  could  have  leave  of  absence,  which  he  regarded 
should  be  granted  under  the  pretext  of  having  business  at  New 
Orleans.  The  Secretary  replied  that  such  permissions  were  un- 
usual— and  the  conference  ended  with  an  intimation  on  the  part 
of  the  Secretary  of  State  that  whatever  might  be  done  should  be 
f  He  was  an  officer  in  that  at  New  York. 


APPENDIX,  581 


discreetly  done  and  with  the  understanding  on  the  part  of  Mir- 
anda, that  altho'  the  Government  would  not  sanction,  it  would 
wink  at  the  Expedition. 

Miranda  remained  at  Washington  14  days,  dined  twice  with 
the  President ;  the  second  time  being  after  the  Secretary  of  State 
had  laid  before  the  President  the  communication  received  from 
Gen.  Miranda.  He  also  dined  with  the  Secretary  of  State  the 
day  before  he  left  Washington — having  waited  there  two  days  to 
attend  the  dinner. 

As  soon  as  General  Miranda  returned  to  N.  York,  he  settled 
his  plan  with  Commodore  Lewis,  Mr.  Ogden  and  Col.  Smith. 
Commodore  Lewis  sailed  soon  after  for  St.  Domingo,  with  two 
armed  ships,  the  Emperor  and  the  Indostan,  with  instructions 
from  Miranda  to  engage  the  mulatto  Chief  Petion  together  with 
a  corps  of  persons  of  colour  to  co-operate  in  effecting  the  Revo- 
lution of  the  Province  of  Caraccas.  General  Miranda,  his  asso- 
ciates American  Officers  and  Privates,  together  with  a  supply  of 
arms  and  ammunition  followed  in  the  ship  Leander  commanded 
by  Captain  Lewis,  brother  of  the  Commodore. 

After  Miranda's  return  from  Washington,  he  stated  to  Mr. 
King  his  apprehensions  that  he  should  be  embarrassed  from  the 
want  of  funds,  and  requested  that  Mr.  King,  thro'  his  friends, 
would  endeavour  to  effect  a  loan  for  him,  which  in  addition  to 
other  means  might  be  sufficient  to  carry  his  preparations  to  a 
pitch  that  would  render  his  success  infallible. 

Mr.  King  explained  to  Miranda,  in  declining  his  request,  the 
reasons  why  it  would  be  unfit  and  inexpedient  in  him  to  take  any 
part  in,  or  in  any  way  promote  the  enterprize  in  which  he  was 
engaged.  Mr.  King  did  not  however  hide  from  General  Miranda 
the  cordial  interest  that  he  had  long  cherished  in  favour  of  the 
Emancipation  of  South  America,  nor  did  he  conceal  the  hope  he 
entertained  and  which  arose  out  of  the  posture  of  public  affairs, 
and  his  opinion  respecting  the  true  political  and  commercial  sys- 
tem of  this  Country,  as  Spain  had  given  to  the  U.  S.  just,  cause 
of  war,  that  the  power  and  resources  of  the  nation  would  be  em- 
ployed in  breaking  asunder  the  weak  and  degrading  chains  which 
for  more  than  three  centuries  had  bound  the  new  world  to  the  old. 
Of  funds  without  which  he  could  not  proceed,  Miranda  re- 
marked, that  his  chief  and  best  property  consisted  of  the  exten- 


582      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

sive  and  valuable  Library  with  which  Mr.  King  was  acquainted, 
and  that  he  would  try  to  raise  money  upon  it.  If  he  succeeded 
in  the  Enterprize  to  which  he  had  devoted  himself,  he  should  be 
able  to  redeem  this  Library  ;  if  he  failed  he  should  not  want  it  ; 
he  added  that  on  this  principle,  he  would  draw  Bills  for  ^.2000. 
Sterg.  on  persons  in  London,  whom  he  named,  and  in  whose 
care  he  left  his  Library  and  other  effects,  and  requested  Mr. 
King  to  express  his  opinion  of  the  value  of  the  Library  to  any 
person  who  might  call  upon  him  to  ask  it.  Soon  after  Mr. 
Daniel  Ludlow  called  on  Mr.  King  and  enquired  of  him  respecting 
Miranda's  property  in  England,  Mr.  King  answered  that  he  knew 
of  no  property  belonging  to  him,  except  a  valuable  Library  that 
he  possessed  when  Mr.  King  left  England.  Mr.  Ludlow  asked 
Mr.  King  if  this  Library  was  worth  ^2000.  Sterling  ;  Mr.  King 
answered  that  in  his  opinion  it  was  worth  that  sum  and  more. 
Mr  Ludlow  asked  Mr.  King  if  he  knew  the  persons  whose  names 
he  mentioned  on  whom  Miranda  had  drawn  for  ^2000.  Ster.  Mr. 
King  answered  in  the  affirmative,  and  that  they  were  friends  of 
Miranda.  Mr.  Ludlow  then  asked  Mr.  King  if  he  would  purchase 
Miranda's  Bills  were  he  in  want  of  Bills  on  London  ?  Mr.  King 
replied  that  were  he  in  want  of  Bills  he  should  not  trust  his  own 
judgment  but  consult  with  Mr.  Ludlow  or  some  other  merchant 
respecting  such  as  might  be  offered  to  him. 

Mr.  King  afterwards  understood  from  General  Miranda  that 
Mr.  Ludlow  had  purchased  the  Bills,  and  that  the  General  had 
pledged  the  Library  to  the  Drawers  as  a  security  for  the  repay- 
ment of  the  money. 

About  this  time,  or  earlier,  Miranda  told  Mr.  King  that  he  was 
sending  an  agent  to  Boston  for  the  purpose  of  raising  money  and 
asked  him  to  furnish  the  agent  with  a  letter  of  introduction  to 
one  of  his  friends  in  Boston  ;  this  was  declined,  and  Mr.  King 
afterwards  understood  from  Miranda  that  the  mission  proved 
ineffectual. 

General  Miranda  informed  Mr.  King  that  in  addition  to  the 
^2000.  drawn  on  the  security  of  his  Library,  he  had  drawn  on  a 
Banker  in  London  for  what  he  had  not  expended  of  a  letter  of 
credit  for  ^800.  Sterling  which  he  brought  from  England,  and 
also  for  two  or  three  thousand  pounds  sterling  upon  a  person  in 
Trinidad,  whose  name  was  mentioned  but  not  recollected. 


APPENDIX.  583 

On  the  23d  of  January  General  Miranda  called  on  Mr.  King 
and  showed  him  two  letters  which  he  had  written  and  which  he 
said  he  should  send  by  the  mail  to  the  President  and  Secretary 
of  State,  both  dated  January  22,  1806,  and  added  that  he  would 
as  he  afterwards  did  give  to  Mr.  King  copies  of  these  letters. 
The  Leander  left  the  Hook  Feb.  2,  1806. 

The  following  are  copies  of  the  letters  from  General  Miranda 
to  the  President  and  Secretary  of  State.* 

Translation — Copy — Private — 
Fran,  de  Miranda^to  the  Hon.  James  Madison,  Esq.  &c.  &c. 

New  York,  January  22,  1806. 
Sir  : 

On  the  point  of  leaving  the  U.  S.,  allow  me  to  address  a  few 
words  to  you,  to  thank  you  for  the  attentions  that  you  were  pleased 
to  show  me  during  my  stay  at  Washington. 

The  important  concerns,  which  I  then  had  the  honour  to  com- 
municate to  you,  I  doubt  not  will  remain  a  profound  secret  until 
the  final  result  of  that  delicate  affair. 

I  have  acted  upon  this  supposition  here,  by  conforming  in 
everything  to  the  intentions  of  the  Government,  which  I  hope  to 
have  apprehended  and  observed  with  exactness  and  discretion. 
The  enclosed  letter  contains  a  book  which  I  have  promised  to 
the  President  of  the  U.  S.,  and  which  I  pray  you  to  transmit  to 
him. 

Have  the  goodness  to  present  my  respectful  compliments  to 
Mrs.  Madison  and  to  believe  me  with  high  consideration  and 
esteem,  Sir,  Yr.  very  humb.  &  ob.  Servt. 

Fran.  de.  Miranda. 


Translation — Copy. 

Miranda   to   T.    Jefferson    Esq.,  President  of  the  U.  S. 

New  York,  January  22,  1806. 
Mr.  President  : 

I  have  the  honour  to  send  you  with  this  "  La  Storia  naturale  e 

civile  del  Chile,"  of  which  we  conversed  at  Washington.     You 

*  These  letters  are  in  French,  which  with  the  translations  into  English,  are 
in  this  manuscript.  But  as  the  translations  express  faithfully  the  originals,  they 
only  are  here  given,  for  want  of  space — Ed. 


584      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

will  perhaps  find  more  interesting  facts  and  greater  knowledge  in 
this  little  volume  than  in  those  which  have  been  before  published 
on  the  same  subject  concerning  this  beautiful  Country. 

If  the  happy  prediction  which  you  pronounced  on  the  future 
destiny  of  our  dear  Colombia  is  to  be  accomplished  in  our  day, 
may  Providence  grant  that  it  may  be  under  your  auspices  and 
by  the  generous  efforts  of  her  own  children.  We  shall  then,  in 
some  sort  behold  the  revival  of  that  age,  the  return  of  which  the 
Roman  Bard  invoked  in  favour  of  the  Human  Race  : 

"  The  last  great  age  foretold  by  sacred  rhymes 
Renews  its  finished  course  ;  Saturnian  times 
Roll  round  again,  and  mighty  years,  begun 
From  this  first  orb,  in  radiant  circles  run." 

Dryden.* 

With  the  highest  consideration  and  profound  respect, 

I  am,  Mr.  President,  yr.  very  humb.  &  very  ob.  servt, 
(signed)  Fran.  de.  Miranda. 


On  the  3rd  of  March,  1806,  Mr.  King  received  the  following 
note  from  the  District  Judge — viz.  :  The  District  Court,  which 
is  at  present  sitting  at  No.  14  Dey  Street  would  wish  to  see  Mr. 
King  as  a  Witness  in  some  important  business  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible— Monday  3rd  March. 

Mr.  King  immediately  attended,  and  being  informed  by  the 
District  Attorney  that  the  enquiry  related  to  the  Destination  of 
the  Ship  Leander  and  the  views  of  General  Miranda,  was  asked 
if  he  knew  the  General  ?  Mr.  King  asked  if  any  prosecution 
existed  against  General  Miranda  ;  the  Judge  replied  none  at 
present,  but  that  facts  might  be  disclosed  that  would  originate 
one.  Mr.  King  observed  that  he  should  think  himself  bound  to 
answer  such  questions  as  the  Court  might  think  proper  to  pro- 
pound, but  that  he  knew  nothing  concerning  the  Leander,  or 
General  Miranda's  views,  except  what  the  General  had  confi- 
dentially communicated  to  him,  and  which  he  could  not  there- 
fore disclose,  unless  in  obedience  to  the  injunction  of  the  Court. 
The  Judge  replied  that  the  Court  would  expect  answers  to  the 
questions  it  might  ask. 

*  Quoted  in  Latin  from  Virg.  Eclog.  1 1 . 


APPENDIX.  585 


The  Attorney  General  then  repeated  the  question,  whether 
Mr.  King  knew  General  Miranda  ?  Mr.  King,  being  first  sworn, 
answered  that  he  had  known  the  General  many  years,  and  for 
several  during  his  residence  in  England.  Is  Miranda  a  native 
of  Caraccas  ?  Mr.  King  answered  that  he  had  understood  so 
from  him.  When  did  Miranda  arrive  at  New  York  ?  In  Novem- 
ber last.  Did  he  disclose  to  Mr.  King  the  object  of  his  coming 
to  the  U.  S.  ?  He  did.  What  was  his  object  ?  He  represented 
to  Mr.  King,  that  his  native  Country  was  oppressed  by  the  Span- 
ish Government  and  was  in  a  condition  and  ready  to  throw  off 
the  yoke  ;  that  he  had  been  invited  by  his  countrymen  to  return 
and  join  them  in  effecting  the  Revolution  ;  and,  to  comply  with 
the  invitation,  he  wanted  a  few  Officers,  a  small  number  of  pri- 
vates and  a  quantity  of  arms  and  ammunition.  Mr.  King  told 
General  Miranda  that  individuals  could  not  with  safety  furnish 
these  supplies,  and  recommended  him  to  go  to  Washington  and 
make  a  full  disclosure  of  his  business  to  the  Government. 

Did  Miranda  go  to  Washington  ?  He  informed  Mr.  King  that 
he  did.  When  did  he  leave  New  York  for  Washington  ?  Towards 
the  end  of  November.  Did  he  disclose  his  business  to  Govern- 
ment ?  He  told  Mr.  King  he  had.  What  answer  did  he  receive 
from  Government  ?  That  Government  did  not  sanction  the  En- 
terprize,  but  that  it  would  assist  at  Miranda's  procuring  the  supplies 
from  individuals,  provided  the  same  was  done  discreetly.  Did 
Miranda  declare  who  were  his  associates  ?  He  did.  Who  were 
they  ?  Commodore  Lewis  and  his  brother,  Mr.  L.  G.  Ogden 
and  Col.  Smith  ;  he  added  that  he  had  mentioned  those  names 
to  Government,  which  thought  them  suitable  persons  for  the 
business.  What  quantity  of  arms  and  how  many  men  are  on 
board  the  Leander  ?  Mr.  King  answered  that  he  did  not  know. 
Did  Miranda  mention  the  destination  of  the  Leander  ?  He  did. 
What  was  her  destination  ?  A  port  in  St.  Domingo  and  from 
thence  to  the  Coast  of  Caraccas.  Did  he  mention  the  purpose 
of  his  going  to  Caraccas  ?  He  did.  What  was  it  ?  To  co-oper- 
ate with  his  countrymen  in  accomplishing  a  Revolution.  Did 
you  understand  that  force  would  be  used  against  the  existing 
Government  ?     Most  certainly,  if  necessary  to  overturn  it. 

The  interrogatories  being  finished,  Mr.  King  requested  that 
they  might  be  read  over  together  with  his  answers  that  the  latter 


586     LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

might  be  corrected  if  misconceived  or  erroneously  expressed. 
This  being  done,  instead  of  the  answer  given  by  Mr.  King  to  the 
Question,  "  What  answer  did  he  receive  from  the  Government  ? " 
the  judge  omitted  the  latter  clause  and  varied  the  form  so  as  to 
read  "the  Government  repelled  the  overture."  Mr.  King  pointed 
out  the  variance  and  desired  the  answer  might  be  set  down  as  he 
delivered  it.  The  Attorney  General  observed  that  as  Mr.  King's 
testimony  was  material  only  in  respect  to  the  destination  of  the 
Leander,  he  doubted  whether  it  would  be  necessary  to  take  his 
deposition,  as  he  would  be  recognized  to  give  his  testimony  in 
Court.  The  Judge  assenting,  Mr.  King  was  recognized  and  the 
paper  containing  his  examination  was  thrown  into  the  fire. 
March  5,  1806. 

APPENDIX  X. 

REVIEW    OF    THE    FOREIGN     RELATIONS    OF    THE    UNITED 

STATES. 

Among  the  papers  of  Mr.  King,  the  following  interesting 
review  of  the  foreign  relations  of  the  United  States  will  give 
his  opinions  on  many  of  the  questions  which  were  engaging 
the  attention  of  the  Government,  and  in  the  proper  solution 
of  which  he  differed  from  the  Administration.  Though  the 
paper  begins  abruptly  with  a  discussion  of  certain  articles 
of  a  proposed  treaty,  it  gives  a  well-considered  view  of 
their  effect  upon  maritime  law,  and  consequently  upon 
our  commercial  relations,  and  therefore  it  is  here  pub- 
lished as  evincing  the  interest  he  took  in  public  affairs,  al- 
though he  was  not  in  public  life.  When  it  was  written,  and 
probably  published  by  him  is  uncertain,  but  it  may  have 
been  subsequent  to  the  date  of  his  letter  to  Mr.  Pickering 
on  p.  506  of  this  volume,  in  which  he  says :  "  I  have  it  in 
contemplation,  after  the  close  of  your  Session  to  make  a 
review  of  our  foreign  relations." 

The  14th  article  provides  that  free  bottoms  make  free  goods. 
Every  man  who  remembers  the  humiliated  situation  of  our 
Country  in  the  years  1794  and  1795,  will  recollect  the  fervour 


APPENDIX.  587 


with  which  that  regulation  was  asserted  and  contended  for,  as 
one  of  the  most  important  provisions  of  what  was  called  the 
Modern  Law  of  Nations.  England  was  decried  because  she 
would  not  admit,  France  applauded  for  supporting,  it.  But  how 
far  she  has  conformed  her  conduct  to  this  Rule,  appears  in  the 
long  list  of  captures  before  us.  We  omit  the  Catalogue  and  cite 
only  the  case  of  the  Ship  Two  Friends,  McNiel,  Master  :  a  regu- 
lar trader  between  London  and  South  Carolina,  taken  with  a 
most  valuable  cargo,  by  the  French  Privateers,  which  blockade 
the  harbour  of  Charleston.  The  assertion  that  she  had  not  a 
certificate  from  the  American  Consul  in  London  to  prove  the 
cargo  neutral  property  is  a  frivolous  pretext,  circulated  by  the 
corrupt  instruments  of  our  Administration,  and  from  the  same 
motives,  which  led  to  the  base  but  unsuccessful  attempt  in  the 
to  persuade  the  public  that  the  Two  Friends  is  a  British 
and  not  an  American  ship.  No  such  certificate  was  necessary  ; 
the  ship  was  provided  with  a  passport  in  due  form  proving  her 
to  be  American  property ;  wherefore  according  to  the  Conven- 
tion with  France,  the  bottom  being  free  the  cargo  was  free  also. 
It  might  have  been  enemy's  property  or  even  contraband  of  war, 
still  as  the  Ship  was  American  and  bound  to  an  American,  not  an 
enemy's  port,  the  capture  was  repugnant  to  the  Article  before  us. 
The  members  of  our  present  Administration  constantly  mani- 
fested the  desire  to  establish  a  new  maritime  code.  They  have 
in  this  respect  shown  as  much  fondness  for  French  fashions  as 
their  Wives,  and  snapped  at  every  hook  baited  with  the  phrase,  free 
ships,  free  goods.  But  it  is  prudent  even  for  Powers  of  the  first 
order  (much  more  for  others)  to  avoid  innovating  on  the  estab- 
lished Law  of  Nations.  Public  opinion  is  of  such  importance 
that  Sovereigns  frequently  endeavour  to  conciliate  it  by  labored 
manifestoes.  Few  are  so  hardy  as  to  bid  it  defiance,  and  fewer 
still  can  do  so  with  impunity.  When  a  treaty  between  two  na- 
tions is  founded  on  and  conformable  to  the  acknowledged  public 
Law  (which  like  our  common  Law  has  been  matured  by  the  wis- 
dom and  experience  of  ages),  the  violation  of  it  is  generally 
acknowledged,  and  other  nations  are  interested  in  punishing  the 
perfidy.  But  when  new  fangled  notions  are  foisted  into  national 
compacts  by  the  art  of  a  duping  Power  operating  upon  the  folly 
of  its  dupe,  no  sooner  is  the  bargain  broken  than  surrounding 


588      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

nations  applaud  the  breach,  because  it  restores  old  principles. 
They  justly  deride  the  awkward  lamentations  of  those  who  had 
set  themselves  up  for  teachers  and  models  to  their  superiors. 
We  shall  not  examine  the  solidity  of  the  favorite  position,  that  a 
free  ship  makes  free  goods,  because  some  of  our  friends  have 
wished  to  establish  it,  without  reflecting  that  if  ever  we  should  be 
at  war,  it  would  destroy  our  best  means  of  aggression.  But  we 
must  notice  a  difficulty  which  cursory  observers  may  not  per- 
ceive, tho'  it  ought  to  be  weighed  by  those  who  assume  the 
character  of  Statesmen.  It  is  evident  that  a  new  principle  of 
maritime  Law  cannot  be  established  against  the  will  of  the  first 
maritime  Powers.  It  is  equally  evident  that  they  will  not  assent 
to  a  principle  which  takes  from  them  the  advantage  of  their 
naval  superiority  :  and  it  is  not  less  evident  that  such  superiority 
can  be  of  little  use  if  an  enemy's  commerce  can  be  carried  on  in 
perfect  safety  under  cover  of  a  neutral  flag.  It  is,  moreover,  a 
wilful  blindness  not  to  see  that  the  attempt  to  make  goods  of  an 
enemy  free  from  capture  when  on  board  of  a  neutral  ship,  were 
levelled  at  the  naval  power  of  Great  Britain,  and  by  necessary 
consequence  at  her  existence.  Whether  it  be  our  interest  that 
she  should  perish,  is  a  question  which  shall  not  at  this  time  be 
considered.  But  will  any  man  of  sound  mind  pretend  that  if  the 
naval  empire  of  France  were  established  on  the  ruin  of  Britain, 
this  new  principle  would  be  respected  by  France  ?  Are  we  not 
on  the  contrary  warranted  by  experience  to  say  that  she  would 
break  the  cobweb  ties  of  a  treaty  as  freely  as  any  one  of  her  ad- 
mirers can  break  the  Lilliputian  ties  of  an  oath. 

We  are  neither  the  advocates  nor  accusers,  much  less  the 
panegyrists  or  calumniators  of  any  Prince,  Power  or  Potentate. 
Born  and  educated  in  America  we  are  bound  to  this  our  native 
Country  by  interest,  duty  and  affection.  Our  partialities,  our 
predilections,  our  attachments  are  to  her.  If  we  could  pretend 
equal  love  to  another,  we  should  hold  ourselves  as  unworthy  of 
confidence  as  any  of  those  who  born  abroad  come  canting  to  our 
shores  their  dear,  dear  love  for  America,  and  who  better  to  gull 
and  dupe  this  credulous  people  have  the  infamy  to  pretend  a 
hatred  for  the  land  which  gave  them  birth.  But  that  strict  im- 
partiality, which  we  feel  and  avow,  will  not  permit  us  to  shut  our 
eyes  against  the  light  of  truth. 


APPENDIX.  589 


We  will  not  indeed  look  at  these  reproaches  which  the  nations 
of  Europe  cast  on  each  other,  but  we  must  look  at  the  facts 
which  regard  ourselves  ;  and  if  we  respect  their  evidence,  we 
must  acknowledge  that  England  has  been  more  faithful  to  her 
Treaties  with  us  than  some  other  Powers.  She  has  indeed  been 
less  profuse  of  promise,  but  she  has  been  more  fruitful  in  per- 
formance. Treaties  made  with  her  do  not  hold  out  such  prolific 
hopes  as  those  which  delight  our  visionary  Rulers  but  they  give 
security.  England,  who  is  unquestionably  the  dominant  Power 
at  sea,  does  not  restrict  us  in  the  exercise  of  our  right  as  neutrals 
to  navigate  as  freely,  as  in  time  of  peace,  from  the  ports  of  one 
enemy  to  those  of  another.  She  will  not  hold  to  the  novel  doctrine 
that  a  neutral  flag  shall  protect  the  property  of  an  enemy,  and 
which,  adopted  as  a  principle,  would  in  practice  be  exclusively 
advantageous  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  North  of  Europe  ;  because 
from  the  low  price  of  labor  and  materials,  they  can  carry  mer- 
chandize cheaper  than  we  can,  and  because  (their  navigation 
laws  differing  widely  from  ours)  they  naturalize  a  foreign  Ship 
with  as  much  facility  as  we  do  a  foreign  vagabond.  But  tho' 
England  makes  Prize  of  her  enemies'  goods,  she  does  not  con- 
demn the  neutral  ship,  which  has  taken  them  on  board,  nor  even 
withhold  the  stipulated  freight.  With  other  Powers  we  have 
made  Treaties  according  to  which  not  only  our  neutral  ship  is 
sacred,  but  even  a  portion  of  her  sanctitude  is  extended  to  the 
iniquitous  cargo  sufficient  for  its  salvation,  and  what  is  the  con- 
sequence ?  These  darling  Treaties  of  high  promise  are  violated 
with  as  little  remorse  as  that  of  a  schoolboy  in  drowning  a  blind 
puppy ;  and  with  as  much  contempt  for  our  representations  as 
his  for  the  howling  of  its  dam,  because  like  the  miserable  bitch 
we  bark,  but  dare  not  bite. 

After  all,  if  certain  Powers  would  stop  at  the  mere  breach  of 
Treaty,  those  who  to  get  money,  or  to  save  it,  will  submit  to  dis- 
grace might  patiently  bear  the  loss  of  our  national  honor.  But 
alas  the  arrogance  of  one  party  is  generally  proportioned  to  the 
meanness  of  the  other.  We  have  seen  decrees  to  confiscate 
American  Ships  should  a  single  rope  yarn  of  British  Manufacture 
be  found  on  board  ;  and  although  the  violations  are  not  quite  so 
outrageous,  they  deprive  us  of  advantages  to  which  we  are  en- 
titled by  the  Law  of  Nations,  as  well  as  those  conceded  to  us  by 


590     LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

Treaty,  and  being  submitted  to  invite,  and  will  excuse  if  not 
justify  such  further  violations  as  interest  or  caprice  may  dictate. 
And  here  let  it  be  asked,  of  what  use  to  make  Treaties  with 
Powers  void  of  faith  ?  Is  it  not  better  to  adhere  to  the  estab- 
lished Law,  and  exert  our  force  against  those  by  whom  it  shall 
be  violated  ?  Is  it  not — but  we  forbear  ;  since  to  mention  what 
ought  to  be  done,  and  what  our  honorable  Nation  would  do, 
might  look  like  a  libel  on  our  wise  and  virtuous  and  above  all  our 
magnanimous  administration. 

The  18th  Article  regulates  the  manner  of  visit  and  search. 
This  important  stipulation  is  also  shamefully  disregarded.  Not 
only  the  masters  of  American  ships  are  forced  to  leave  their 
vessels  and  go  on  board  French  cruizers  with  their  papers,  but 
armed  detachments  are  sent  on  board  of  American  vessels  to 
plunder  their  cargoes  and  insult  and  maltreat  their  crews.  When 
Capt.  Pigott  of  the  English  Frigate  Hermione  offered  personal 
violence  to  Jessup,  the  democratic  papers  resounded  with  clamor- 
ous outcry.  The  federal  Administration  made  a  strong  remon- 
strance to  the  British  Govt.;  enquiry  was  ordered  ;  redress  was 
promised  and  would  probably  have  been  given,  had  not  the 
murder  of  Capt.  Pigott  by  his  own  crew  placed  him  beyond  the 
power  of  human  tribunals.  But  now  that  we  are  constantly  ex- 
posed to,  and  daily  experience  French  and  Spanish  atrocities, 
what  have  these  Gentlemen  done  with  their  sympathy  in  the 
sufferings  of  their  countrymen?  Is  it  asleep,  or  peradventure 
gone  on  a  journey,  to  wait  a  nod  of  favour  from  the  imperial 
Court  ?  Their  newspapers,  once  so  loud  in  complaint,  are  silent : 
we  hear  of  no  appeals  to  the  national  sentiment,  no  remonstrance 
by  our  Government  to  those  of  France  and  Spain.  Are  stripes 
then  less  degrading  from  the  hands  of  a  Frenchman  or  Spaniard 
than  from  those  of  a  Briton  ? 

By  the  19th  Article,  every  American  vessel  under  convoy  of  a 
national  ship  is  exempt  from  visit  and  search  by  French  cruizers, 
why  then  is  our  commerce  unprotected  ?  Why  have  we  no  Frigates 
cruizing  along  our  own  coasts  ?  Why  is  the  property  of  our 
merchants  exposed  to  plunder  and  our  national  character  to  dis- 
grace? Is  there  a  nation,  was  there  ever  a  nation  with  such 
ample  means  of  self  defence  reduced  to  a  state  of  such  utter 
contempt  ? 


APPENDIX.  591 


It  would  seem  as  if  a  plan  had  been  laid  to  expose  us  to  every 
possible  insult,  and  to  torture  every  nerve  and  fibre  of  national 
sensibility.  When  a  Frigate  and  store  ship  were  destined  to  the 
Picaroon  war  of  Tripoli  they  were  sent  separate,  and  as  if  fearful 
that  the  plunder  of  merchants  might  wound  only  that  description 
of  citizens,  the  national  property  is  exposed,  so  that  the  whole 
nation  might  suffer,  and  every  citizen  drink  of  the  cup  of  shame. 
If  such  was  the  plan,  it  has  succeeded  beyond  all  reasonable  ex- 
pectation. The  store  ship  was  taken,  and  has  been  retaken  ;  we 
are  to  receive  her  back  therefore  as  a  boon  of  British  bounty,  on 
paying  the  price  of  salvage  acknowledging  the  efficacy  of  that  force 
which  we  dare  not  employ. 

We  proceed  to  the  Louisiana  Treaty,  by  which  French  debts  due 
to  American  citizens  to  the  amount  of  nearly  twenty  millions  of 
Livres  are  assumed  by  the  United  States.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  the  federal  Administration  with  a  view  to  establish  public 
credit,  and  to  adjust  the  State  accounts,  assumed  the  debts  of  the 
several  States.  This  measure  was  nevertheless  loudly  censured 
by  the  exclusive  patriots,  who  are  now  silent,  or  ready  to  approve 
the  assumption  of  French  debts.  It  is  true  that  American  citi- 
zens were  expected  to  be  benefited  by  both  assumptions.  It 
seems,  however,  a  little  difficult  to  explain  upon  any  honourable 
principle  the  approbation  of  a  measure  when  it  assists  the  credit 
and  finances  of  a  foreign  nation,  and  the  condemnation  of  it 
when  beneficial  to  our  own.  It  will  not  be  alleged  that  the  U.  S. 
received  an  equivalent  in  one  case,  and  not  in  the  other ;  in  the 
instance  of  the  State  debts,  the  amount  assumed  was  charged  to 
the  several  States,  and  liquidated  in  settling  their  accounts  ;  so  in 
the  other  example  the  sum  assumed  is  discounted  in  the  purchase 
of  Louisiana.  There  are  indeed  some  men  so  malicious  as  to  say, 
that  the  assumption  of  French  debts  gave  no  relief  to  France, 
because  regardless  of  her  engagements  she  did  not  conceal  the 
determination  to  delay  payment  so  long  as  might  suit  her  con- 
venience ;  and  the  system  of  delay  once  adopted  might  easily 
have  been  easily  extended  so  as  to  be  in  effect  a  denial.  They 
say  too  that  the  real  relief  was  felt  by  our  Administration,  who 
were  thereby  liberated  from  the  irksome  task  of  presenting  fruit- 
less claims  to  citizen  Talleyrand,  who  received  and  put  them  in 
his  pocket  with  every  circumstance  of  neglect  and  indifference. 


592      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

Nay  these  malicious  men  go  further  and  pretend  that  the  20  mil- 
lions of  Livres  were  superadded  to  the  price,  in  the  lumping 
bargain  for  Louisiana,  so  that  in  fact  we  received  no  considera- 
tion for  paying  French  debts  to  our  citizens. 

We  are,  however,  far  from  believing  the  insinuations  of  such 
men  ;  still  less  will  we  listen  to  certain  ugly  criminating  allega- 
tions, which  would  resolve  the  public  conduct  of  great  officers 
into  a  mean  pursuit  of  private  interest.  By  the  Louisiana 
Treaties  two  things  are  incumbent  on  France.  1st,  to  assist  us 
in  settling  the  boundaries,  so  that  we  may  possess  Louisiana  as 
France  would  have  done  ;  2nd,  to  facilitate  the  liquidation  of 
debts  she  owes  to  our  citizens,  so  that  they  may  obtain  payment 
from  their  own  Treasury. 

Mr.  Livingston,  who  (as  we  have  already  observed)  had  settled 
the  terms  of  the  Louisiana  Treaty  before  the  arrival  of  his  colleague, 
Mr.  Monroe,  took  care  to  insert  a  clause,  which  if  duly  observed 
at  Washington,  would  have  rendered  all  negotiation  about  the 
limits  unnecessary.  This  clause  wisely  required  that  France  should 
give  us  actual  possession  of  all  Louisiana  before  she  could  call 
for  payment ;  according  to  the  terms  of  the  Treaty,  and  in  con- 
sistence with  its  true  spirit  and  intent,  we  justly  claimed  the 
country  between  the  Mississippi  and  the  Perdido  as  part  of  Louis- 
iana (a  country  of  greater  value  to  the  U.  S.  than  the  whole  terri- 
tory lying  west  of  the  Mississippi).  This  as  well  as  New  Orleans 
and  the  western  bank  of  the  Mississippi  was  in  possession  of  Spain 
and  occupied  by  Spanish  troops.  New  Orleans  and  the  western 
bank  of  the  River  were,  in  conformity  with  the  Treaty  of  St. 
Ildefonso,  surrendered  to  France  by  the  Spanish  Commissary  and 
then  delivered  over  to  us  by  the  French  Commissary.  But  our 
troops  were  not  even  permitted  to  set  their  feet  upon,  or  pass 
through  any  part  of  the  country  between  the  Mississippi  and  the 
Perdido  on  their  way  to  take  possession  of  Louisiana.  The 
Spanish  garrison  continued  to  possess  it,  displaying  their  flag 
within  view  of  our  troops  as  they  passed  them.  By  thus  leaving 
this  part  of  Louisiana  in  the  hands  of  Spain,  when  we  took  pos- 
session of  New  Orleans  and  the  western  bank  of  the  Mississippi, 
our  Administration  indirectly  acknowledged  the  right  of  Spain  to 
the  country,  and  thereby  cast  such  fresh  doubt  upon  our  own  title 
as  could  not  but  operate  to  our  disadvantage.     Still,  however,  the 


APPENDIX,  593 


staff  was  in  our  own  hands  as  the  money  was  in  our  treasury. 
The  possession  of  New  Orleans  and  of  the  western  bank  of  the 
River  being  delivered  to  us,  our  Adminstration  should  have  de- 
manded the  surrender  of  the  country  between  the  Mississippi  and 
the  Perdido,  as  a  preliminary  condition  to  the  payment  of  the 
purchase  money,  according  to  the  terms  of  the  Treaty,  which 
expressly  declared  that  Possession  of  Louisiana  should  be  de- 
livered before  the  money  was  paid.  This  was  the  plain,  simple 
course  and  had  it  been  pursued  we  should  now  have  been  in  full 
&  quiet  possession  of  all  Louisiana.  Why  this  course  was  not 
adopted,  we  are  at  a  loss  to  conceive.  But  in  fact  it  was  not 
adopted.  We  obtained  possession  of  only  a  part  of  the  Territory 
we  had  purchased  and  though  we  were  not  obliged  to  pay  a 
dollar  before  the  delivery  of  the  whole,  our  administration  paid 
every  cent,  and  thereby  put  it  in  the  power  of  both  France  and 
Spain  to  say,  what  they  do  say,  that  we  have  received  possession 
of  all  that  was  intended  to  be  ceded  ;  nay  that  our  payment  of  the 
purchase  money,  which  was  not  demandable  till  the  ceded  country 
had  been  delivered,  was  a  full  acknowledgment  that  we  had 
already  got  all  that  we  considered  ourselves  entitled  to  claim.  Our 
economical  Administration  having  thus  precipitately  poured  out 
our  treasure  and  abdicated  our  rights,  dispatched  in  their  pro- 
found wisdom  their  fac-totum  Monroe  to  correct  the  procedure. 
This  facetious,  polite  and  sagacious  personage  was  it  seems  to 
persuade  some  of  the  ablest  Ministers  in  Europe  to  forego  the  ad- 
vantages which  we  had  so  weakly  given  them  and  obtain  the  sur- 
render of  a  valuable  Territory,  which  our  Government  had  left 
in  their  possession  by  a  neglect  which,  if  they  were  federalists, 
we  should  call  criminal. 

Proceeding  from  London  to  Madrid  Mr.  Monroe  took  Paris  in 
his  route,  and  though  it  was  notorious  that  his  character  and  con- 
nexions in  that  metropolis  rendered  his  presence  disagreeable  to 
the  Government,  an  article  found  its  way  into  one  of  the  French 
papers,  stating  that  he  had  been  most  graciously  received  by  the 
Emperor.*     Unexperienced  men  formed  expectations  from  this 

*  In  the  Moniteur,  the  official  paper  of  France,  after  mentioning  sundry 

presentations  by  the  foreign   Ministers  and  Ambassadors  at  the   Emperor's 

Levee,  it  is  said,  "  Mr.  Armstrong  the  American  Minister  was  permitted  to 

present  Mr.  Monroe,"  etc.     A  phraseology  so  extraordinary  seems  to  have  been 

VOL.  iv. — 38 


594       LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUE  US  KING. 

article  (which  every  American  in  Paris  knew  to  be  false)  favour- 
able to  the  object  of  Mr.  Monroe's  mission  ;  reflecting  ones  how- 
ever looked  a  little  further,  and  seeking  for  Bonaparte's  views  in 
the  calculation  of  his  interest,  endeavored  to  discover  how  this 
would  be  affected  by  the  good  will  of  Spain,  or  that  of  America — 
if  the  latter  were  too  profitably  employed,  too  prudent,  or  too 
remote  to  be  drawn  within  his  vortex,  this  was  not  the  case  with 
the  former.  The  favour  of  Spain  therefore  became  an  object  of 
his  careful  attention,  and  would  of  course  be  more  assiduously 
cultivated  than  that  of  America. 

Mr.  Monroe,  however,  presented  through  the  American  Min- 
ister at  Paris  a  memorandum  to  the  French  Government,  setting 
forth  the  limits  of  Louisiana  and  claiming  the  good  offices  and 
interference  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon  with  the  Spanish  Court 
in  fixing  the  same.  But  the  memorial  was  treated  with  con- 
temptuous silence,  so  that  after  patiently  waiting  for  and  humbly 
soliciting  an  answer,  the  Knight  of  the  Sorrowful  Countenance 
was  obliged  to  jog  on  to  Madrid  without  one.  There  the  claim 
was  renewed  and  answered  by  a  flat  denial ;  in  which,  as  was 
stated,  France  fully  concurred.  We  presume  that  this  will  be 
decisive  and  that  our  magnanimous  Administration  will  in  all 
humbleness  submit.  At  a  convenient  season  France  and  Spain 
may  send  half  a  dozen  French  regiments  to  Mobile,  and  our  wise 
statesmen,  who  already  have  paved  the  way  for  it  by  removing 
their  custom  house  from  Mobile  to  Fort  Stoddard,  be  at  once  con- 
vinced and  easily  convince  their  followers  that  their  Title  is 
defective,  and  that  prudence,  republicanism,  the  principles  of 
humanity  and  true  economy  require  that  we  should  advance  as 
many  additional  millions  as  may  be  demanded  for  a  second  sale  ! 
Thus  one  of  the  most  antient  and  important  parts  of  Louisiana, 
for  which  we  have  paid  15  millions  of  dollars,  is  lost,  or  rather  has 
been  most  weakly  and  negligently  thrown  away.  But  the  loss  of 
the  country  and  loss  of  money  tho'  great,  are  of  little  conse- 
quence compared  with  the  loss  of  reputation  ;  for  when  before 
has  it  happened  that  a  nation  has  gratuitously  given  a  certainty 
for  an  uncertainty,  accepted  the  imperfect  in  lieu  of  the  perfect 

inserted  with  the  double  view  of  counteracting  the  above  publication  and  of 
apologizing  to  the  courts  of  Europe  for  suffering  such  a  man  to  appear  at  the 
Tuilleries. 


APPENDIX.  595 

performance  of  a  condition  ;  or  referred  to  negotiation  and  the 
consent  of  those,  whose  interest  was  opposed  to  its  own,  a  point, 
the  decision  of  which  was  completely  within  its  own  power. 

In  respect  to  the  assumed  debt,  notwithstanding  the  diligence 
of  the  Board  of  Commissioners  and  the  appointment  of  successive 
Ambassadors,  the  business  is  still  embarrassed  by  a  series  of 
frivolous  pretexts,  and  tho'  some  partial  payments  have  been  made, 
the  far  greater  part  remains  in  suspense. 

The  creditors  become  daily  more  impatient,  one  day  hoping,  the 
next  in  despair,  and  will  probably  be  kept  in  that  condition,  till  they 
shall  consent  to  sell  their  claims  for  a  fourth  of  their  amount.  Then, 
and  not  before,  the  American  Minister  will  be  permitted  to  draw 
the  bills.  It  is  true  that  in  this  way  our  merchants  will  be  robbed 
without  shame  or  remorse,  but  the  sooner  they  submit  the  better, 
fof  they  may  easily  convince  themselves  by  the  neglect  they  ex- 
perience on  other  occasions,  that  nothing  effectual  will  be  done 
for  their  relief. 

We  come  now  to  our  political  relations  with  Spain,  and  if  the 
importance  of  discussions  with  a  foreign  Power  are  to  be  inferred 
from  the  number  and  dignity  of  the  Envoys  employed,  those 
with  Spain  must  be  of  no  ordinary  magnitude  ;  our  Administra- 
tion estimating  more  the  pride  than  the  ability  of  Spain  have  sent 
her  the  Titles  if  not  the  Talents  of  our  Country.  At  first,  the 
chaste  and  generous  Charles  Pinckney,  cidevant  Governor  of 
South  Carolina,  wh#  soon  brought  the  business,  as  he  supposed, 
to  a  most  satisfactory  conclusion.  His  Spanish  convention  has 
been  published,  and  reflects  equal  credit  on  the  negotiator,  on 
those  who  approve  and  on  him  who  ratified  it.  This  notable 
Convention  excluding  many  of  our  claims  from  redress,  refers  the 
greater  part  to  future  negotiations  ;  an  expedient  for  giving  them 
up  forever,  which  to  every  man  of  common  information  the  refine- 
ment of  Courts  makes  use  of  in  such  cases. 

The  remonstrance  of  our  merchants  against  this  Convention 
was  of  no  avail  ;  but  our  wise  Administration  having  ratified  it, 
and  thereby  sanctioned  the  surrenders  it  makes,  thought  proper, 
as  in  the  case  of  Louisiana,  to  negotiate  anew  for  what  they  had 
so  improvidently  abandoned  :  for  this  purpose  another  Ex-Gover- 
nor of  no  little  State,  but  of  great  dominion,  and  who  had  already 
given  an  earnest  of  his   diplomatic  skill  was  dispatched  ;   and 


596      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

♦scarcely  had  this  pair  of  Excellencies  commenced  the  business 
of  their  mission,  when  a  third  Envoy,  not  himself  indeed  a  Gover- 
nor, but  the  son  of  a  Governor,  was  appointed,  whether  to  unite 
with,  or  to  succeed  the  other  two,  or  as  an  umpire,  we  have  not 
been  able  to  learn.  Mr.  Monroe  having  passed  thro'  Paris,  as 
we  have  mentioned,  opened  in  concert  with  Mr.  Pinckney  his 
negotiation  at  Madrid  for  the  purpose  of  revising  the  Convention, 
and  enlarging  its  provisions,  as  well  as  for  settling  the  limits  of 
Louisiana. 

It  is  stated  that  240  American  vessels,  amounting  now  to 
upwards  of  seven  millions  of  dollars,  have  either  been  seized 
under  Spanish  authority,  or  sent  by  French  Cruizers  into  Spanish 
ports  and  then  condemned  by  French  Consuls.  About  one  third 
of  their  plunder  was  made  by  Spain,  the  other  two  thirds  by  France. 
Mr.  Monroe  has  negotiated  with  his  usual  success.  Spain,  it  is 
said,  refuses  now  even  to  adhere  to  the  Convention  made  with 
Mr.  Pinckney  ;  but  at  any  rate,  as  to  the  enlargement  of  it,  so  as  to 
include  the  vessels  captured  by  the  French  and  condemned  and 
sold  in  her  ports,  she  denies  that  she  is  at  all  responsible  and 
fortifies  her  refusal  by  the  extract  of  a  dispatch  from  Talleyrand  to 
Cevallos,  which  declares  that  France  would  see  with  displeasure 
any  interference  on  the  part  of  Spain,  affecting  the  validities  of 
the  capture  or  condemnation  of  prizes,  made  under  authority  of 
France,  and  that  she  would  not  fail  to  signify  to  the  American 
Government  her  dissatisfaction  at  any  claim  it  may  set  up  against 
Spain  for  matters  which  had  already  been  adjusted  between  France 
and  the  United  States.  It  is  presumed  that  the  Imperial  repri- 
mand has  been,  or  soon  will  be,  signified  at  Washington,  and  if  so, 
we  shall  probably  hear  no  more  of  this  negotiation  ;  unless  indeed 
they  can  fall  on  some  contrivance  to  throw  the  blame  of  their 
miserable  blunders  upon  the  Federalists. 

As  to  Louisiana,  we  claim  an  indefinite  western  and  northern  ex- 
tension, and  comprise  within  its  eastern  limits  a  great  part  of  west 
Florida.  Spain,  as  we  have  already  observed,  denies  our  claim  ;  and 
assigns  the  River  that  falls  into  St.  Barnard's  Bay,  about  80  leagues 
west  of  the  marshes  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  as  the  boundary 
in  that  quarter,  and  runs  the  line  up  northwardly  along  the 
western  limits  of  the  old  French  Settlements  :  she  also  assigns  the 
Mississippi,  and  eastern  shore  of  the  Island  of  New  Orleans  as 


APPENDIX.  597 


the  eastern  boundary  of  Louisiana,  insinuating  at  the  same  time 
that  for  a  suitable  compensation  Spain  might  be  prevailed  on  to 
cede  the  whole  of  W.  Florida  to  the  U.  States.  This  decision  of 
Spain,  as  seen  by  every  man  of  common  sense  in  the  country, 
appears  to  have  surprized  and  confounded  our  Envoys,  who  in 
May  last  were  preparing  to  leave  Madrid,  and  according  to  the 
latest  account  Mr.  Monroe  has  actually  left  on  his  return  to 
England. 

The  boundaries  of  Louisiana  remain  undecided  ;  and  Spain,  it 
may  be  presumed,  will  continue  to  seize  our  ships,  and  to  per- 
mit the  French  to  condemn  and  sell  them,  in  her  European  and 
West  India  Ports.  Nay  should  Spain  stop  here,  our  magnani- 
mous Rulers  may  applaud  her  moderation.*  But  whenever  one 
of  the  officers,  a  Governor,  an  Intendant,  or  anything  else,  may 
think  proper  to  interrupt  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  he  will 
do  so  ;  for  his  right  and  his  means  are  as  good  as  before.  Thus 
while  Capt.  Lewis  and  Company  are  so  profitably  employed  in 
catching  Magpies,  and  picking  up  rams'  horns  on  the  banks  of 
the  Mississippi,  our  illustrious  President  finds  all  his  hopes  & 
projects  blasted  by  the  single  stroke  of  a  Spanish  pen.  Farewell 
lead  mines,  farewell  prairies,  and  you  too,  ye  mountains  of  salt,  a 
long  farewell  ! 

* ' '  We  have  already  said  that  we  do  not  pretend  to  penetrate  the  arcana  of  State 
secrets,  and  therefore  we  shall  not  take  upon  us  to  assign  the  reason  why  the 
Spanish  negotiations  have  failed.  It  seems  indeed  unnecessary,  for  since  no 
man  of  common  sense  and  information  had  any  hope  of  success  ;  none  such 
can  be  surprized  at  the  failure.  We  however  deem  it  an  act  of  justice  to  com- 
municate the  reason  which  has  been  assigned  by  the  confidential  friend  of  our 
Administration  in  this  City.  He,  it  seems,  lays  all  the  blame  on  the  Marquis 
Yrujo,  Minr.  of  his  Cathc.  Maj.  to  the  U.  S.,  and  is  very  wroth  at  the 
aforesaid  Marquis  who  it  appears  has  given  to  his  Court  a  circumstantial  detail 
of  the  men  and  things  that  govern  America.  It  has  been  insinuated  that  he 
presumed  to  qualify  our  wise  and  magnanimous  President  as  a  whimsical  cox- 
comb, and  miserable  coward  without  sense  to  understand,  or  spirit  to  defend 
the  interests  entrusted  to  his  care ;  as  one  who  in  the  vain  pursuit  of  a  little 
pleasing  popularity,  sacrifices  the  honour  of  the  nation,  to  a  six  penny  economy. 
It  has  also  been  insinuated  that  the  said  Marquis  has  audaciously  declared  that 
the  ruling  Faction,  conscious  of  not  having  the  talents  or  enough  of  the  con- 
fidence even  of  their  own  supporters  to  manage  a  war,  will  give  up  anything  to 
avoid  it  ;  that  our  nation  generally  is  so  immersed  in  the  pursuit  of  money,  and 
so  devoid  of  public  spirit,  that  a  Senator  of  one  of  the  most  powerful  States  de- 


598      LIFE  AND   CORRESPONDENCE   OF  RUFUS  KING. 

The  next  of  our  foreign  relations  that  present  themselves,  are 
with  Holland,  our  commerce  with  which  country  is  subjected  to 
unequal  and  peculiar  burthens.  By  our  Treaty  no  other  or  higher 
duties  are  payable  upon  articles  imported  into  Holland  from  the 
U.  States,  than  upon  like  articles  imported  from  all  other  coun- 
tries. Instead  of  observing  this  just  and  equal  stipulation,  Coffee, 
Sugar  and  Cotton,  carried  from  the  U.  States  to  any  of  the  Dutch 
European  ports,  pay  between  two  and  three  per  cent  higher  duties 
than  the  same  articles  imported  from  any  other  nation !  !  This 
discrimination  is  attempted  to  be  vindicated  by  an  ancient  law 
that  gave  to  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  a  duty  of  between 
two  and  three  per  cent  on  certain  goods  imported  from  any 
country  lying  west  of  a  meridian  passing  thro'  one  of  the  Western 
Islands.  This  law  was  unquestionably  annulled  so  far  as  re- 
gards the  U.  S.  by  the  subsequent  stipulation  of  our  Treaty  just 
cited,  and  which  stands  in  contradiction  to  it  ;  and  there  is  reason 
to  believe  that  the  discrimination  would  long  since  have  been 
abolished  on  a  proper  representation  to  the  Dutch  Government. 
Our  Administration  is  informed  of  this  abuse  ;  but  we  hear  of  no 
remonstrance  against  it,  and  the  injury  is  permitted  to  subsist. 
Let  any  man  acquainted  with  the  immense  quantities  of  Coffee, 
Sugar  and  Cotton,  annually  imported  from  the  U.  S.  to  Holland 

clared,  in  a  public  debate,  that  the  American  people  will  not  submit  to  the  pay- 
ment of  taxes  for  carrying  on  a  war.  Nay  it  has  been  insinuated  that  this  same 
Marquis  attributes  the  power  and  influence  of  the  ruling  faction  in  America,  to 
a  compliance  with  this  base  disposition,  and  to  the  continued  sacrifice  of  honour- 
able principles,  to  the  love  of  ease  and  love  of  money,  which  are  said  to  form 
prominent  features  of  American  character.  In  short,  the  Marquis  is  reported 
to  have  told  his  Court,  that  whatever  sounding  language  the  Triad  of  American 
missionaries  might  use,  if  Spain  remain  firm  to  her  purpose,  she  might  rely  on 
it,  the  American  Administration  would  recede. 

"  Spain  it  appears  has  followed  his  advice,  and  continued  firm.  The  demo- 
cratic Gentleman,  above  alluded  to,  thinks  this  conduct  of  the  Spanish  Minister 
abominable  ;  and  indeed,  if  he  has  been  guilty  of  falsehood,  we  think  so  too. 
But,  if  he  has  told  the  truth,  he  has  done  what  every  able  Minister  and  every 
honest  man,  in  his  place  would  have  done.  We  think  therefore  the  Adminis- 
tration, before  they  censure  the  Marquis,  should  first  ascertain  what  he  really 
has  written,  and  if  it  be  what  has  been  suggested,  prove  by  a  wise  and  manly 
conduct  that  he  has  told  scandalous  and  malicious  Lies  ;  for  they  cannot  in  this 
case,  as  in  that  of  poor  Croswell,  take  advantage  of  the  maxim  that  a  libel  is 
the  more  a  libel  in  being  true." 


APPENDIX.  599 


take  the  trouble  to  compute  the  amount  of  an  ad  valorem  duty  of 
two  and  a  half  per  cent  on  the  same,  which  we  have  paid  and  still 
pay  to  the  Dutch  Govt.,  which  we  are  not,  and  never  were  liable 
to  pay,  and  the  aggregate  amount  of  which  is  therefore  a  total 
loss  to  the  American  Merchants,  the  sum  will  astonish  the  public, 
tho'  it  may  have  no  influence  on  our  wise  and  economical  Admin- 
istration. 

But  it  is  needless  to  dwell  on  this,  which  has  become  a  trifle, 
now  that  in  imitation,  or  rather  in  obedience  to  France,  our 
Treaty  with  Holland  has  been  wholly  set  aside,  or  at  least  violated 
in  so  barefaced  a  manner,  as  to  justify,  and  perhaps  to  require  the 
rejection  of  it  on  our  part.  On  the  whole  we  believe  it  will  be 
impossible  to  find  in  diplomatic  history,  during  a  similar  period, 
such  a  series  of  blunders,  with  a  complication  of  folly  and  mean- 
ness, as  America  has  presented  within  the  last  four  years.  We 
are  already  far  advanced  towards  a  state  in  which  it  may  be 
difficult  with  the  best  talents  of  our  country  to  extricate  the 
nation  from  surrounding  dangers.  Should  we  point  them  out,  we 
might  be  treated  as  alarmists,  visionaries  and  false  prophets  ;  we 
forbear  therefore  to  attempt  it  but  desire  when  evil  betides 
America,  it  may  be  remembered  that  we  have  shown  some  of  the 
steps,  which  have  led  to  her  ruin. 


HOME  USE 


RETURN     CIRCULATION  DEPARTMENT 

TO— +■     202  Main  Library 


LOAN  PERIOD  1 
HOME  USE 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

ALL  BOOKS  MAY  BE  RECALLED  AFTER  7  DAYS 

Renewals  and  Recharges  may  be  made  4  days  prior  to  the  due  date. 

Books  may  be  Renewed  by  calling     642-3405. 

DUE  AS  STAMPED  BELOW 


MlT[)i)ISCSFPn4'C 


JUN161992 


TO  DISC  CIRC    MR. 


JfAJU 


MAR  1  8  199'i 


: 


NOV  1  /'  iy98 


fe'tt 


*499S- 


» 


M 


FORM  NO.  DD6 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  BERKELEY 
BERKELEY,  CA  94720 


J 


YC  50819 


/ 


v***-* 


